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yS/J^
0
OUTLINES
OP
GERMAN LITERATURE
BY
JOSEPH GOSTWICK
ROBERT HARRISON
'»
29EW YOEK
HOLT A WILLIAMS
P. W. GHBISTERN
BOSTON: B. R. URBINO
1873.
)v^3 ,
i (jLjJLuLtM^
MW 3. !*»♦
THOMAS CAELYLE
^utline^ of iTBetman Sitccatute
^tiptitfiills lucribik
A-
)v^3 ,
MW 3. »*»♦
TO
THOMAS CARLYLE
THIBB
4^ut\int^ of 4Biertiian Itteratute
Ans
BT PBRMUSIOir
SttftdMs Incnbtk
PEEFACE
These Otttlines are designed to supply a want wbicli
the wide-spreading stndy of the German langpiage and its
literature has created. Though this stndy has rapidly ad-
Tanced in England dnring recent years, it has been mostly
confined to the writings of modem authors, and many
readers may still ask for a book giving a general view of
the literature of the Oerman People from the earliest to
the latest times. These Outlines extend from the year 880
A.©, to 1870.
More than thirty years have passed since Mr. Gabltle
wrote : — ^ Germany is no longer to any person that vacant
land of gray vapour and chimeras which it was to moat
Englishmen, not many years ago. One may hope that, as
readers of German have increased a hundred-fold, some
partial intelligence of Germany, some interest in things
German, may have increased in a proporiionably- higher
ratio.' If these words were true in 1838, with how much
greater force may they be applied to the present time !
The German language is now studied in all our best
schools and colleges, as well as at the universities, and is
one pf the subjects given by examiners to candidates for
the Civil Service. 'Where a knowledge of German is
rated so high,' says Prof. Max Mulleb, 'it is but fair that
the examiners should insist upon something more than a
Vi FB£FAOE.
conyersational knowledge of the language. • • • Candi*
dates may fairly be required to know sometliing of the
History of German Literature/
It may be asked, why have we not translated one of the
best ^f many German books on the History of German
Literature ? The reply is, that, in some instances, they
are too extensive ; in others they are rather critical than
narrative or descriptive, and are designed for readers who
already have some considerable knowledge of the subject.
The work now offered to EngUsh readers is moderately com-
pendious, and while many critical remarks may be found in
its pages, its general character is descriptive. As &r as
is possible, writers of various schools and of several periods
are here allowed to speak for themselves. In several of
the quotations given, the form of abridged translation is
used, in order to gain niore breadth of outline. With the
exception of two or three stanzas (&om hymns noticed in
Chapter XI.), no translations, either in prose or verse, have
been borrowed. The translations from minor poets, which
may seem numerous, are intended to give a fair representa-
tion of German poets of the second clasa— writers whose
genius is truly poetic, though not comprehensive, and who
have especially excelled in their lyrical ballads.
It is not long since a notion prevailed, that a review of
poetical literature, with a few brief notices of history and
biog^phy, might be accepted as the history of a national
literature. But theology and philosophy are, though not
immediately yet closely, united with general culture, and
we have, therefore, made no attempt to evade the difficulty
attending the .treatment of these subjects.
Our work would indeed have been lighter if we could
have declined the task of giving an account of recent
Genoan literature — especially ite theology and philosophy.
PJIBFACE. * vii
Li thege seciionfl we hare viewed as afleless tlie observance
of reticenoe respecting the negations of Rationalism. The
fact is, that they are already well known in England, as
they were, indeed, more than a hundred years ago. In
negative criticism, as applied to both theology and philo-
sophy, (German writers have been indnstrioas — as in all
other departments— but they have said nothing as iftgative
as the doctrine to be found in Hume's works, written
before 17dO, What is now called rationalism was common
in Engktnd before that date, though it is sometimes spoken
of as the sole result of German philosophy.*
In Modem German Literature all the parties engaged in
polemic theology, and in the present controversy of free-
dom against external authority, are jGsdrly and very strongly
represented. As &r as our limits would allow, we have
endeavoured to let all — Catholics, Mystics, Lutherans,
Pietists and nationalists — speak for themselves.
The assertion, that everything that has been called
German Philosophy is ' Atheistic,' is nothing less than an
untruth, and we have endeavoured to make this clear.
* * It 18 come, I "know not how, to be taken for granted by many per-
8onB, that Christianity is not so much as a subject of inquiry, but that
it is now at length discovered to be fictitious. And accordingly they
treat it as if, in the present age, this were an agreed point among all
people of discernment; and nothing remained, but to set it up as a
principal subject of mirth and ridicule, as it were, by way of reprisals,
for its haying so long interrupted the pleasures of the world.' This
was written in 1736 by Josxfh Bxttles, author of the well-known book
on ' The Analogy of Beligfon.' The passage is quoted here t^ correct
the false notion that everything known as rationalism has .come from
Germany, and was invented there by 'the j^ilosophers.' On the
contrary, rationalism, under the name of Deidra, was first imported from
England into Germany before the middle of the eighteenth century.
For ample proofs of this assertion, see Lechlbb's ' History of English
Deism.* The only new feature we can find in the materialism now
fashionable in Germany is Hr. Darwin's theory of development.
VUl PKEFAGE.
The motive is, no doabt, yery good, bnt» neyertbeless, the
effect is depressing, when young students are told that
philosophers — ^however sincere and howeyer profound-
must always end in Atheism or Pantheism, if they think
of more than finite and perishable things. The tendency
of this kind of warning may go further than tho monitor's
good intention, and may lead to frivolity, as easily as to an
abject and blind submission to authoriiy. It is bad to
teach young men to look down on the lowliest of their
fellow-creatures, and it must be worse when they are
taught to look with contempt on their superiors. We
prefer to the narrow and controversial mind, now too
prevalent in some departments of science and literature,
the charity of Leibnitz, who could find some truth every-
where.
The literature of the time 1830-70 has not been treated
with the freedom of criticism asserted with regard to pre-
ceding periods. The reasons for reserve are obvious. In
our study of the literature of our own age, we have no aid
from criticism confirmed by the verdict of time. Many of
the writers named in our later chapters are still living,
and their reputations have still to be tested. For the
account here given of recent literature, no respect is
claimed more than what is due to a careful statement of
&cts.
«
IiOKDOir LnniABT, 12 St. Jahbs's Sqvabi:
• March 26, 1878.
CONTENTS.
•*c*-
FIBST PERIOD. 380-1160.
(JHAPTER L
Tiam
Introdnetory — ^High and Low GermaD — Gothic — Old High German
— Middle High German — New High German — Characteristics
of German Literature — The Seven Periods of its History • 1
ITlfllas— Kero— Otfried— Notker . . * , .9
SECOND PERIOD. 1160-1860.
CHAPTER n.
The Times of the Holienstaufens — Chiyalty — The Cmsades —
National Legends, the ' Nibelungenlied ' and 'Gudrun' —
East Gh)thic and Longobard Legends . . • .14
CHAPTER m.
Bomances %f Chivalry and other Narratiye Poems : — ' Parzival,'
' Tristan/ * Der arme Heinrich ' — Carlovingian, Antique, and
Monastic Legends, Popular Stories — ' Reynard the Fox' • 26
CHAPTER IV.
Lyric and Didactic Verse — The Minnesingers — ^Prose • .46
I
TSIBD PERIOD, 1350-1626.
CHAPTER V.
The later Middle Ages — Towns — Guilds — The S^aster Singers
— ^Narrative and Lyrical Verse — ^The Drama — Prose Fiction . 66
CHAPTER VI.
«
6atixM— Comio Storiei— Bxandt—Geildr— Murner • • 79
Z . COJTTENTS.
CHAPTER Vn.
PAGB
Chronicles of Towns— Didactic Froee— The Mystics — Tanler — * Der
Franckforter* • • . • • • .89
FOUBTH METHOD, 1626-1625. *
CHAPTER VIII.
Characteristics of the Time — Ulrich ron Htitten — ^Luther h 99*
CHAPTER IX.
Theologians : — Berthold — ZwingU — Mathesius — Amdt— Agrieola
— Franck — Bohme — Historians : — Tnrmair — Anshelm —
Tschudi — Kessler — Bullinger — Lehmann — Theobald — Art
and Science : — Diirer — Paracelsus • • • . 107
CHAPTER X.
Lutheran Hymns— Hans Sachs — Valentin Andrea — Ringwaldt—
Waldis — Alberus — RoUenhagen — Spangeubei^g — Fischart—
The Drama — Manuel — Rebhuhn — 'The English Comedians * —
Heinrich Julius — Faust — ^Weidmann — ^Wickram • .120
• FIFTH PEBIOD. 1626-1726.
CHAPTER XL
The Times — Opitz and his School— Lufheran and Pietistic Hymns
— Secular Lyrical Poetry — Didactic and Satirical Verse — The
Drama — Popular Songs and Ballads . • • .136
CHAPTER XII.
Prose Fiction— History — The Thirty Years' "War— Travels— .
Letters — Didactic Prose — Pietism — Leibnitz — "Wolf . 162
SI3CTH PERIOD. 1726-70.
CHAPTER Xin.
Characteristics of the Time — Literary Unions — ^The Swiss-Leipzig
Controversy — Gottsched — ^Bodmer — Breitinger — The Fable-
Writers — Haller — Hagedorn — The Saxon School — Gleim and
his Friends— ^Hymn-Writers-^Prose-Fiction . ,167
CHAPTER XIV. I
Frederick 11. of Prussia — Historians — Popular Philosophers—
Bationaljirfa— Vjritegf oa iSstlietiet— Winekrimann . .181
i
CONTENTS. xi
CHAPTEE XV.
Klopstock — Ijeaang — ^Wieknd • • • • • 196
SEVENTH PERIOD. 1770-1880.
CHAPTER XVI.
The Time of Ghxthe's Youth — Beligion— -Politics and litentare
— * Sturm undDzang' — ^Hamaon — JacoW — ^Heider . .221
CHAPTEE XVII.
«
* Ootz Ton BerUcbiDgen * — * Werther's Leiden * — The Men of * Stonn
ondDrang*— The Hainbund-^ProaeWritezv— Kant . . 237
•chapter xvni.
* Xlgmont ' — * Iphigenia ' — ' Taseo ' — * Heimann and Dorothea' • 262
CHAPTER XIX.
Ooethe's Lyrical and Occasional Poems — Songs — ^Ballads — Refer-
ences to Autobiography — Odes — Elegies — Epigrams and
other Didactic Poems ..«••• 270
CHAPTER XX.
'Fanst* • • . . . « • .283
CHAPTER XXL
Schiller • ••.••• 800
CHAPTER XXIL
Schiller's Writings :— • The Robbers * — ' Kesco * — « Intrigue and
Love' — *Don Carlos' — ^Historical Studies — .Slsthetics — Bal-
lads— ^Lyrical Poems — ^Poems on the History of Cultore —
Later Dramas :— ' Wallenstein '— ' Maria Stuart '— * T£e Maid
of Orleans *— ' The Bride of Messina '— * Wilhelm Tell ' . 816
• CHAPTER XXIIL
Schiller^s Cotemporaries : — Jean Paul — Minor Poets— Prose Fiction
—Low Literature — the Drama . • , , 838
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Romantic School •••••• 864
CHAPTER XXV.
The Romantic School (continued) . • • • • 888
^ CHAPTER XXVL
The Wa^of liberation (181 2-1 6>— Patriotic Statesmen— >Philo-
sophen —Publicists — Poets — The Suabian Sobool of Poetij • 421
xii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXVn.
PAQl
Goethe's latest "Works — Biickert — Platen — Heine • « •. 440
CHAPTER XXVni.
(1800-30.)
July 1830— Progress— Retrospect of 1800-80— Fichte—Schelling
— ^Hegel — The Hegelian Method — Logic — Natare — Mind —
Philosophy of History — Freedom — Religion — Morals and
Politics — .Esthetics ...... 459
CHAPTER XXIX.
Philosophical Controversies — Herbart — Schopenhaner — Baader —
The Hegelian School — Materialism . • • • • 485
•
CHAPTER XXX
(1830-70.)
Young Germany — Political Poetry — Austrian Poetry • , 508
CHAPTER XX;XI.
Poems: — Epic — Drama|ic — Lyrical — Hymns — The Poetry of
Domestic Life . • • . • • • 617
* CHAPTER XXXn.
Recent Prose-Fiction: — Village Stories — Realistic- Romance —
Tales of Travel and Adventure — ^Inane Fiction — Romances
with Social Tendencies — ^Historical Romances — Novels and
Short Stories— Domestic Stories . . , . 529
CHAPTER XXXIIL
(1770-1870.)
Special Literatures : — ^The Physical Sciences — Geography — ^Voyages .
and Travels — Biography — History — National Economy and
Social ScienceT— Education— Philology, Literary History and
iBsthelics ....••. 544
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Ecclesiastical History — ^Theology ^nd Religion • • . 563
CHAPTER XXXV.
The Three chief Divisions of German Literature — The Seven
Periods and the Present Time — Modem Realism — Materialism
— Controversy — Poetiy and Reality — Conciliation — Schiller
and Prince Albert — The Literary Union of Germany, Eng-
land, and America . . .' ... . . 676
OUTLINES
OF
GEEMAN LITEEATUEE.
-•o^
CHAPTER I.
IHTBODTJCrORT — HIGH AND XOW GBBMA17 — GOTHIC — OLT> HIGH OEB-
MAJf — VTDDLB HIGH OISIIMA.N — NEW HIGH OEBMAJT — CHABACTES-
ISTICS OF GERMAN LTTBRATUBB — THE SEVEN PEB10D8 OP ITS
HISTOBT — THE FIBST FEBIOD : XTIflLAS — KERO — OTFBIED — NOTKEE.
The people wlio now occupy the greater part of Central Europe
and, in race and language, form one nation, have since the twelfth
century called themselves ' die Deutschen.' The name * German ' —
itself not German, but, like * Teuton,' borrowed from Latin — is
sometimes employed to include not only * die Deutschen ' ol Central
Europe, but also, and with regard to their common origin, the
people of Holland, tlie English, and the Scandinavians. As com-
monly used in England, however, the word 'German' includes
only the people whose literature belongs to the High German
language.
Down to the time of the Reformation Low German was the
written language of the districts bounded on the north by the
Baltic and the North Sea, and on the south by a line drawn from
Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) through Bonn, Cassel and Dessau to
Thorn on the Vistula, One of the more obvious distinctions of
High and Low German is found in the consonants, which, in the
latter, mostly resemble the Englfsh. Thus we have in Low
German, t, k, and p nsed respectively instead of the High German
9f di, and /. Law German, with which English, the language
B
2 OUTLINES or GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
spoken in Holland, and the Scandinavian languages are all closely
connected, declined rapidly in its literature soon after the Kefor-
mation.
High Germait, in the course of time, from the sixth century to
the present, has passed through changes so extensive as to divide
it into three forms — Old, Middle, and New High German — ^which
may he practically stjled three distinct languages. The first pre-
Tail^d in literature from the sixth century to the eleventh ; the
second from the Crusades to the Reformation ; and the third was
established by Luther's translation of the Bible (1622-1634).
The first of these languages is now as difficult for a modern
German as King Alfred's English is for an Englishman of the
present time, and, as Prof. Max Miiller observes, the Middle High
German of Walther, a lyrical poet of the thirteenth century,
'is more remote from the language of Goethe than Chaucer iB
from Tennyson.'
"With respect to the times during which they were used in
literature, the Old High German might be called Mediaeval, and
the Middle High German might be distinguished ais Later
Mediaeval.
In the transitions made from Gothic to Old High German, and
from this language to Middle High German, the geneml tendency
was to reduce both the number and the strength of inflections ;
in other words, to make the language less natural and sensuous.
The Gothic, like Greek, had a dual number, and some distinct
forms of the passive verb ; though, like all German languages, it
had only two tenses. In Gothic nouns the Jiominative, the ac-
cusative, and the vocative are distinguished. In Old High German
the vocative case, the dual number, and the passive form of the
verb disappear, and the accusative is made like the nominative ;
but the number of the vowels is increased, many abstract nouns
are introduced by translators from Latin, and changes of consonants
take place ; such as from t, k, and p to their respective substitutes
Sf chf and f. This change is, as we have noticed, characteristic of
all the three High German languages, as distinct from Gothic,
Plattdeutach, English, and the languages of Holland and Scandi-
navia. A great improvement in verse was made duiing the
Monastic, or Old High German period, by the substitution of
rhjme for alliteration. In Middle High German the diminution
of Gothic inflections was carried farther^ and thus the language
I
/
L] MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN.
was rendered less cumbersome in grammar, and more fitted for
f essj use in conyeisation. Several very remarkable improvements
were now made in versification. Its melody depended, not on a
I dull counting of syllables, but on both accent and quantity, and
strict attention was paid to the purity of the rhymes. These
^■^ characteristics belong chiefly to the poetical literature of the
thirteenth century ; but that literature was reduced to a pitiable
caricature of itself in the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries. In those dark, yet not uninteresting times, literature
became popular and prosaic, and verse was manufactured. -Many
illiterate men, who could not always count syllables correctly, and
cared nothing for purity of rhyme, set up joint-Stock companies fpr
making ' poetry,' and produced bales of that sort * which neither gods
nor men can tolerate.' We may add, that the Middle High Q erman
differs from the Modem more in its* forms than in its sounds ; so
that the reader who is puzzled by the appearance of a few lines
from a song written in the thirteenth century, wiU sometimes
understand tbem as soon as they are read aloud.
The chief characteristic which has been preserved, through all
its changes, by the German language, is its independence. The
root-words are few, in comparison with their wealth of deriva-
tives and compounds. A German-English dictionary, to be useful,
must be rather extensive; but all the roots commonly used in
Modem High German might be very readably printed in a small
pocket volume. Instead of borrowing words from Greek, Latin,
and French, in order to express hew combinations of thought,
German developes its own resources by manifold compositions of
its own roots and particles. It is, consequently, a self-explanatory
language, ani the German student who knows little or nothing of
Latin and Greek can trace the etymology of the longest compound
words which he employs. In English, in order to express one
thought in its various modifications, we use German, Greek, and
y^,. Latin. In German, where the' thoughts are closely related, the
corresponding words have & family likeness. Consequently, while
the German language is far superior to our own in originality, it
does not admit such strong distinctions of diction as may be made
between ^English-Latin writers, like Gibbon and Johnson, and
authors like Swift and Bnnyan, who wrote a purer English.
I The several States of Germany stand by no means on a level,
^ with regard to their contributions to literature. The Northern States
i b2
4 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
Laye been far more productive than those of the south, and, as a
fact, it may be stated without any partiality^ that, in almost all
departments of learning, the Protestant States have excelled their
Catholic neighbours. Of the Modem German Literature now
spreading its influence throughout the civilised world, a remark-
ably large portion belongs to Prussia and Saxony. Of one hundred
and seventy authors who wrote during the period 1740-1840, sixty
belonged to Prussia, about thirty to Saxony and Wurtemberg, ton
or a dozen to Bavaria and Baden, and very few to Austria. Of
the nineteen universities of Germany, thirteen belong to Prussia
and the North German Confederation. These numerous free
institutions — open alike to the rich and the poor — are almost the
only good results of the division of Germany into so many States.
They were established by the nation itself, have been closely
united with its literary and political history, and now form bulwarks
for the defence of the empire. Pedants have too often reigned in
these great schools for the people ; but let it always be remem-
bered that Luther and Melancthon were German professors. In
1867-68, about fifteen thousand students were attending lectures
at the German universities, and the number of professors — or-
dinaiy and others — was about one thousand. It will not seem
remarkable, therefore, that of the one hundred and seventy authors
living between the years 1740 and 1840, about fifty were professors.
To pursue the analysis a little further, it will be seen that twenty-
two of these writers — including Goethe, Miiller the historian,
Karl vom Stein, the brothers Humboldt, and Niebuhr — ^wero
statesmen, while three were sovereigns. The greatest number of
authors, including the best, arose, however, not indeed from the
lowest, but from the middle classes, and were men who had been
trained in the universities. .
It is hardly necessary to argue now, that a devotion to learning
is not inevitably followed by a neglect of the duties of social and
political life. Though Germany has had her own peculiar school
of pedants — men who, as Prof. Max Miiller has said, ' have been
admirers of that Dulcinea, knowledge for its own sake ' — the
Germans have not become a nation of bookworms. Von Roon, the
organiser of Prussian victories, began his career by publishing a
handbook of geography for schools. Von Moltke was employed as
a teacher before he planned the campaign of 1866. Schoolmasters
prepared the way for the success of 1870. There may still be
I*
I.] CHARACTEEISTICS OF GEKMAN LITERATUBE. 5
found| especially amoDg the Saxons of the north and the notth-
east, men of powerful build, light hair, and blue-gray eyes, re-
calling the Teutons who refused to yield to Rome. From those
people of Holstein, Mecklenburg, *Pomerania, Brandenburg, and
East Prussia, have descended such men aa Kflpt, Ilerschel, and
Gauss in literature and science, and, in politics and warfare,
Bliicher, Moltke, and Bismarck. The central Franks — ^mostly
Catholics in the hilly districts around Wiirtzburg and Bamberg,
but Protestants in the plains — ^have been, from the old times of the
Ilohenstaufen kings down to our owii, well represented in poetry
and the fine arts. The names of Wolfram, Frauenlob, Goethe, and
Riickert in literature, of AJbrecht DUrer and Lucas Cranach in
art, belong to the Franks. Thuringia, the home of poetry and
mubic in the times of the Crusades, has hardly produced, since
then, a poet of the first class ; but the great musicians. Bach and
Handel, were natives uf this district Snxony and Silesia are
illustrated by the names of Leibnitz and Fichte in philosophy;
Flemming, Gerhardt, and Lessing in literature ; Schumann, Schnorr,
and Lessing in art.
The Suabians 'and the German peoples east and west of
Switzerland may boast of such names as those of the Hohenstaufen
kings ; of Kepler, Hegel, and*Schelling, in science and philosophy ;
of Melancthon and Zwingli in theology ; of Gottfried, Hartmann,
Haller, Schiller, and Uhland in poetry j and of Erwin yon Steinbach
and Holbein in art. The Bavarians and their neighbours — the
Austrians and the Tyrolese — ^who have mostly remained Catholics,
have not in literature and philosophy kept pace with the people
of the Central and Northern States. As some compensation, the
Southern Germans have had in music men like Gluck,- Mozart,
Haydn, and Schubert; in poetry, Zedlitz, Auersperg, Grillparzer,
Stifter, and Blumauer; and in art, Schwanthaler, Stiglmaier,
Schwind, and Steinle.
^ It would be idle to attempt to characterise, in a few words, the
men of oyen one of the States in a nation with a population of
forty-seven millions; but a few traits commonly regarded as
charactei*istic of the German people may be mentioned here. It
is generally admitted that the Germans are less sensuous and
passionate, and also less vivacious, than the peoples of Latin
origin, to whom tiiey are also infeiior in ease of address and
^-^ fluency of expression. On the other hand, many Germans of the
6 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
higher educated classes have been remarkable for their deep
thoughtfulness, their perseverance in study, and their power of
retiring from the world of the senses and i-esting in the world of
their own thoughts. So Kant, who might have truly said, ' My
mind for me a kingdom is,' lived to a good, old age at Konigsberg,
from which he never travelled many miles. And both Fichte and
Hegel, though they wrote much on man's duties in society, taught
that his highest life and enjoyment — as Aristotle had already
said — must consist in self-knowledge and meditation. Such men
as Kant, Fichte, and Hegel do not represent a nation ; but there
must exist a strong thoughtful tendency in the people who have
produced so many retired students great in philology, theology,
and philosophy.
Among more ordinary traits of the Germans may be noticed
their free subordination, circumspection, ^caution, perseverance,
and patience. The last two gifts they exhibit in their acquisition
of foreign languages. The German in England listens and studies
long, patiently submits to all the anomalies of our orthography,
and then surprises us by delivering a lecture or writing a book in
good English. The same qualities make him ready to obey,
capable of ruling, and fully sensible of the truth that the iirst of
these duties must precede the second. Industry, patience, and a
love of order make the Germans, as colonists, inferior to none —
not even to the English and the Scotch.
To notice briefly the most prominent external defects of German
literature, it must be at once admitted that a neglect of clearness
and beauty of style has too long been tolerated. Some apology
may be made for the abstruseness of philosophical books. Deep
thinking can hardly be made popular. A dry and uninviting
style is not a proof of depth of thought; but there is truth in
Hegel's remark, that 'some writers and preachers, very popular
on account of their clearness, only tell the people what they
already know.' The * obscurity* found in Kant, Fichte, and
Hegel may be partly ascribed to the problems they endeavour to
solve ;. but too many authors liave written in an involved style on
topics less difficult. The fault must be ascribed to themselves, and
not to their language; for while it allows, it by no means
requires a complicated structure of periods. If an author is
determined to write as few principal sentences, and to append to
them as many phrases as posdble before he makes a full stop, he
L] THE SEVEN PERIODS OP ITS HISTORY. 7
•
can do it in German without writing nonsense. His inflections of
nouns and adnouns afford an advantage of which he too often
makes an abuse.
Another fault of some German authors is the result of their
virtues — ^industry and perseverance — exaggerated and made tire-
some. The learned professor, in treating a topic, will refer to
everything connected with it from the creation of the world down
to the present time, leaving nothing unsaid that can be said
about it. . The Frenchman, too often, rejects all that cannot be
rapidly understood and readily expressed, but gives the remainder
in a fluent or brilliant style. The Englishman asks for facts' of
which he can immediately make some use, and cares little for the
style in which they are conveyed. ' Good care has been taken
that the trees shall not grow up into the sky/ says an invidious
old proverb^ and the divided characteristics of Germans, French-
men, and Englishmen seem to support the saying. A union ot
German depth and French clearness with the Englishman's
practical purport would have a high value in life as well as in
literature.
The history of German literature has been divided into seven
periods, to which we venture to add an eighth, to include the
literature of our own time.
I. The First Period extends from the time 3C0-380, when a
great part of the Bible was translated into Gothic, down to
the eleventh century. After the migrations of the German
peoples, their language was reduced by monks to the written form
known as
Old High German. In this language we have little more than
a few heathen ballads and some translations of creeds, prayers,
Latin hymns, and passages from the Bible. The literary character
of the time, extending from the sixth to the eleventh century,
was monastic.
II. In the Second Period (1150-1350) a transition of language
was made from Old to Middle Hiqe German, and at the same
time literature found new patrons among the nobility and at the
courts of princes ; especially in Austria and Thuringia.
III. In the Third Period (1350-1525) literature— cast aside as
a worn-out fashion at courts and in the halls of the nobles —
found patrons among the townspeople.' Verse lost its union
with poetry, and assumed a didactic and satirical character, but
8 OUTLINES OV GERMAN LITERATUHE. [Ch.
improvements wero made in prose^ especially in the writings of
pious men known as Mystics.
IV. In 1522-1534 Ltjtheb translated the Bible into German,
and the general reception of that version established the language
called New High German. This is the most important fact in
the literary Jiistory of the Fourth Period, included in the time
1525-1625.
V. The Fifth Period (1G25-1725) includes the deplorable time
of the Thirty Years* War. It might, perhaps, have been credit-
able to the German people if no light or imaginative literature
had then existed. It was not a time for writing poetry, and,
with the exception of some hymns, little true poetry was written,
but great improvements were made in versification, especially by
Opitz and his followers.
VI. The Sixth Period (1725-1770) includes a time chiefly
noticeable for its literary controversies, and for the appearance
of Lessfng — the herald of a free, national literature. '
VII. It is enough to say here of the Seventh Period (1770-1830)
that it was the time of a general' revival and expansion in litera-
ture, art, and philosophy j the time in which Goethe displayed
the wealth of his genius, and when Schiller, by his noble, ideal
characteristics, as well as by his poetry, gained such a permanent
grasp on the sympathies of his nation as the highest genius alone
coidd hardly deserve.
VIII. The proliBc German literature that has appeared since
1830 does not belong to history. Many of its wiiters are still
living, and their reputations have still to be tested by time. For
any account we may be able to give of recent German literature,,
we claim no respect, more than what is due to a careful statement
of facts.
We profess to give merely the Outlines of German Literature.
Omissions of many names must not be misunderstood as implying
any want of respect for the unmentioned writers. Every plan of
treating briefly the history of an extensive literature must have
some, defects when it is reduced to practice. If, in accordance
with the views of some literary historians, we confined our
attention to works of imagination, to poetry, epic, lyrical, and
dramatic, and to prose-fiction— as comprising the literature most
clearly expressing the general characteristics of a people, we
fihoidd leave unnoticed history, criticism, philology, add literary
I.] ULFTLAS. 9
history, as well as theology and philosophy— departments of study
in which German thought and learning have won the highest
honours. On the other side, it may he truly said, that the
distinct literatures of theology and philosophy must he studied,
each in its true order and union, and cannot he fairly represented
in fragments, scattered here and there among notices of popuLar
literature. The essence of philosophy consists in unitive thought.
It must he systematic, or it is nothing. The enquiries of such
men as Hume, Kant, Jacohi, Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, and Her-
bart are all connected as links in a chain. It might seem easy to
give, in isolation, a sketch of the practical philosophy of such a
writer as Schopenhauer ; hut even that would be better understood
by a reference to other writers — to Kant and Ilartmann, for
example. These views might lead us to reject philosophy as a
part of German national literature. But both theology and
philosophy are, though indirectly, . very closely united with
national culture. The thoughts developed by the best writers in
these departments may seem, for a time,, to be confined to univer-
sities and to the studies of learned men ; but they gradually find
their way from one circle of society to another, until they exert
an important influence on the education of the people. These
considerations have led us to select the plan of giving, first, and
in their historical connection, some notices of the general litera-
ture of the German language^ to which may be appended some
outlines of the special literatmes of philology^ theology, and
philosophy.
The fragments that remain of the literature of 'the Gothic and
Old High German Innguages all serve to tell one story, of a
gradual spread of Christianity and of the establishment of the
authority of the Church in Central . Europe, from the fourth
century after Christ to the eleventh.
The Goths were the first Teutonic people who received Christian
teaching. Their bishop, Ulfilas (318-38S) translated almost the
whole of the Bible into their language. A considerable part of
his version of the Now Testament and some fragments of the Old
have been preserved, and on these venerable remains German
philologists have based their knowledge of the Gothic language.
For our knowledge of Old High German and its scanty literature,
10 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEBATURB. [Ch.
we are mostly indebted to some studious brethren of the con-
vents of St. Gallen and Fulda. We cannot wonder that these
monks, who employed this language from the sixth to the eleventh
century, endeavoured to destroy the remembrance of old heathen
ballads that were inspii^d by a love of warfare and a spirit of
revenge. Several fragments of those ballads which have been
preserved to our times, prove that from such materials the closing
scenes of the Nihehmgenlied derived their savage character. In one
old ballad the slain are every night recalled to life^ that battle
may be renewed on the following day. In another, warriors, after
a hard fight, sit down and make grim jests on such injuries as the
loss of a hand, a foot, and an eye. A third ballad describes a con-
test between a father and his son« Legends like these were, how-
ever, sometimes preserved by the monks, who found them useful
as aids to the study of the people's language. . Thus it happens that
the last of the ballads referred to above was preserved in a religious
book of the ninth century, having doubtless been written down by
a monk. Karl, the great German king (Chariemagne) was
zealous for the culture of a national literature, and, in obedience to
his will, a collection of old ballads was made. Though his son
Ludwig consigned them to neglect, they were not entirely for-
gotten, but lived among the people, and rea{:;peared, with a change
of dress, in the twelfth century.
The Old High German language lived from the sixth to the
close of the eleventh century. Fragments of translations from the
New Testament^ and of creeds, hymns, and monastic rules, written
in German, prove that the monks had already partly done what Karl
demanded. The two monasteries of St. Gallen and Fulda were
the chief schools for the culture of a national religious literature.
In the first, founded by St. Gall in 705, a monk named Kero, about
760, made an interlinear version of the Benedictine Bules, and
translated, it is said, the Te Deum, with other hymns ascribed to
St. Ambrose. A translation of the Apostles' Creed, made at St
Gallen in the eighth century, shows that that symbol could then
be expressed as concisely in German as in Latin. The Heliand^ a
Life of Christ, freely translated from the Gospels into alliterative
verse, is believed to have been writteti in obedience to the com-
mands of King Ludwig der Fromme (Louis le D^bonnaire). It
is in the Old Saxon language, and, while it gives hardly more than
the letter of the Gospel, preserves some traits of heathen times.
IJ OTFRIED— NOTKER. 11
Among the passages treated by the writer^ we may notice his
version of the. prophecy of the end of the world, and the transla^
tion of the narrative of the Nativity^ which begins thus : — ' They
were watchmen who first were aware of it ; herdsmen^ out in the
field [and] guarding horses and cattle, saw the darkness in the
air melt away, and God's light came gladly through the clouds
and surrounded the watchers in the field. Then the men feared
in their soul. They saw God's mighty angel come, and, having
turned towards them, he commanded the herdsmen in the field :
''Fear not for yourselves any evil from the light. 1 shall tell you, in
truth, news very desirable and of mighty power; Christ — the
Lord, the Good — is bom this night in David's town, whereof the
race of men may rejoice." ' The chief traits of the HeUand are its
alliterative verse and its German epic tone — both derived from old
heathen ballads. These national characteristics are not found in
the Kristj a rhymed harmony of the Gospels, which was written
by a monk named Otfried (776-856), who, for some time, studied
at Fulda. His work — the oldest knovm in German rhymed verse
— is, as a narrative, inferior to the HeUand, The story is less
popularly told, and is interrupted by reflections. The unknown
author of the HeUand describes the end of the world as ho would
the close of a battle, and does not stay to moralize ; but Otfried,
after telling how the Wise Men from the East returned into their
own land, appends a homily, reminding Christians that this world
is not their home, and exhorts them to prepai*e for another.
Another production in rhymed verse, the Ludioigslied — a lay on
the victory of Ludwig III. (881) — has been ascribed to a monk who
died in 930 ; though it has the traits of a popular ballad. We
are alsq indebted, to monastic students for several Latin transla-
tions o£ German ballads and of the stories of the Fox and the
Wolf — Eeynardus and Isengrimus, The latter enable us to trace
the well-known medisBval tale of ' Heynard ' as far back as to the
tenth century ; but its origin was in fact far earlier. We have
already referred to one of the ballads translated into Latin as
strikingly indicative of a delight in warfare. It may be noticed,
in passing, that for eur knowledge of the history of these times
we are mostly indebted to Latin writers.
NoTKER, sumamed Teutonicus, a monk of St. Gallen, who died
in 1022, was the chief representative of German literature in his
day. He wrote translations of the Psalms and of some treatises by
12 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEBATURE. [Ch.
Aristotle and BoetHus. His immediate successore were inferior
writers : — WiLLiRAM, a monk at Fulda, who wrote a paraphrase of
the *l3ong of Solomon/ and died in 1085, and the unknown
author of a book on cosmography entitled Merigarto (the garden
surrounded by the sea), which is written in rhymed prose.
The eleventh century was a time of darkne&s, of which hardly
any literary vestiges exist in German. During that time, and
in the opening of the twelfth century, a transition was made from
Old to Middle High German. In this language, Fkau Ata^ who
died in 1127 — ^the first German authoress of whom we have any
knowledge — wrote a ' Life of Jesu.'
Other important changes were coincident with this transition in
language. The Crusades awakened the knighthood to a new life,
governed by new ideas^ and both the clergy and the nobility now
became more distinct as castes. The clergy, by their neglect of
German literature, loosened the bond that might have united
them more closely with the people. ClTurchnien became more
wealthy and more independent of secular support ; but, at the
same time, weaker morally and intellectually, than the monks who
had first preached to the heathen and opened schools at Fulda
and St Gallon. If their example had been generally followed,
the progress of German civilisation and literature would, in all
probability, have been more steady and satisfactory than that
which we have to describe. But even in this earliest period we
find the beginning of that separation of learned men from the
general sympathies of the people, which was more remarkable in
a later time. literature was regarded rather as. a world in itself
than in its relation to the real T^orld. Scholars, proud of their
enlightenment, concentrated it in monastic cells. Learned men
studied and wrote for their compeers, rather than for the* people.
While the uneducated hardly understood the simplest rudiments
of moral truth, the scholastic divines. of the middle ages multiplied
subtleties, and exercised their intellects in the finest distinctions of
doctrine. A barrier of language was raised between these two
classes. Latin was the language of all respectable literature for
some centuries. The romances and other poems produced during
the age of chivalry form exceptions to the rule ; but it was main-
tained, on the whole, so strictly, that even at the close of the
seventeenth century the prejudices of the middle ages remained.
I.] THE CRUSADES. 13
and the German langaage was then only beginning to assert its
capabilities as a vehicle of literature.
The Crusades were for the Church both a triumph and a failure.
Tliey served to increase its wealth; but at the same time^ to
diminish its intellectual power. The knight became more promi-
nent than the churchman. Literature, once confined to the monk's
' cell, was now transferred to courts and castles, and this change of
residence was attended with new internal characteristics. The
Churchy firmly established, was less careful of the culture of the
people, and monks no longer interfered in the making of ballads.
*
The poetical literature that was one of the results of these changes
in the Church and in society divides itself into two classes — a
people's literature of old legends^ carried about by wandering
ballad-singers, and a new literature consisting of songs and
romances, and mostly patronised by the nobility. The people,
unwilling to forget their old legends, found writers who revived
them in a form suitable to compete with the foreign romances of
the times ; but these revivals of heathen poetiy were not generally
acceptable to the higher classes. Their military spirit was now
tempered with some elements derived from the Christian religion.
The crusader^ though a warrior^ could hardly sympathise with
such heroes as Hagen and Yolker in the NihelungetiUed.
14 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBB. [Ch.
CHAPTER n,
SECOND PEBIOD, 1160-1360.
THB TIMES OP THE H0EEKSTAT7FENS — CHTVAIiBT — THE CRUSABES'—
KATIOKAL LEGENDS : THE ' NIBBLUNGENLIBD ' ANI) ' OUDRXJV * — ^EAST
GOTHIC Aia> LONOOBAED I£0BND8.
The period included in the years 1150-1350 is characterised in
German history, as in literature, as a time of transitory splendouTi
followed by an almost total eclipse. The fall of Eonradin on the
scaffold at Naples (in 1268) marks the time when a poetical
literature having some refinement, but mostly confined to a class,
bej?an to decay. It was followed by its extreme opposite, the low
and prosaic, but popular literature of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries.
It is hard to divest the times of which we now write of their
dreamlike characteristics. Distance in thought has a greater
power than distance of time. We find ourselves at home in the
sixteenth century ; for there we meet the democratic movement,
and the political and religious strife with' which we are well
acquainted in our own times. Going back, in imagination, another
century, gr rather morQ, we are still in an intelligible world, for
the movement that promised something greater than the Lutheran
Keformation was beginning. But when we come to the
Ilohenstaufen times, what dreamlike figures meet us there I —
knights in armour, longing to expiate their sins by a pilgrimage
to the Holy Land, and ready to encounter hosts of Saracens ; yet
amusing their leisure by composing and singing such over-refined
and artificial verses as the Minnelieder; or in studying foreign
romances, telling the adventures of Parzival, King Arthur, Tristan,
and other visionary heroes. Eealities were almost as dreamlike
as these fictions. The Crusades were the^acted romances of their
time. The attempt to change the most internal and spiiitiul of
Ch. II.] THE TIMES OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS. 15
all leligions into an affair of locomotion, with pilgrimages, bathings
in the JordaD, and attacks on Saracens, was wilder than any
legend of the Court of Arthur, and had less of a true religious
purport than may he found in passages of the * Parzival ' romance
as told by Wolfram. The Crusades indeed served a greater
purpose than the development of commerce and civilisation.
They inflicted a deep discouragement on extemalism, and referred
men back from Palestine and so-called ' holy places ' to the heart
as the birthplace of religion. But of this great purpose even
Walther, the best of the singers of Minneliedery hardly dreamed.
He hints at some deep emotion when he tells us that he longed to
make a pilgrimage to Palestine, as a means of gaining absolution,
and ' a full release from all his sorrows,' but he goes no farther.!
From the time of the great emperor Karl down to the twelfth
century, literature wais left mostly to the care of monks ; but in
the times of the Crusades the inferior nobility became the chief
representatives of such culture as was patronised at the courts of
princes, especially those of Austria and Thuringia. Townsmen
were mostly occupied with the interests of their thriving com-
mercial guilds. They encouraged art — especially architecture —
but cared nothing for such poetry as the knights studied. The
poets of the period cared as little for the pursuits of townsmen, or
.for any other realities of life. The wealth of the people was rapidly
increasing, thousands of serfs had become freemen, cities were
rising and threatening feudal institutions, mines were discovered,
and a taste for luxury and ornament prevailed among the towns-
people. Their grand cathedrals at Ulm, Strasburg, and Cologne
were the best ideal works of the age, and expressed thoughts
nobler than we find in its literature. The themes selected by
versifiers and poets were mostly foreign or antique. Legends of
Arthur's Court were borrowed from France and Belgium, and
Virgil's ^neid was turned into a mediaeval love-story. Of the
contests of the Hohenstaufen rulers with the popes, of the anarchy
of the interregnum, and even of the events of the Crusades, we
find few traces in the contemporary German literature — the battle-
poems that appeared being reproductions of old national ballads.
In their lyrics and their romances, many of the knights who wrote
verses seem almost destitute of national feeling. When religious
themes are introduced, they are mostly treated apart from all
application to life ; but the ascetic character of some poems seems
16 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEEATUBE. [Ch.
as unreal as the love expressed in many of the Mhmdieder. To
read thoug-lits, we must turn away from poetry to the sermons of
brother Berthold, and to the clear didactic prose written by the
so-called Mystics.
The best imaginative works of this time are the two national
epic poems — the Nihelungenlied and Gudnm, in connection wilh
which we may notice briefly some less important national legends.
The Nihelungenlied may be traced to the close of the twelfth
century, when it was put together from materials furnished by far
older ballads. The writer or compiler^ whose name, after some
guesses, remains unknown, derived the substance of his narrative
from several legends preserved by popular tmdition^ strangely
intermingled, and often changed in their purport. Of these he
made a selection, and while he preserved well the characteristics
of an age antecedent to the introduction of 'Christianity, he gave
to his work certain superficial traits of the days of chivalry. For
example, he tells of his two heroines attending mass, and mentions
tournaments as pastimes of heroes; but both Christianity and
chivalry serve as mere drapery, under which the heathen character-
istics of the old ballads are clearly visible. Like other long nar-
rative poems of its time, the Nibelungetilied is wanting in an
artistic union of its parts. It divides itself into two stories ; one
ending with the death of Siegfried, the other closing with the
fulGlment of Krierahild's revenge of that death. When contrasted
with the romances of the time, this national epic is distinguished
by its good keeping of chai'acters, by the absence of lifeless de-
scription and forced similes, and by an orderly progress of events ;
though many details of the narrative — especially those of. the
closing series of battles — ^seera tedious to modem readers. The
following is a summary of the story, which we endeavour to give,
here and there, in a style approaching the simplicity of the
original : —
There lived at the castle of Worms on the Ehine, a princess of
.great beauty, named Ej'iemhild, the sister of King.Gunther of
Burgundy. In another fortress, situate lower on the same river,
lived the hero Siegfried, the dragon-slayer, who had overcome
in battle the mysterious and unearthly race of the Nibelungen, and
had taken possession of their great hoard of gold and gems. In
another adventure he had slain a dragon, and, by bathing in the
dragon's blood, had made himself invulnerable, except in one
n.] THE ' NIBELUNGENLIED.' 17
spot between his shoulders, where ' a stray leaf of the linden- tree
had faUen and hung.' He then came to Worms to win the hand
of the Princess Kriemhild, spite of a 'Naming he had received that
his love must end in grief. He was welcomed at Worms, and
there distinguished himself in tournaments ; hut was not intro^
duced to the lovely princess for the space of a year. Meanwhile,
however, he had won, at least, hex admiration ; for when he was
engaged, with other knights, in a tournament, Eriemhild, at the
window of her chamber, would look with pleasure on the pastime,
and smiled when he was the victor. At the end ol the year, and
when he had rendered military service to King Giinther, the hero
was introduced to the princess, and they were soon afterwards
betrothed. The story proceeds with the recital of a service
rendered to the king by Siegfried that was of an extraordinary
character, and seems to refer to some legend of northern mythology.
There lived, we are told, far over the sea, at Isenstein, an Ama-
zonian queen, called Brunhild, destined to become the wife of any
hero who could prove himself her superior in martial prowess.
This task was too formidable for GUnther alone. He sailed away
to Isenstein, but took with him the hero Siegfried j and, when the
queen's challenge was accepted by Gunther,* the dragon-slayer,
who had made himself invisible by the use of a charm, gave such
assistance to the king that Brunhild, greatly wonderiug, was com-
pelled to own herself defeated and won in the battle. She then
came to Worms as Queen of Burgundy, and soon became jealous
of the honours bestowed on the dragon-slayer and his bride. Tba
enmity thus begun between the queen and Krienihild soon rose to
such a height that Brunhild secretly resolved on the death of
Siegfried. To carry out her design, she appealed to the loyalty of
Hagen, the sternest of all the Burgundian heroes —
Fierce Hagen of the rapid glances —
and represented t6 him that she had been grievously insulted by
the dragon-slayer and by his wife. Loyalty demanded that the
queen's wrong must be avenged ; but even Hagen, not daring to
encounter Siegfried in an open and fair iight, and sacrificing good
faith as a man to his loyalty as a vassal, stooped to a base act of
treachery — the most unpleasant, but perhaps not the least cha-
racteristic feature in the whole narrative. He now pretended to
be the devoted friend of Siegfried, and declared he would stand
0
18 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATUKE. [Ch.
by bis side and protect him in an approaching battle. By Hagen's
persuasion, the unsuspecting princess marked on her husband^s
coat the. place between the shoulders where he was yulnerable.
TIagen then invited the hero to join a party going to hunt wild
boars in a neighbouring forest. In several passages of the story
the dreams and forebodings of women are described as prophetic,
according to the belief of the ancient Germans. At this crisis,
when the dragon-slaj^er was hastening away at mom to join the
hunting party, Kriemhild entreated him to stay at liome. ' For I
have had a dream/ she said, ' that two wild boars were chasing
you along the wood, and the grass was wet with your blood ; and
another dream, just before I awoke, that two ixK^ks fell upon you
as you walked along a dale.' But the dragon-slayer enfolded his
wife in his arms and kissed her, to banish her fears^ until she
gave him leave to go. Theil he hastened away into the great forest,
where he had to meet enemies more formidable than the wild
boars. There was a clear^ cool spring in the forest, and the hero^
warm with the chase, was stooping to drink when Hagen thrust a
spear through his victim, just at the fatal spot which Kriemhild^s
own hand had marked. The body of the lifeless dragon-slayer
was carried home, and Kriemhild, after recovery from her first
violent sorrow, demanded the trial of the bier, in order to detect
the assassin of her husband. Several heroes passed beside the
bier, and when Ilagen's turn came, drops of blood trickled from
the corpse and silently accused the murderer. Now Kriemhild
knew the man who had slain the hero-husband she had loved and
adored, and her soul soon became as still as a pool frozen hard in
the depth of winter. She had hitherto had but one bosom-thought
— ^love for Siegfried. She had still but one, but it was now
revenge. Hagen should die, if all Burgundy must die with him.
That was her resolution, and for its fulfilment she waited thirteen
years and more. The first part of the story ends here and leaves
Kriemhild in deep and melancholy seclusion at her castle of
Worms on the Rhine.
Hagen, having feared lest she should, by a distribution of her
wealth — ^the hoard of gold and gems carried away from the Nibe-
lungen — ^raise a powerful party in her favour, carried away the
treasure and buried it in an unknown place in the Rhine. This
wrong also was endured in silence for thirteen years, aud then the
opportunity for revenge, so long waited for, presented itself to the
n.] THE ' NIBELTJNaENLIED.' 19
"Widow of the dragon-slayer. Etzel, the King of the Huns, sent
one of his chief vassals^ Kiidiger, the noblest character in the story^
to ask for the hand of Siegfried's widow. She cared nothing now
for royal splendour, and had no wish to leave her solitude, but
she resolved to accept a second husband as a means of avenging
the death of the first. Accordingly she departed from Burgundy,
and travelled with Kiidiger and his escort into the land of the
Huns. There she was hailed on the confines of Hungary by Etzel,
who was accompanied by a host of warriors. * 'Tis well,* said
Kriemhild, when she first saw the army coming to meet her ; ' I
shall have warriors now who will avenge my wrong/ A festival
of several days followed her artrlval in Vienna, and the beauty of
their queen won enthusiastic praises from the chief vassals of
Etzel 'y but in the midst of all their splendid array her heart was
still with Siegfried in his castle on the Rhine. A few more years
passed away, and then the Queen of the Huns proceeded to carry
her plan of revenge into execution. She persuaded King Etzel to
invite King Giinther and his heroes into the land of the Huns.
* For,' said she, ' what will our subjects think of their queen, if my
powerful kinsmen do not visit me ? ' "When the invitation was
received at Worms, its purport was at once suspected by Hagen,
who said to the king, ' Be assured that the wife of Etzel will seek
to revenge the death of Siegfried.' Other gloomy forebodings
were not wanting; the king's aged mother, whose dreams had
previously been prophetic, now dreamed that all the birds of
Burgundy lay dead in the fields. But, in defiance of this bad
omen, the king, with a host of followers, set out on his journey
into the land of the Huns. After travelling some days, they
arrived at Bechlam, the castle of Riidiger, by whom they were
well received and entertained with great hospitality. Giselher,
the youngest brother of King Giinther, was here betrothed to the
fair daughter of Kiidiger. When they left the castle of Bech-
lam, their host gave a sword to the Prince Gemot and a shield to
Hagen. As they rode away, Volker, one of the chief warriors,
who was also a ^nstrel, tuned bis fiddle and sang a cheerful
farewell song :
And little thought their host, as they rode along the shore
Of the Danube, that his eyes must greet his wife, his home, no more.
When the Burgundians arrived in firont of the palace, or castle,
c2
20 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
of King Etzel, the queen^ with a cruel joy, was glad to see that
Hflgen had come with them. It was soon noticed, as another
bad omen, that when she received her kinsmen, she gave a kiss
to none save Giselher^ the youngest prince, who had taken no part
in the death of the dragon-slayer. When Hagen observed this,
he instinctively fastened ^his helmet more tightly. His fears of
an attack by surprise had been mentioned to his friend, the hero
Volker, and when all the other Burgundians went to rest in the
vast halls of .the castle, these two warriors stdod all night as
sentinels in the courtyard, and Volker, with a sure foreboding of the
coming events that were now casting their shadow over him, sang
fearlessly the death-song of the royal race of Burgundy.
But some days passed away without any outbreak of enmity,
except in a conversation of the queen with Hagen. Then a grand
banquet was prepared ; but while Hagen and many of his friends
were feasting in one of the halls of the castle, an attack was made
on the Burgundians assembled in another apartment. The news
reached Hagen when he was seated at the royal table. He rose,
drew his sword, and said, * Now we drink a health* to the dead,
and in the king's own wine.' With these words of dreadful pur-
port he smote ofl' the head of Etzel's youngest son. This was the
signal for the beginning of a series of desperate hand-to>hand
battles and duels j but the noble hero Iviidiger refused to take any
part in the warfare. His fidelity was due to King Etzel j but he
had sworn faithful friendship to King Giinther and his men,
whom he had led into the land of the Huns. The conclusion of
the poem is dreadful, but the tale of carnage is relieved by the
conduct of the hero of Bechlam. There was a severe contest in
his heart when his queen commanded him to call his followers to
arms against his friends the Burgundians, whom he had lately
entertained in his castle. * Take back,' said he, to King Etzel,
' whatever you have given me, but set me free from this service.*
Etzel might have relented now, but Kriemhild must have, at
least, the life of Hagen, and as all the Burgundians are bound
toj^ether by loyalty as one man, her commands cannot be obeyed
without a general slaughter. She is, moreover, the queen, and
Iliidiger must obey. He commended his wife and his daughter to
her care, and then went forth to battle against Giinther, Hagen,
and their companions. * God forbid,' satd King Giinther, when
the purport of HUdiger's coming was told, ' that I should draw
II.] THE ' nibelungenlied; 21
my sword against you, the friend by whom I have been led into
this foreign land.' . ' I bitterly repent that I ever led you hither,'
said the hero of Bechlam, * but I must obey my queen,' ' Stay ! '
said Ilagen; 'the good shield you gave me at Bechlam has
already stopped many thrusts, but is now shattered.' * Then take
my own shield,' said brave Riidiger ; * and may you carry it home
safely to Burgundy^ for I have no wish to live after this. ' And
now, the queen must be obeyed. Defend yourselves I ' In the
combat that followed Riidiger fell under a sword-cut from the
weapon he had lately given, as a pledge of long friendship, to tlie
Prince Gemot. When Dietrich of Berae, another of Etzel's chief
Tossals, heard of Riidiger's death, he sent his hero, Hildebrand, to
assemble new forces and attack the Biirgundians. After a des-
perate conflict Hildebrand returned alone to call for the aid of
Dietrich. At last King Giiiither and Ilagen — the sole survivors
now of all the Burgundian company — were exhausted by long
fighting and made prisoners. The king was placed in confinement^
while his last wairior was led into the presence of the queen.
'Restore to me,' said she, 'my Nibelungen treasure.' When
Ilagen refused and still defied her, she gave commands that King
Giinther should be put to death. Then, turning to Hagen, she
said, ' I have still one precious relic — Siegfried's own sword ; ' and,
drawing it from its scabbard, she with one blow beheaded the
wounded and exhausted prisoner. The hero Hildebrand, enraged
to see such a warrior perish by the hand of a woman, forgot for a
moment that she was the queen, and the death of Kriemhild by the
hand of her own vassal ended the tragedy. All the sorrow that
followed at the court of King Etzel and in many bereaved families
is told in the Klage (Lamentation), an inferior poem of the twelfth
centuiy.
Such is the story of the Nibelungetilied. Though its concluding
scenes are extremely savage and lie beyond the pale of our sym-
pathies^ this old epic developestwo motives that command admirar
tion. The first is the long-enduring love of Kriemhild. In
Siegfried she had known a hero who, possessing supernatural
power in addition to his personal beauty and his steadfast kind-
ness, seemed to her of more value than a whole host of mere
waiTiors like Hagen and Volker. For his sake she mourned long
years in solitude ; to avenge his death she married an alien king
and sacrificed her own nearest relatives. Such power and endu«
22 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
ranee of will commands admiration, even while we deplore its
devotion to no higher purpose than that of revenge. The other
nohie motive that controls all the chief events of the narrative is
that of loyalty unconquerable. Not to gratify any personal spite^
nor to gain any selfish advantage, did Hagen slay Siegfried ; but
to avenge a wrong believed to have been inflicted on the queeii.
In good faith, and all bound together as one man by the principle
of mutual loyalty, the Burgundians go into the land of the Huns.
They go because they mtisty though they have gloomy forebodings
of the result. However erroneous in the purposes to which it
may be devoted, the power that binds men together so deeply and
closel}', and makes them all one in facing an enemy, will be both
honoured and formidable as long as the world endures. Kiiemhild
wishes to slay one man, Hagen ; but he is one of a stem union of
heroes, and if he must die, the king and all the chief warriors of
Burgundy must die with him. That is the thought that lifts into
the realm of high tragedy some passages even of the terrible
closing scenes of the Nibelungenlied. They describe a fearful
slaughter attended with hardly a trace of any personal hatred.
The heroes fight like lions, but wail like women or children over
the slain.
' That sorrow ever follows love ' is the key-note of the tragic
epic above described. That constant love is at last rewarded is
the sentiment prevailing throughout the epic poem of Gudnm.
With regard to its conclusion, it is related to the story of Kriem-
hild's revenge as ' All *8 well that ends well ' is to ' Othello ; '
while, in other respects, it may be said that Chidnm is to the
NibeiungeTdied what the- Odyssey is to the Iliad. The prevalence
of domestic interest, the prominence given to the characters of
women, thel unity preserved throughout the long story, and several
improvements in style, might all lead us to asci-ibe the authorship
of the poem to a later time than the middle of the thirteenth cen-
tury, when it seems to have been known as a modified reproduc-
tion of some far older narratives. It is divided into three parts, of
which the last only is devoted to the adventures of the heroine
Gudrun. The best feature of the poem is that, in its conception
of love, it is higher and more comprehensive than many poems
and romances of later times ; for the union of Herwig and Gudrun
is more truly characterised by sincerity, constancy, and patience *
than by passion. The Princess Gudrun^ we are told, was betrothed
nj ' GUDRUN.' 23
to Prince Ilerwig of Seeland ; but, during the absence of ber
father, was carried away from his realm on the shores of the
Baltic, and was taken to Normandy by the piratical Prince Hart-
mut and his attendants. These robbers were soon pursued by the
bereaved father and his followers, and a sternly contested battle
took place on a part of the coast called the Wulpensand. So fierce
was the fight that, ' when the evening-redness had died away in
the western skyj it seemed to be shining out again in the glitter-
ings of many swords striking fire from the helmets.' Ilettel, the
father of the heroine, was slain, with many of his followers ; but
his chief warrior survived and went home, there to wait until he
' could raise a new army strong enough to invade Normandy.
Meanwhile the heroine remained a captive on a foreign shore, and
steadfastly refused to give her hand to the pirate Hartmut, who
was so far honourable that he would wsdt for her consent. He
waited long in vain, and his mother, Queen Gerlint, was so enraged
at this treatment of her son, that she degraded Gudrun to the rank
of a menial, and especially employed her in washing linen. It was
a bleak, frosty morn in March, and the captive princess and some
companions were hanging out white linen in the breeze on the sea-
coast, when her betrothed and her brother with many followers
landed from their vessels and came to her rescue. A recognition
followed, but King Herwig refused to steal away his bride. He
waited until night came on, and then followed a battle by moon-
light, in which the men from the Baltic gained the victory. A
Tecouciliation and happy conclusion soon followed. It must be
evident from these outlines that the interest of the old epic
depends rather on its scenery and its delineations of character
than on its plot. The scenery is fresh, and indicates that a part
of the story had its origin among a seafaring people ; the charac-
ters are, on the whole, distinct and well preserved, and the senti-
ments are frequently more chivalrous and Christian than such as
are found in the NibehmgenU&d — always excepting the passage
where the noble RUdiger goes to fight with Hagen.
Several national legends of which versions probably existed in
the thirteenth century, and which were partly included in the
*Book of Heroes,' editedP in the fifteenth century, may be here
briefly noticed. Their merits •are by no means such as to rank
them with ' Gudrun ' and the Lay of the * Nibelungen.' In Biterolj
and DieUieh we find some ill-counected fragments of old legends
24 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
treated in the style of tbe Hohenstaufen times. We have two
legends under the title of Bx>sengarten. In one of them a fighting
monk named Islan is the most original character. In the other
the hero I>ietrich defeats a formidable dwarf, Laurin, whose pre-
ternatural power is dependent on his keeping safe a magic ring.
The end of the story is prosaic. Laurin, after losing his ring, is
compelled to earn his livelihood by honest labour. This was the
author^s notion of punishment and degradation. . Another East-
Gothic legend tells how Dietrich, after slaying a giantess, was
imprisoned in a tower by the widower jgiant Sigenot ; but was
released by Hildebrand j net, however, without the aid of a dwarf.
The Eckenlied tells of a duel of two days' duration fought between
Dietrich and a giant, and we find the same hero, still lighting, in
several other stories of the same class, of which' one of the longest
is the ' Battle of Eavenna.' Warfare for the sake of warfare, or to
win the favour of princesses, and adventures with dwarfs and
giants, supply the chief materials for the wild stories of King
JRoiKety Ch'tnitf Hugdietrich, and Wolfdietrichf which seem to
have been founded on some legends of the Longobards, but have
the scenes of some of their adventures laid in eastern countries.
In several of these stories the plot depends on the abduction of a
princess. Such inferior wdrks of imagination hardly deserve
notice; but they had once a high reputation, and were partly
reproduced in the Heldenhtwh (the *Eook of Heroes*), which
passed through several editions in the fifteenth and sixteenth
. centuries.
IILJ R03(IANCES OF CHIVALRY, ETC. 25
CHATTER m.
8EC02W PERIOD. 1160-1360.
BOVA27CBS OF CHIViXBT A2n> OTHEB NABRATIYE POEMS : 'FABZITAL/
'TBISTAK/ 'deb ABHB HBINBICH/ — GABXOYINGIAK, AITTIQUK, AlO)
KONASTIC LEGENDS — POFULAB STORIES — ' BBTNABD THE FOX.'
The national epic poems already noticed deserve the priority we
have given them on account of their distinctive German origin ;
but they did not form the most characteristic literature of the
thirteenth century. This was supplied by the romances of chivalry,
mostly founded on Breton legends of King Arthur's ^ourt. The
broad outlines of the original legend afforded plenty of space fbt
the free exercise of imaginatio;i, and might be filled up with
endless adventures, such as long/aimless wanderings, tournaments,
duels, and enchantments, according to the fancy of the versifier.
Arthur, a British prince, who lived, we are told, in the sixth
century, and bravely resisted the English invasion, made his
court the home of a noble chivalry. From its centre, formed by
the Twelve Knights of the Round Table, champions went forth
into all parts of tHe world in quest of adventures. It cannot be
difficult to explain the attraction that such a theme had for the
poets and versifiers of the thirteenth century, when we know that
such a poet as Milton had great delight in reading the story of
the Arthurian heroes, and meditated writing an epic on the mytli
of Arthur. The laureate of Queen Victoria and the versatile
author of ' Pelham ' have been spell-bound by the same influence.
The appearance of such romances as ' Parzival ' and ' Tristan ' in
Germany, during the thirteenth century, was hardly more re-
markable than that of the ' Idylls of the King ' in our industrial
and commercial England of the nineteenth century. Men are
imaginative and love freedom, and both freedom and imagination
find an ample field of playful exercise in the adventures of the
26 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATURK [Ch.
knights of Arthur's court In contrast with the unreality both
of sentiment and manners found in most of these tales of adven-
tures, the story of Tristan and Isolt — ^but slightly connected with
King Arthur's series of legends — ^is marked by earnest passion,
and may be described as modem in its tone^ though it Was the
favourite love-story of the middle ages. Other materials for
romance were supplied by the Gral Legend, of which some
account will be given in our notice of * Parzival,* and by Carlo-
vingian, antique, and monastic legends.
Seldom has a contrast appeared in literature more striking than
that presented to us in the two most remarkable romances of the
thirteenth century — ' Parzival ' and * Tristan.' The former is cha-
racterised in its best passages by moral earnestness, and sometimes
approaches asceticism ; the latter is gay and graceful in its narra-
tive, but its purport is ' of the earth, earthy.' The former is often
obscure, but, here and there at least, a * light from Heaven ' shines
out of the gloom. The main purport of ' Parzival ' is too often lost
in a complication of many episodes. The poet's intention is some-
times clear, %ut at other times we are led to doubt whether he
ever even faintly dreamed of the higb purpose ascribed by some
able critics to his wild and weird romance. The most charac-
teristic passages of the two stories suffice to bring out the remark-
able contrast of the two poems. Their costumes and their
adventures belong to the middle ages; but tbeir chief moral
characteristics are for- all time. The two heroes still have many
represeutAtives in the real world, and the opposite motives of the
two poems are still contending ■ in the hearts of many men.
Parzival treats life as a discipline; Tristan ii^ould make it 'a
perpetual feat of nectared sweets.' Tristan 'swims down with
the tide of the world ; ' Parzival strives upward against it. The
high purport ascribed to the graver romance, and the doubts that
may be reasonably entertained respecting the author's own insight
into such a meaning, both contribute, apart from its poetic merits,
to increase our interest in the story. Mysterious lights shine here
and there as we travel through the forest.
The author, a poor knight named Wolfram, derived his materials
from a French version of the two legends of King Arthur and the
Gral. The lighter and, for us, the less interesting parts of the
story belong to the former legend; the more serious and
mysterious passages are those which refer to the Gral legend.
III.] ' PABZIVAL.' 27
But the two legends are strangelj mingled, or, we might eay,
confused together, and, instead of attempting to explain the plot of
their complication, we shall confine our attention chiefly to one
part of the story. All that may he said here of the legend of
Arthur's Court is, that Sir Gawein and other knights of the
llound Tahle here represent the splendour of worldly chivaliy,
' the pride of life,' and the quest of high renown ; while the service
of the Gral demands a victory over self-love, and a consecration
of life to religious duty. This contrast, we may repeat, shines out
clearly lonly in some of the best passages of the story. In others
it disappears, and leaves us in doubt Whether the author ever
dreamed of it Indeed, it may very fairly be said that there is
scarcely, in the whole compass of mediaeval literature, a book
harder to describe — ^not to say explain — than Wolfram's ' Parzival.'
The following is a smmnary of what may be called its central
legend : —
The Gral was a chalice (sometimes mentioned as a platter), cut
out of one rare chrysolite, and was first confided to the care of
Joseph of Arimathea, after its use in Christ's last supper with His
disciples. It ever afterwards retained a healing and life-giving
power. To be appointed one of the guardians of the chalice was
the highest dignity that could be conferred on a man. True
penitence and humiliation alone could fit the "heart for such
service. For a long time after Joseph of Arimathea had brought
the chalice into western lands no men were found here worthy of
its guardianship. At last it was confided to the family of Titurel,
of which Parzival was a descendant. The old King Titurel had
built a temple for the reception of the Gral, and for its preserva-
tion had founded an order of knights of the temple. Wolfram
describes this shrine as a castle situate on the almost inaccessible
height of Montaalvage.
Parzival, who belongs by birth to the order of the guardians of
the Gral; is left in early life without a father, and is brought up
in deep seclusion in a forest, where he receives his sole education
from his mother, a religious woman, who keeps her son in igno-
rance of the world, and especially fears lest he should be seduced
by the splendour of chivalry. She teaches him to fear God and
to shun evil, but tells him nothing of his own noble ancestry.
Her prayer for him is that he may live and die in obscurity.
Daring his boyhood, spent m the forest, he submits himself well
28 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Oh.
to bis motber^s teaching, and seems likely, as a youth, to falfil
her hopes, when his character receives suddenly a new impress.
He is made discontented with his life in solitude by meeting on
the skirts of the forest three knights, who tell him something of
the splendour of an unknown world. He can rest now no longer
in the shade, but must go forth and see the bright scenes of
chivalry of which the knights have told. Without knowing clearly
the object of his own ambition, he escapes from his forest home,
and goes to the court of King Arthur at Nantes. There his
childlike simplicity excites the mirth of knights and ladies ; but,
after receiving some instructions, he gains distinction in chivalry ;
among other exploits, rescuing a queen from the invaders of her
realm. But, discontented with the reward of his valour, he
wanders forth again, and travels far, urged on by a vague imrest,
that cannot be appeased by any military success.
One evening, after long wanderings, he finds himself near a
lake in a secluded valley, where, in reply to an enquiry for a place
6f shelter, a fisherman, described as ' a melancholy man, yet richly
clad,' directs him to a lonely castle as the only place where he
may find entertainment For Parzival has now arrived in a deep
solitude — ^a region where only knights of a certain high lineage
are welcome. He goes to the castle, is readily admitted, and
there witnesses a ceremony ot a very mysterious character. Li
the spacious hall four hundred knights are seated around their
king. Beautiful mddens, dressed in splendid robes, bring in
lights and censers, and take their places near the throne, ready to
bear part in some high festival. Last of all comes in a maiden of
surpassing beauty and radiance, bearing ' the chalice cut from one
rare chrysolite.' She places it before the king, who gazes devoutly
on it, but must not taste its contents. Amid all the rich decora-
tions of ihe^eremony a deep tone of sorrow prevails. Parzival
sits in -dumb amazement, unable to guess the meaning of the
solemn rites which he beholds. The king seems to have been
wounded, and when a page, dressed in mourning, enters and trails
through the hall the spear, with blood on its steel, from which
the king received his wound, the assembled knights bow their
heads \n lamentation. Through an open portal Parzival sees now,
in an interior hall, ' an old, snow-white man ' seated on a couch,
and apparently near his death. The wounded king; the beautiful
maidens richly attired and holding u^ the brilliant lamps; the
ni.] 'PABZIVAL.' • 29
solemn company of knights ; the djing ^ snow-white old man ; '
the glory and the sorrow of the ceremonial — all excite enquiry ;
but Parzival remains silent. He asks no question, even when the
king calls him up to the throne, and presents to him a sword with
an intimation that it is to be used in the service of the donor. J
After this the silent champion goes to rest. In the momyig ho
rises, and finds a profound stillness within and all around the
castle, and everything prepared for his departure. As he rides
away down the dale, the seneschal, standing on a turret of the
castle, calls after him, not to invite him back; but to reproach
him for his diffidence in asking no questions. Soon afterwards
he meets with similar reproaches from a woman whose husband
has been recently slain in battle. She claims Parzival as a rela-
tive, and, when she finds that he has been entertained in the
Gral Castle, tells him that he has been guilty of a fatal error in
not caring to know the meaning of the rites he has seen, and in
neglecting to make enquiry respecting the wound received by the
king. Amazed by these reproaches, the hero rides away, and,
after passing through other adventures, returns to the court of
King Arthur. Here he would gladly rest awhile ; but when he
is seated in the haU an angry messenger from the Oral Castle
arrives, and, in the presence of the assembled knights, charges
him with unfaithfulness and neglect of duty. Hd leaves the
court of Nantes, and again wanders far, finding no service worthy
of the sword given to him by the wounded king. .
Meanwhile Sir Gawein and other knights of Arthur^s circle are
engaged in an adventure to loose the spell cast by an enchanter
on the mansion * Chateau Merveil ^ and all its inmates. Parzival,
alone, rides by the mansion, and hears the battle cry of the knights
coming to' its rescue, but takes no part in the fight. In the
course of subsequent adventures, he meets again his old companion
in arms. Sir Gawein, who is travelling, without knowing it, on the
road that leads to the Gral Castle. A dispute arises between
the two champions, and ends with a duel, when Gawein falls
wounded by Parzival's sword. In another part of the story
Parzival rescues Gawein, who has been attacked' by a band of
robbers. But neither these nor any other adventures of worldly
chivalry give satisfaction f o the heart of Parzival. He represents
so far a man of heroic impulse who has no knowledge of his own
true destiny. For years he has wandered far in doubt, and now,
30 OUTLINES 'OF GERMAN LITEIIATITEE. [Ch.
says the poet, believing 'neither in a God nor in any Providence/
he arrives; on a Good Friday, at the cell of a heimiti who
also belongs to the lineage of the guardians of the Gral. The
hermit explains to the knight the mystery that has hitherto
attended his adventures. He tells him that the wounded king in
the OAstle has made himself unworthy of his ofRce by yielding to
the seductions of earthly love. He has been fighting with no
higher device than ' Amor * on his shield, and that is not worthy
of a guardian of the GraL Now he awaits the coming of the
true champion, who wQl announce his arrival by asking of the
safety of the holy chalice. ' You,' says the hermit, ' have been in
that castle ; you have seen the wounded king, who is your uncle
and my brother. The maiden princess of surpassing beauty, who
carried in the Gral^ is your late mother's own sister, and the
snow-white old man is Titurel, your ancestor, who is etill there
waiting for your arrival.'
In the sequel of the story Parzival overcomes all difficulties,
among other adventures vanquishing a band of heathen men and
gaining the victory in a duel with the great heathen prince Feire-
iiz from India, in whom he afterwards recognises his own half-
brother. This recogflition is one of the most beautiful parts of
the romance. The two heroes go to the Gral Castle, where Par-
zival is received gladly, and is crowned its King and Guardian
of the Gral. The heathen prince Feirefiz iBMs in love, at first
sight, with the maiden who carries the sacred chalice. They ai'e
married, and, after their return to India, they have a sob, who, as
' Presbyter John,' rules over an extensive Christian state in the
centre of Asia.
So ends this wild and weird story. To state briefly our im-
pression of it, on turning again and again to the more significant
passages, we feel sure that they are symbolical, and include a
second meaning. For example, that radiant princess who bears
the Gral must be, it seems, intended to represent the spirit of
Chri^^tianity. The Indian prince may be a symbol of heathenismy
and his passion for the princess may be an expression for the vic-
tory of the true faith. Such an interpretation would be supported
by several passage^ of direct and plain religious purport ; but
there are other passages that discourage attempts to find a deep
or religious meaning in the story, and, with regard to its final
i
IIL] • TEISTAl^.' 81
•
purport, the reader is left in doubts as profound as those of Parzival
on his own true destinj.
The poet speaks often with an earnestness and depth of feeling
that is surprising in one of the Minnesingers. His genius is
lyrical rather than epic, and sometimes rises to a bold, poetic
strain. One of his characteristics is that, in several places, he
refers to his own history, and more frequently to his own opinions ;
but his egotism is frank and not unpleasing. Bat for these pas-
sages, the liiile that is known of his life would have been nothing.
WoLFRA.!! YOK EscHEiTBACH was A poor knight and, as he con-
fesses, could neither read nor write ; but he could speak French as
well as German. Though complaining of his poverty, he betrays
some pride of ancestry. His feudal lord was the Graf von Wert-
heim, a pleasant little town situate at the jimction of the Main with
the Tauber; yet he calls himself a Bavarian. He survived his chief
patron, the Landgraf Hermann of Thuringia, who died in 1216.
From several passages in 'Parzival' we may infer that the author
was happily married and had children. He was acquainted with
the minnesinger Walther von der Vogelweide. During Wolfram's
lifetime his style was condemned by his clever rival Gottfried
von Stf asburg, who called it ' odd, dry, and obscure.' That Gott*
fried could write more fluent verse was proved by his * Tristan ; '
but /Parzival' survived this censure, found many admirers, and was
printed in 1477. The poet's grave in the churchyard at Es<;hen-
bach used to be shown to visitors in the early part of the^ven-
teenth century. We may add, for the benefit of students of old
literature, that Simrock's translation of ' Parzival ' is remarkably
faithful to the original.
Whatever doubt may exist of the purport of ' Parzival,' there can
be none respecting that of the rival romance, * Tristan.' It may be
given in few words-- ♦
. ^c dnloes amores
Sp^me, puer, neque tu choreas^
'^^^ Doaec virenti canities abest
.'^Vorosa.
GottH&b vok STBASBima wrote the romance of 'Tristan ' about
^07~16f or some six years after Parzival had gained a reputation ;
8|^ though he wrote twenty thousand lines, he died before the ^ay
|^9^story was completed. He was, for his times, a well-educated man^
■<*
32 OUTLINES OF GEEMAK LITERATURE. ' [Ch.
but apparently did not belong to the order of knightS; for be sub-
scribes bis name as Master Gottfried of Strasburg. In ease and
fluency of yersification, and in all the -graces of style^ he was the
best German poet of his time. He could say lightly and cleverly
whatever he had to say, and never troubled himself with any
problems. He laughed at his more thoughtful rival, Wolfram, for
sending out, under the name of a romance, a book that required a
key or an interpreter. The author of * Tristan' describes well botli
the external features anil the mental and emotional changes of his
hero and heroine, and ably developes their characters in passion
and in action. When judged by the standard of his own times, he
must be commended for the good taste of which he gives proof in
several passages, while treating a dangerous subject He does not
bewilder us by a multitude of ill-connected adventures. The con-
struction of his story is comparatively good and clear, and his
versification is harmonious, while it seems to be eztemporav^eous.
His theme is ' Minne,' or Love ; but not in its refined meanings
which implies little more than kind remembrance. He writes the
history of a passion out of union with the whole system of life and
it° duties, of which a true love should be the soul and the centre.
The love which is his theme is not that deep, quiet source of the
power that endures opposition, submits to law, supports the burden
of existence, establishes homes, binds together families, and or-
ganises society ; but it is the egoistic and socially negative passion
that would break all the bonds of duty, would reject all the claims
of friendship and society, and prove itself as fatal to the true de-
velopment of the individual as to the interests of the race. It is
related to true love as the swift and transitory lightning and the
destructive fire are to the genial glow of summer warmth and the
expansion of light. Of this passion Gottfried makes Tristan and
Isolt involuntary and helpless victims. It was, as he tells us,
nnder the influence of an irresistible charm that both were van-
quished. But while he tells their story as that of their fate, he
hardly treats it as a tragedy. Their faithlessness and their trans-
gression are described in a light and pleasant tone, and with an
exuberant cheerfulness often reminding us of Chaucer in some of
his Canterbury' Tales. The tardy precautions of the wronged
husband. King Marke, are treated in a style of humorous banter
and satire that would not seem out of place in a modem French
novel of ' the school of despair,' as Goethe called it: ' Women are
1
mo 'PER AEME heineich; 83
all the true daughters of Eve/ says Gottfried ; 'she broke the first
commandment ever given, and simplj because it was a command-
ment. She might gather as she pleased all the fruits and flowers
of Paradise, with only one exception — the parsons have certified
that it was but a fig— and it is my firm belief she would never
have tasted that if it had not been forbidden.' This is but a tame
example of the author's liveliness in both narration and reflection ;
but for obvious reasons we must pass silently over his gayest
passages. As he left the story unfinished, it has been, vnth
extreme charity, suggested that he might, had he lived longer,
have atoned for its levity by appending a moral; but he was
too good an artist to be guilty of such a breach of continuity
between the beginning and the end. Two inferior vmters com-
pleted the romance in the course of the thirteenth century, and
afterwards honest Hans Sachs made a drama of it It was the
favourite love^tory of mediaeval times. In modem times Im-
mermann devoted his genius to a^new version of the legend,
but died, leaving it incomplete. Other poets have treated the
subject so often that this brief notico of the story will doubt-
less suffice for our readers.
One of the best of the versifiers of Breton legends was Habticann •
TON Aue; but he was always unfortunate in his choice of a
subject. Like Gottfried, who praised him very highly, he was an
educated man, and possessed a talent that might be envied by
reviewers ; for, as he tells us, ' he could read without fatigue any
book that ever was written.' He seems to have joined one of the
crusades. The author of ' Tristan ' speaks of Hartmann as still
living in 1207, and adds, ' he can tell a story in words as clear, as
crystaL' It seems certain that he died before 1220. His best
poem, with respect to its style and form, is * Iwein ', * but its story
is not attractive. The romance of ' Erek ' is the author's weakest
production. In his tale of ' Gregorius,' though his purpose was
good, he treated a subject that no skill could render even tolerable.
The same censure may be applied, if we accept the judgment of
Goethe, to the story of Der arme Heinrich which, however,
has been highly praised by other critics. We are here told that
a nobleman afilicted with leprosy was miraculously cured. The
love of life had, however, proved itself so excesSve in his case,
that in order to qbtain a cure, he had consented to the sacrifice of
an innocent maiden's life. It is impossible to tolemte, even in
M OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Oh.
fiction, the gross improbabilities assumed in the story; but we
must allow that its details are in some passages given with admir-
able simplicity and pathos. The story runs as follows : —
There lived in Suabia a rich landlord, Heimich von Aue, noted,
during his prosperity, as much for his goodness as for his wealth.
But the virtues that had made him a model while all men spoke
well of him failed in his deep adversity, when he became a leper
and was shunned by his nearest relatives. He had neither the
faith nor the enduring power of Job. In restless quest of a cure
for an incurable disease, he travelled to Salerno, then famed for
its medical school. ' You are curable and, at the same timie, in-
curable/ said one of the learned doctors there ; and when Heinrich
demanded some explanation of the paradox, it was added, * Curable,
because a medicine for you exists in theory ; incurable because the
medicine cannot or must not be found. If a pure maiden, free
from all constraint, would die for you, you liiight be cured ; but
on no other condition.' Utterly disappointed, Heinrich • returned
from Salerno ; he sought for no victim to his own love of life, but
left to the care of others all his wealth, and retired into a profound
solitude, where he found lodgings in a mean farmhouse inhabited
by one of his own poorest tenants. The devotion of this boor and
his wife to the service of their landlord is well described. But
their kindness was far exceeded by that of their only child, a girl
twelve years old. The parents gave all the care and attendance
their guest required ; but the fearless and innocent girl solaced
his solitude, and gave the cheerfulness of her own heart to cheer
him. The boor and his wife acted with some regard to their own
interest; for they feared lest, when Heinrich died, they should
find his successor a harder landlord. When they urged him to
try the skill of the doctors at Salerno, he recounted, in a tone of
despair, the result of his visit to their school, and repeated all that
had' there been said to him. The little maiden, unobserved, was
listening to the strange story. She retired to think of it, and
dwelt upon it so earnestly, that she dreamed of it all night ; and
day after day she thought of it, until a marvellous resolution fol-
lowed all her musings. She would die for Heinrich I The author
of the story says all he can to make this moral miracle seem in
some degree probable. He refers to the girPs religious faith. She
really believed there was such a place as heaven, and that life
there was the only life worth craving. Then she thought of the
ni.] 'DER ARME HEINRICH.' 85
prospects of her pnrents, and how their old age might he comfort-
ahle if their good landlord lived, and was restored to health. The
amazement and terror of the hoor and his wife, when their child
expressed her wiah to die, are well told- * Child I ' said the
mother ; ' you little dream what it is to die ! — what it is to leave
all we love here, and go to lie alone in a cold grave!' The
mother sees only death in death, hut the child sees the gateway
of heaven. To persuade her parents to consent, she now talks —
too thoughtfully for her years — of the vanity of life, and the cer-
tainty of sorrow for one horn in such a low condition as her own.
If all that pious men have said of heaven be true, there can be no
los8| surely, in going early to dwell there with a Divine Friend,
IfVhose home no wants, no cares assail —
^ith hunger there no children wail;
None perish there from winter's cold ;
Tears never make the angels old;
And none can take their joys away ;
While here yonr twelve months* scanty gain.
Hard earned by all yoor toil and pain.
May perish in a singly day.
She argues and pleads so long and so well, that another miracle
follows — her parents give their consent to her intended self-
sacrifice ! But Heinrich, when it is offered, sternly refuses for a
long time to accept it. Long pleadings follow, and the immode-
rate love of life in the leper's heart gives still greater force to the
arguments of the child. Then follows the most incredible part of
the incredible story, The parents with their child and their
afflicted landlord, go to Salerno. There the doctor— or rather say,
executioner — first assures himself that the sacrifice is purely
Tolunt&ry — then lifts the fatal knife, while the maiden fearlessly
lays bare her bosom. ' But the sacrifice shall not be oflered I '
exclaims Heinrich, whose selfishness is suddenly melted^ Already
restored to soundness of mind, he returns with his poor friends
into Suabia. On their way home he is miraculously cur^d, and
at the same time, made to appear twenty years younger. The
sequel may be guessed. He rewardd the boor and his wife by
making them free, and giving them a part of his estate. He calls
tc.gt»iher all his friends, who come to see him now. When they
are assembled in his hall, he tells how he has been healed in mind
and body by the devotion of a maiden, and then introduces her aa
d2
86 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
Ins betrothed. Their marriage forms, of course, the conclusion of
this marvellous story, of which the style b better than the subject;
It has a melody of words and a simple natural pathos that should
have been devoted to the treatment of some tale that might have
been believed. Hartmann follows the hero and the heroine to
their grave, assures us that they went to heaven^ and ends with a
short prayer —
Such bliss as was their portion then
May God bestow on us I Amen.
Of the CarloTingian legends of this time, yersified by Germans,
two may be briefly noticed : — the * Rolandslied ' by Konrad, and the
love-story of ' Flore and Blanscheflur * by Eonrad Fleck. The latter
is yery slightly connected with traditions of the great emperor
Karl. The story of the former — ^the hero of Roncesvalles, and of
French legendary lore — is enough to make a good ballad; but
hardly supplies materials for an epic. Koland, fighting against
overwhelming heathen forces in Spain^ defeats one host of foes,
but another is soon mustered against him. At last, wounded and
almost' exhausted, he winds from his horn such a blast, that it
sounds through all the din of battle, and far away to Karl's head-
quarters. The emperor hears the signal, and hastens to rescue
the hero, but finds him dead. Konrad's work seems to be nothing
more than a dry translation of a French original.
Among the romances founded on antique traditionSi the
' Alexander/ written by Lamprecht, a priest, is the most notice-
able. The hero is represented as writing an account of his
adventures in the East ; but seems to be no more restricted by
a regard to facts, than his quasi-biographer Quintus CurtiuB.
Among other prodigies related by Alexander in a letter to his
tutor Aristotle, we find an account of a forest —
, Where on the mossy tnrf there grew
Laiige rose-buds beautify to view-
Some as white as drifted snow ;
Others had a ruddy glow.
We gazed with wonder there^ beholding
Each its fhigrant leaves unfolding;
For out of every flower-cup there
Stepp'd a maiden young and fair,
Rosy as evening dues and brightp
In youth and joy, as morning ligh
AlezandQii having conquered all the nations of the earth, and
m.] MONASTIC LEGENDS. 37
still in his ambition ' insatiable as hell/ arrives at the gates of
heaTen, and intends to talce it by storm, fiat an angel informs
the hero that heaven is not to be won in this way, and exhorts
him to retnm to his own country, and learn the virtue of self-
control. Lamprecht was indebted to a French original, and con-
structed his story with some art ; but we find little in his pOem to
jufitify all the praise bestowed on it by Gervinus. Another poem
of the same class is the ' ^Eneid/ or ' Eneit/ as the author styles
it, by Heinrich von Veldeke. It is a sentimental love-tale, made
out of some parts of VirgiFs epic, and has considerable merits with
regard to style. The writer seems to have died at an advanced
age, some time before 1200. Like Lamprecht, he borrowed his
story from a French original. Of the Trojan war, by Konrad von
Wiirzburg, we are hardly 'disposed to say more than that it con-
tains sixty thousand verses. The ancient heroes here appear as
knights- of the middle ages. Christians fight bravely for the
Greeks, and the followers of Mohammed are on the side of the
Trojans. Konrad, who died in 1287, was an industrious writer and *
translator; but his long stories betray under all their copious
diction, a poverty of thought. His legends and short popular
stories are better, and his ' Goldene Schmiede,' a lyrical poem in
praise of the Virgin Mary, has been highly commended, but it is
rhetorical rather than poetical. For want of original thought and
true feeling, he seeks everywhere for similes, and finds too many.
These decorations are externally connected with his theme, and
do not arise naturally from its treatment. To use very plain words,
they are stuck upon it. The author works like a mechanic in $i^ \
decorating his verses.
The Christian or Monastic Legends of the time have an impor-
tant historical interest ; but we find little of true poetry in their
recitals of miracles. The ' Life of the Virgin Mary,' by Wernher,
a monk of the twelfth century ; a ^ Legend of the Holy Coat of
Treves,' and ' The Childhood of Jesu ' by Konrad (not to be iden-
tified with the versifier already mentioned) — these and other
works of their class mark the bare externalism of the times. No-
thing less than a miraculous disturbance of nature seems to have
been regarded as having any religious interest. The infant Jesu
of Konrad's imagination plays safely with lions and dragons;
forms clay models of birds, and makes them fly away; goes to
achool and finds the schoolinaster unable to teach him^ and entoi*
38 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
a heathen temple where all the idols immediatelj fall down and
are hroken to pieces at his feet. Such stories as these were
deplorahle suhstitutes for the sermon preached on the hill near
Capernaum.
We have already referred to the legends versified hy Konrad
von Wurzburg.' His ' Alexius ' is a noticeable story in praise of
celibacy and asceticism. In his tale of 'Silvester' we find an
account of an extraordinary controversy. The Pope argues in
defence of the Christian religion against twelve Jews, and soon
converts eleven. The twelfth remains obstinate, and to prove his
thesis brings into the arena a wild bull ! By a mere whisper of
one word belonging to the creed of Judaism, the animal is in a
moment deprived of life. The Jews rejoice, and the Christians
are for a moment depressed ; but Silvester challenges his opponent
to restore the bull to life. In attempting this, the Jewish theo-
logian fails and the Pope succeeds; whereupon all the Jews
present embrace the Christian faith I The better legend of
' Barlaam and Josaphat ' is supposed to have been derived from a
Buddhistic original. It was translated into Qerman from a Latin,
source, which itself was a translation from the Greek, and its
history belongs to the curiosities of literature. Its purpose, like
that of the legend of Silvester, is to maintain the supremacy of
the Christian religion ; but the arguments used by Barlaam are
superior to those of the bull-reviving Pope.
Two narrative works in verse may be noticed here, though they
do not strictly belong to the class of legends. The first — one of
the best productions of the twelfth century — is a poem intended
to celebrate the virtues of Anno, the Archbishop of Cologne,
who died in 1076, and was canonised in 1 183. The author begins
with the creation of the world, and gives a summary of ancient
histoiy before he describes the life of Anno. The KaUerchronik
is an inferior work, consisting of fragments of history (so called)
oddly mingled with legends and fables. The compiler, who
makes Tarquin reign after Nero, and perpetrates many similar
blunders, is extremely severe in his censure of ' incorrect ' histori-
cal writers. His chronicle was written, most probably, about the
close of the twelfth century.
In the fifteenth century we shall find coarse satire predominant
in popular literature. The materials for such a literature existed
in the time of which we are now writing. Mockery of all the
mj POPULAB STORIESj 89
pretensions of superior station, or learning, or piety, could now
give a zest to the dullest story. Such satire was sometimes fairly
directed against pride, hypocrisy, and pedantry ; but its success
must be mainly ascribed to the fact, that it appealed to the
common and powerful motives of egotism and envy. It was ' a
levelliug down * that delighted the Tulgar. So^ in * Salomon and
Morolf ' — a tale reproduced in the fourteenth century from a Latin
original — the writer tells, with glee, how a coarse and abusive
boor, Morolf, made a fool of Salomon I The king to whpm all
wisdom was given was so unwise as to hold a long controversy
with the fool. They differed especially in their respective esti-
mates of the virtues of women. 'Out of the fulness of the
heart the moUth speaketh,' says Morolf; 'you are always think-
ing of your vrivea and concubines, and therefore you are so
eloquent in their praise.' Salomon now recites his own fine
chapter from the Book of Proverbs in praise of a virtuous wife ;
but Morolf declares that it is a mere fancy-sketch, and utters, as a
contrast, a series of coarse and indiscriminate libels on women.
He reminds the king that, at the creation, God looked on all the
works that He had made, and saw that they were good ; but that,
after woman was made, the earth was cursed. At this juncture,
Nathan the prophet interposes, and prudently advises King Salo-
mon to cease from further argument with Morol£ The king
replies by quoting one of his own proverbs — 'Answer a fool
according to his folly ' — and then prosecutes the argument. At
last,, fatigued by the boor's impudence and pertinacity, he declines
to go on with the discussion, and Morolf, of course, claims the
victory. But an insurrection of the king's wives and concubines
follows, and, in obedience to their demand, the fool is condemned
to be hanged. In recognition of some alleviations of royal ennui
afforded by Morolf sbr^ad humour, the king gives him the privi-
lege of selecting the tree on which he will be suspended. Accord-
ingly the executioners lead the fool through the Valley of
Jehoshaphat, to the Mount of Olives, all the way down to the
Dead Sea, and into Arabia ; but nowhere can he find a suitable
tree on which to be hange^ I The result is, that the king pardons
Morolf, who thus, by his folly, triumphs over the wisdom of
Salomon, and secures for himself a place in mediasval comic
literature.
Among several narratives in verse which cannot be easily
40 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITJERATUBB. [Ch.
classified, tbe story of ' Meier Helmbrecht ' deserves notice, because
it gives some account of tbe manners of tbe common people, of
■wbicb we find hardly a trace in the' romances of chivalry. It lets
us see some of the realities of life which existed at the time when
the minnesingers lived, and it prepares us for some characteristics
o{ literature in the fourteenth and fifteenth century. The author
of the tale, Werneb der Garten abb, was an Austrian, and lived
about the middle of theT thirteenth century. He tells the story of
the prodigal son of a boor, who, urged by his dislike of hard work
and poverty, goes forth, despite the entreaties of father and
mother, to seek bis fortune in dislionest ways. After many
disreputable adventures, he comes home, so changed that be must
give proof of his identity before bis father will entertain him. He
expresses his contempt of all lowly and honest occupations, seeks
to win admiration by talking very bad French, insults his parents,
and persuades his vain sister to elope and marry tbe leader of a gang
of thieves. After another expedition he comes home again, but now
blind and lame, and in great distress. The father sternly refuses
to receive him ; but tbe mother still supplies the prodigal with
food. His depredations, however, have excited such indignation
in the neighbourhood, that a party of boors take the law into
their own hands, and, after a very short trial, he is condemned to
death and is hanged upon a tree. All this is told in. a simple but
graphic style, and the author ends with an earnest warning against
contempt of parents.
As the minnesingers and romancists of chivalry gained money
by their songs and recitations, it was inevitable that their example
would be followed by men of lower degree ; ballad-singers, who
travelled from one village to another, and frequented fairs, where
they 'sang or recited stories for the amusement of tbe people.
Between this class and the higher there seem to have existed
several gradations, so that tbe beat of the wandering singers or
reciters of ballads might hardly be distinguished, by their style
and their choice of subjects, from tbe minstrels.who were patro-
nised at the courts of princes. Among tbe numerous stories
ascribed to one of tbe travelling ballad-singers, named Deb
Stbickeb, one may be noticed, as it supplied materials for some
jest-books which were popular in later times. It is the story of a
vagabond priest styled ' Parson Amis,' who, for some reason that
we cannot guess^ is described as an EngUsbmao. Hifl wealth and
in.] 'EEYNARD THE FOX.' 41
the popularity he gained hy hospitality had excited the envy of
his bishop, who first endeavoured to eject him from bis living by
means of an odd kind of test o5 his clerical qualifications. The
parson, in the course of a viva voce examination, is culled on (ir^t
to answer the question^ ' How many days have passed away since
Adam was created P * From this query Amis escapes by replying,
' Seven only ; but repeated many times.* He*i3 then required to
find the centre of the earth's surface, and solves the problem by
saying, ^ My parish church is situated exactly on the spot.' * The
distance from earth to heaven ? ' is the next question, to which
.he replies, 'It is just as far as my voice can be heard. Do you
go up, my lord, and I will stand here and shout. If you do not
hear me, I forfeit my church.' A severer test follows. Parson
Amis, it is said, has boasted that he can teach an ass to read, and
he must prove his assertion true or lose his place. ' Very well,
my lord,' he replies j ' but I must have thirty years allowed for
the task. There are clever men who can hardly master a science
in less than twenty years.' The sequel of the story reflects less
credit on the parson. Having wasted all his property, be tries his
fortune as a vagabond impostor. He pretends to be a very poor
and utterly uneducated, but deeply pious man, and is accordingly
received as one of a brotherhood of monks, among whom he soon
acquires a high reputation for sanctity. An angel appears in a
vision, and tells the monk, who does not yet know the alphabet,
that he must read the mass at the next service. As soon as he
has put on his priestly robes, he receives the power of reading and
understanding Latin. The fame of this miracle brings many
visitors to the convent, and the impostor receives many presents.
After gaining considerable wealth by other deceptions. Amis
retires to a monastery, devotes, his old age to pious exercises,
and, thus prepared for a better world, dies as a venerable abbot.
This conclusion is the most ridiculous part of the story. Such
were the jokes of the thirteenth century. We shall find some of
them reproduced in the popular stories of a later time ; such as the
' Parson of Kalenberg ' and ' Till Eulenspiegel.'
We have referved for this last place in our review of narrative
poems a notice of the tale of * Beynard the Fox,' becaOse it does
not belong to the more characteristic literature of the period. It
appears to have been neglected by the admirers of romances
founded mostly on foreign legends.
42 . OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
One of the most amusing results of modern science is the
derivation of man from a large hairy ape with canine teeth^ the
supposed inhabitant of some forests of the Old World. Such a
transformation appears as a striking novelty in science ; but it is
old in fable. The Franks, probably as early as the fifth century,
hod fictions in which bears, wolves, and foxes were changed into
men, and the Hindoos had stories of the same kind at a far earlier
date. The old Qerman epic of which the heroes were animals
had not originally any didactic or satirical purport. It is not
difficult to understand the process of conversion from a story
having its interest in itself into a fable recommended to reflective
readers by moral deductions. The people of primitive times were,
in some respects, like children. For them there was an attractive
mystery in the lives of the wild beasts of the forest. Children,
we all know, will still listen eagerly to the adventures of the wolf,
the bear, and the fox -, but will turn away, grieved that a good
story should end so stupidly, when we come to the moraL The
Franks seem to have put no moral purpose into their old story of
the wolf, his friends, and his foes. Isengrim, the wolf, was their
leading hero ; but his place was usurped by the fox, in later times,
when men admired cunning more than strength. The first
makers of the fictions sympathised with the reverses of fortune to
which both men and animals are liable, and, as a means of
expressing their sympathy, endowed th^ beasts of the dark old
German forests with a human understanding and with the gift of
speech. Thus the wolf became 'Isengrim,' and the fox was
styled ' Haginohart ' (strong through cunning), which name, first
contracted as * Reinhart,' was afterwards changed into the Low
German diminutive of 'Heineke.' The lion of Asiatic fables
becomes 'Bruno' the bear in the old German epic. Latin
versions of some parts of the story were made by monks in the
tenth an^ eleventh centuries, and received then, probably, theif
didactic elements. The oldest Middle High German version of
' Reynard the Fox ' was compiled from some French original by.
Heikbich deb' GLicdEZABE, a native of Alsace, who lived in the
latter half of the twelfth century. A fragment is all that remains
of his work, T^hich was soon superseded by another version,
different in style and language, but not in substance. As we have
said, the story does not seem to have been much noticed in
Germany during the thirteenth century ^ but it found a better
m.] 'EEYNAUD THE FOX.' 43
reception al}road. It was especially popular in the Netherlands^
•where a good version in prose appeared in 1479. An* English
translation of this prose story of * Eemaert de Vos ' was pnntt$d
by Caxton in 1481. The improved versified history of * Reynke
de Yos/ founded on the prose edition of 1479, and written in Low
German, appeared at Lubeck in 1498, and passed through many
editions. It has been ascribed to Hermann Barkhusen, a printer
at Kostocky and may be regarded as the standard modem version
of the epic. This was translated into German hexameters by
Goethe in 1794. It has been said that he found in this occupa-
tion a relief from the annoyance caused by the political events
of the time.
To return to the story of the Fox, as told in the twelfth century
— it is a tale of the triumph of cunning, and has hardly a trace of
any didactic purport. Keynard, at a time when he is reduced to
starvation, U received aa'a friend and" accomplice by Isengrim
(the wolf), whose hospitality is basely abused. On the other
hand, I&engrim is found guilty of a breach of faith when he
devours, with solitary greed, a large quantity of pork obtained by
Beynard's cunning. The fox takes revenge by making Isengrim
the victim of several severe practical jokes, and the^e end, of
course, in a serious quarrel. They are mustering their respective
parties for warfare, when their quarrel is interrupted by a procla-
mation from the king (the lion) to the effect that all his subjects
must immediately make their appearance at his court. The king,
who has been for some time indisposed, ascribes his disease to the
displeasure of Heaven, on account of long neglect in the adminis-
tration of justice. All the animals except Heynard — against
whom several heavy charges are prefen-ed— obey the royal pro-
clamation. Several messengers, who are sent to call the fox to
court, are deceived and maltreated by the criminal. At last —
persuaded by *Krimel' (the badger)— he comes to court, and, in
the disguise of a physician, prescribes for the king's disease. The
lion, he says, cannot be cured except by wrapping himself in the
warm skin of the wolf, who must be slain and flayed. By a series
of other malicious stratagems, Heynard drives all his foes, in
terror, from the court ; afterwards,* acts treacherously towards his
own friends, and, lastly, poisons the king.
To conclude this review of narratives in verse, produced, or
reproduced) during the time 1150-1350, it might appear from the
44 OUTLINES OF GMUttAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
•
order in which the seyeral classes of fiction have been noticed^
that a decline took place from stories having some high purport^
like that of * Parzival/ to such fictions as ' Meier Helmbrecht/ or
' Parson Amis/ or ' Keinhart ; ' but, in fact, no such decline took
plnce. Popular literature bad never been raised to the moral
level of Wolfram *s be^t passages, or of the ascetic prose writings
of the monks. These were the higher strata in the literature of
the time. Below them lay all the elements of that more popular
literature which appeared in the course of the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries. The refinements of chivalry had no effect on
the character of the people, but served as a mere varnish. The
kermons and writings of some pious monks and friars of the thir-
teenth century — such men as David of Augsburg and his pupil
Berthold — were far in advance of the moral culture of their times,
and did not remain altogether secluded and barren. They pene-
trated the cells of many students^ and even entered the .homes
and the hearts of many of the common people ; but they had no
general and permanent effect on the character of the popular
literature that followed thAn. No revolution took place when
the coarse, satirical literature of the fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
turies appeared. Popular characteristics that had previously
existed then only expressed themselves more loudly. The cul-
ture of the thirteenth century was confined to certain classes, and
for these it was rather special than general.
IVJ LYBIC AND DIDACTIO. VEESB. 45
CHAPTER IV.
SECOND PERIOD, 1150-1350.
LTBIC ASD DIDACnC TEfiSB — THE lONNESINGEBS— FlkOSB.
In days of yore how fortunately fared
The minstrel, wandering on fcom court to oourti
Baronial hall or royal I
The life of a minnesinger; or German troubadour, of the thirteenth
century seems now so unreal - that we can hardly imagine it as
erer existing anywhere save on the stage of the opera. A modem
poet writing, in his lonely study^ lyric poems of which he never
sings one stanza^ and sending out copies of them to be read mostly
in solitude and silence ; — this seems real and rational. We can
respect both the poet and his readers. But the mediaeval singer^
trained to arms, yet devoting himself, in the prime of life, to the
study of versification, 'wandering on from court to court/ and
there, in the presence of ladies and knights, singing his own
songs to tunes of his own composing, accompanying himself, more-
over, on a large; inelegant kind of fiddle with only three strings ;
— ^this is a picture too fantastic to be taken for a portrait. The
minstrel-knight, riding along with a studious, melancholy face^
and humming over his own newly-composed tune; calling on
woods, streams, and birds to sympathise with his sorrow, while he
complains of the unkindness of an elected lady, to whom he has
never spoken a word ; — ^this is a caricature that seems to have
been inyented by Cervantes; but it was once a living reality,
however incredible it may now seem. The minnesinger was, at
first, an imitator of the French troubadour, and the travelling
ballad- singer represented the French jongleur. Their songs and
recitations were medisBval substitutes for such intellectual ezcite-
ments as are now supplied by our newspapers and our prolific
46 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
literature of fictioD, our theatres and our concerts of highly-
developed music.
If it be hard to understand how the commonplace verses
found in many of the ordinary MmneUeder could ever have been
tolerated and applauded, we sHould consider how dull winter
evenings must have been in a German castle of the middle ages.
There is much affectation to be found in the love-songs of the
time, and some of the lyrics composed to hail the advent of
spring now seem artificial ; but the complaints of winter*8 deso-
lation and dulness have often a tone of real feeling.
The knights and the men of lower degree who made verses
borrowed at first both their themes and their modes of versifica-
tion from the French troubadours, but gradually assumed more
independent and national characteristics. The old popular ballads
of the German people had fallen in esteem, and lyrical poems of
. a far more artificial character became fashionable. . A greatly
improved style of versification is found in the best of the so-
called Minnelieder, This name of 'love-songs' has been incor-
rectly applied to the whole of the lyrical poetry of the thirteenth
century ; for the minstrels of that time, though love, or a senti-
mental respect for women, was their favourite theme^ sang also of
the beauty of the earth and the skies in spring and summer, and
sometimes expressed their thoughts freely on such topics as
morals^ politics, and religion. The want of reality and common
interest found in too many of their lyrics is* easily explained by
the fact that they were often invented as mere exercises in versi-
fication. It was a rule that a minnesinger must invent his own
form of stanza and his own tune, and a repetition of a strophe or
a melody already appropriated was' regarded as a fidlure. Hence
the study of the form prevailed over that of the purport; just as
we find, in inferior music, mere counterpoint taking the place of
inspiration.
For our knowledge of these medisaval poets and their songs we
are indebted to several manuscript collections, made about the
close of the period of which we are writing, the most extensive of
which, though not the oldest, is commonly known as the ' Parisian
Manuscript.' It is supposed to have been written, by several
hands, in the fourteenth century, and contains specimens of tho
productions of one hundred and forty poets and versifiers, with
one hundred and' thirty-seven illustrations. This remarkable
rV.] LYRIC' AND DIDACTIC VERSE.. At
manuscript was found in tlie libniry of the castle of Forsteck,
near the old convent of St. Gallen, about ICOO, and soon after-
wards was placed in the library of Heidelberg. In some way not
vet explained it was carried off to Paris about the dose of the
Thirty Years* War, and in 1816, when other literary treasures
were "restored to Germany, was retained in the Paris library. The
whole collection, well edited by Von der Hagen, was published in
1838.
The reader of this book cannot but be impressed at first with a
sense of contrast between the Tariety of the metres and the same-
ness of the thoughts. But a closer acquaintance with the German
troubadours reveals, in their best productions^ both a poetical and
an historical interest. Their faTourite theme is ' Minnef which
means, in the tirst place, the kind remembrance of a friend, either
living or deceased. This is the oldest meaning of the word, and
it accords well with the purport of the best Minneliedery which
have been highly praised for their chaste and refined style.
Others, however, have supplied arguments in support of some
unfavourable representations of the morals of the ages of chivalry.
There can be no doubt that both the praise and the censure are
well founded. The former may be justified by reference to the
best lyrical poems of Walther von der Vogelweide ; while for an
example of the caricature of Minne and chivalry, there stands the
autobiogrtxphy of Ulrich von Lichtenstein. These two men re-
present, respectively, the lights and the shadows of the higher
social life of their timesy ^
Walther von disk Vogelweide is in merit, though not in the
order of time, the first of his class. His master, or first model, he
says, was Keinuab deb Alte, a crusader, who died about the close
of the twelfth century. Walther was bom of poor parents, and in
early life chose the profession of a wandering minstrel. Such a
vagabond life was, in his times, by no means disreputable. There
was then no home in his native land for men of intellect or
genius, who were not churchmen. They were compelled to de-
pend on the patronage of courts. ISo Walther invented new
stanzas and tunes, and rambled from one court to another, and
yet he was no servile courtier. He did not gain riches by his
travels. Th6 assertion that he joined one of the crusades seems
destitute of proof. In one of his poems, apparently written when
he was old and weary of the world, he expresses an earnest longing
48 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEE [Ch.
to trayel to the Holy Land. 'Though X am still a poor ide^/
ho B&jSf * I should there gain great wealth. I mean neither land
nor gold/ but an eyerlasting crown. Might I but make a Toyage
thither over the sea I Then would I sing " 'tis well/' and say
'^ alas ** no more.' It is true that, in another poem, he speaks as
if he had arrived in Palestine, but his voyage was, most probably^
only imaginary. In his later years he resided on a small estate
given to him^ as it appears, by the emperor Fiiedrich 11. ; but not-
withstanding this high patronage, the poet died as he had lived
— ^poor.
Walther's lyrical poems are distinguished fi'om those of most
of his contemporaries by a strong impress of sincerity and a wide
range of thought. When he hails the coming of spring after a
long winter, he imitates in the gladness of his heart the carols of
the birds, and goes on in melodious verses to speak of the beauty
and grace of the lady to whom he dedicates his song, but
whom he never names. ' When she appears,' he says, ' all the
charms of the spring are forgotten.' In the next song the reader,
to his surprise, will find the minstrel changed into a satirist, who
denounces the political and religious corruption of his times, re-
bukes the Pope for his worldly ambition, and predicts a speedy
ruin of the world. These are not all the notes of the scale on
which his songs are constructed. As a specimen of his lighter
and more popular style^ the following strophe in praise of German
women may serve : —
In many foreign lands I've been,
And knights and ladies there have seen ;
But here alone I find my rest —
Old Germany is still the best ;
Some other lands have pleased me well ;
But here — 'tis here I choose to dwell.
German men have virtues rare,
And German maids are angels fair I
He rises to a higher strain than this in other lyrics, where he
places domestic virtue above external beauty, and speaks of Minne
in the higher interpretation of the word. ' Even where it cannot
be returned,' he says, ' if devoted to one worthy of it, it ennobles
a man's life. His aiTection for one teaches him to be kind and
generous towards all.' Walther pleasantly describes himself as by
no means good-looking, and censm'es all praise bestowed on men
for their merely exterior advantages. ' And he is no fiainatical
I7J LYRIC AND DIDACTIC VERSE. 49
worshipper of feminine beauty, affirming that it mnj sometimes be
a thin mask worn over bad passions. Grace ami amiability live
longer and exert a deeper influence than external charms. Wai-
ting agrees with Reinmar von Zweter in regarding * wife ' as a
title more honourable than ^ lady.* The first implies some duties
fulfilled ; the second is only an abstract term.
With regard to their moral and social purport, the verses of Wal-
ther have a considerable historical interest. They show us how
iiisecurely the Church held the faith and loyalty of German men in
the thirteenth century. Walther is bold and violent in his defi-
ance and contempt of the Pope's usurpation of temporal authority.
Referring in one place to a fable commonly believed in his time,
he says : — * When Constantine gave the spear of temporal power^
as well as the cross and the crown, to the see of Rome, th^ angels
in heaven lamented, and well they might } for that power is now
abused to annoy the emperor and to stir up the prince.«, his vassals,
against him.' The poet was as earnest in dissuading the people
from contributing money to support the Crusades. * Very little of
it,' said he^ 'will ever find its way into the Hol^ Land. The
Pope is now filling his Italian cofiTers with our German silver.'
This saying seems to have been very popular ; for a tame moralist
who lived in Walther's time complains that, by making sucb
statements, the poet was perverting the faith of many people.
* All his ^e verses,' the moralist adds, * will not atone for that
bad libel on Rome.' Yet the author of it was quite oithodox in
doctrine, and was enthusiastic in his zeal for rescuing the Hbly
Sepulchre from the Saracens. In one of his best lyrics, already
mentiened, he imagines that he has arrived in Palestine. The
whole of this poem might serve, if it could be fairly translated, as
an example of the author's bold and poetical style; but we can-
not attempt more than a version of the first stanza : —
Now I live without a care ;
For all IVe longed for I behold.
The Holy Land of which ebowheref
Such wonders have been truly told,
Lies all spread out before me there,
And I may tread the path which (vod.
In human form, so often trod.
Then follows a summary of nearly idl the articles in the
Apoatlea' Creed. If this lyric makes it evident that the poet waa
B
so OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUIIE. [Ch.
a Christian in bis belief, other verses express, with equal earnest-
ness, his love of his native land and his grief for the social and
political disorders of his own times. He believes that the world
is falling a prej to anarchy. ' I hear the rushing of the water/
he says, ' and I watch the movements of the fish that swim in its
depth. I explore the habits of the creatures of this world, in the
orest and in the field, from the beast of the chase down to the
insect, and I find there is nowhere any life that is not vexed by
hatred and strife. Warfare is found everywhere, and yet some
order is preserved even among animals ; but in my -own native
land, where the petty princes are lifting themselves up against the
emperor, we are hastening on to anarchy.' The course of events
proved that he was too true in this prediction. Resignation and
dei-pair, rather than any hope of a reconciliation of religion with
practical life, characterise other meditative poems. We give, in
the following version, the purport of one of the best of this
class: —
I sat one day upon a stone.
And meditated long, alone.
While resting on my hand my head.
In silence to myself I said : —
' How, in these days of care and strife,
Shall I employ my fleeting lift ? —
Three precious jewels I require
To satisfy my heart's desire : —
The first is honour, bright and clear,
The next is wealth, and — ^far more dear —
The third is Heaven's approving smile.'
Then, after I had mased awhile,
I saw that it was vain to pine
For these three pearls in one small shrine $ *
To find within one heart a place
For honour, wealth, and hearenly grace ;
For how can one, in days like these.
Heaven and the world together please ?
Many inferior names must be left unnoticed to make room for
those of two or three versifiers who, with regard to their didactic
tendency, were followers or associates of Walther, Of the first of
these, who was styled Deb Marnbb, hardly anything is known
further than that he was a wandering Suabian minstrel, who
died some time before 1287. It is related by one of his friends^
Kumeland, that Der Marner lived to an advanced age, became
stone-bliod; and was murdered when on a journey. like Walther,
IV.] LYEIC AND DIDACTIO VERSE. 51
he wafl audacious in his declamatious against Home ; but his didac-
tic Terses have but little poetical interest. Brotheb Wernheb,
-who lived in the earlier part of the thirteenth century^ and is
described as ' a pilgrim/ was another severe didactic versifier, a
laudator temporis acU, and a satirist of the rising generation of his
times. Indeed it seems to have been necessary to die, in order to
gain a good word from brother Wemher, for he praised only the
deceased, and his best poems are elegies. Of Minne, whether in
the right or the wrong sense of the word, we find very little in
his verses. Dr. Johnson would have liked Wemher, for he wa
' a good hater.'
Hed^xab von Zwstsb — ^so named to distinguish him from iiie
older Reinmar already mentioned — deserves to be noticed if only
on account of his rational respect for real good women as distin-
guished from the abstract and imaginary ladies celebrated by so
many versifiers. It is true he is rather prosaic in his style of
repeating that the honest, homely, practical wife holds a place in
the world far higher than that of the dreamlike goddess of a
minnesinger; that true beauty survives the loss of youth's
charms, and that a devotion which has Hved through trials of
fortitude and patience is worth more than the bare promise of
youth. ' A true wife,' he adds, ' is as precious as the Gral seen
by Parzival in the castle. She is, at once, a woman and an angel.'
This passage recalls Wordsworth's, lines on
a creature not too good
For haman nature's daily food.
And yet a spirit, too, and bright
With something of an angel light.
The portrait of Eeinmar given in the ' Parisian Manuscript' is,
of course, imaginary ; but it is one of the most pleasing of the
illustrations given in that volume. He sits, meditating, under a
Gothic canopy. On his right hand a little maiden, and at his
left a boy, seem to be earnestly engaged in writing down the
advice he has recently given them. TMs picture refers, probablyi
to one of his lyrics, of which the beginning, considered as poetry,
is fiar better than the close. It opei£9 thus : —
My life is in its eventide.
My sunshine now has turned to gray ;
Of youth, still glowing like the dawn,
I'm musing at the close of day.
e2
62 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
And then follows some Advice to young people, which is good
and true in its purport, but prosaic in form.
With regard to their moral tendencies, the versifiers of this time
may be divided into two classes; — those who hardly speak of
morals and those who speak mostly in a severe and ascetic tone.
While some describe life as a festival, others turn away from it in
despair. Religion, as understood by Walther and others, is re-
garded mostly as a preparation for another world. ' This world,
says Walther, ' though gay with green and rosy colours on the
outside, is black within, and dark as death, for those who look
beyond the outer show ; ' and many less powerful expressions of the
same thought may be found in the lyrical and didactic verse of
the times. A remarkable protest against this mediaeval pessimism
is found in some lyrical poems ascribed to FbiedHich von
SoNKENBTTBG, who Hved and gained fame as a minstrel before
1268, and died befbre 1287. The most striking characteristic of
his verses is their anti-monastic tendency. ' To blame this fair
world in which we live,' he says, ' is to be guilty of impiety ; for
it is through this world that we obtain our knowledge of the
Creator, and its substance is so good that God formed out of it
the Blessed Virgin and His own human nature.' 'AH the saints
who have lived have been indebted to this earth on which we
dwell for their bodily existence,' says the poet ; and he adds —
with a reference to the doctrine of transubstantiation — ' Gpd foims
daily His own body out of the produce of the earth. Through
this world lies our only way into heaven, and, at the resurrection,
it must be from the earth that our new bodies will arise. The
commandment '' Honour thy father and thy mother " forbids a
contempt of the world in which we live ; for if God is our Father,
the world is, surely, our mother. " Forsake this evil world I "
men idly say ; but it is simply impossible. Let us forsake our
fiins, and be thankful for the world we dwell in I ' These are the
most original thoughts to be found in Bonnenburg's rhymes.
That he could be sometimes severe in his censure of his fellow-
men, and that he had no respect for the memory of the emperor,
we see in a dismal elegy on The great Hohenstaufen. The poet
here expresses a firm belief that Rome has for ever excluded her
enemy from heaven. ' It must be so, if all that the monks say is
tiue,' he adds, and he is not speaking ironically.
The want of individuality and other faults of the MmneUeder are
IV.] LYRIC AND DIDACTIC VEESE. 63
partly explained when we consider that they were composed to be
sung, and that many of their metres and stanzas were intricate in
their structure. As a proof of the difficulty of combining such
conditions with a free expression of thought, we may refer to one
of the best of the religious Minndteder — a hymn in praise of the
Virgin, which was written by ^beshabt yon 'Sax. He lived in
the later half of the thirteenth century, and was, probably, a
Dominican monk. Of all the twenty stanzas— each consisting of
twelve lines — ^it would be impossible to give an English transla-
tion of one, so as to preserve the sense and, at the same time, the
metre, with corresponding rhymes. The structure of tiie regular
Italian sonnet is less difficult than that of the stanza chosen for
this hymn, which is one of the best and most musical of all the
religious Mmndieder,
Having given some brief notices of .versifiers^ ^rho, in some
respects, might be associated with Walther, we may now mention
those who belonged to the fantastic school. Of these, the first in
rank is Ulrich von Liohtenstein, a knight of Steiermark, who
was bom about the beginning of the thirteenth century. If half
of what he tells of himself is true, his adventures surpassed in
absurdity some that we read of in Don Quixote. He was employed
as page to a noble lady when he was only twelve years old^ and
soon afterwards made a resolution of devoting bis whole life to her
service, for which she never thanked him. This wasted loyalty
occupied about thirty years of his life, and gave rise to a 'series of
strange adventures which are described in his romance (or auto-
biography), entitled Frauendiemt. Its absurdity makes it almost
incredible ; but its style is that of a dry, versified chronicle, and
it has been generally accepted as autobiographical. Here he tells
how, in order to vindicate the honour of his elected lady — ^which
had never been questioned — he rode forth ' disguised as Venus,'
and tilted against all knights who would accept his challenge.
In another expedition, he represented King Arthur, restored to
the world in order to revive the institutions of chivalry. The
lady for whom he encountered all the dangers of his first series of
adventures despised him, made him the butt of ridicule, and, at
last, subjected him to a practical joke so degrading that he will
not tell us what it was. \ If I mentioned it,' he says, ' every
honest man would sympathise with my vexation.' His own wife,
whom he now and then mentions kindly, and with whom he lived
54 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
on good terms when he stayed at home, seems to have made no
protest against his Quixotism. His Dulcinea was a respectable
married ladj when he was first engaged in her service, and she
must have been, at least, about twelve years older than her
champion. Some critics, who accept Ulrich's story as a statement
of facts, suppose that his imagination had been excited by a study
of French romances. Others find in his Frauendienst a fair
picture of manners in the times of chivalry. He died in 1277,
when he was about seventy-six years old. His example was
copied, on a reduced scale, by Johit Hadlaub, of Zurich, who
died in the fourteenth century \ but this new Quixote was too
late in the field, and his performances were hardly noticeable.
Some of his verses are imitations of the style of Nithabt von
Heuknthal, a knight who lived in the first half of the thirteenth
century, and whose songs deserve notice for the novelty of their
character.
Nithabt was lively and fluent in his versification, and gave
some interest to his songs by introducing comic scenes from rustic
ife and telling his own adventures at village festivals. In several
instances his humour is more to be commended than his taste.
Walther, most likely, referred to Nithart's innovations, when he
spoke of ' low comic ballads that ought to be sent back to the
boors from whom they were borrowed.' Nithart generally gives
some dramatic interest to his songs; but his plots have little
variety. For example, he begins a song with a few notes on fine
weather, and then lightly sketches his rural scenery. It is May-
time ) the linden-trees are putting forth their fresh green leaves \
the meadows are golden with buttercups, and the village maidens
come out to dance. A venerable rustic makes her appearance,
entreating her wilful daughter to stay at home and work in the '
garden. The mother scolds and threatens; bift the girl trips
away to join the dancers. In another song, the girl and her
mother have changed their parts, and we have a livelier comedy.
It is now the old dame who, unconscious of her age and infirmity,
is seized with an irresistible passion for dancing. In vain the girl
speaks of gray hairs and a becomiog sobriety. The maiden must
now stay at home, and the old mother trips away to the dance.
Nithart had, probably, a lively style of singiqg and recitation that
gave effect to such songs as these. We find their characteristics
in the lyrics of Gottpbibd vok Nifeit, and in those ascribed to
IV.] LYMC AND DIDACTIC VERSE. 55
Der Takhauseb. In passing, we may observe, that the popular
legend associated with the name of Der Tanhauser is far older
than his time.
Versifiers becaipe more and more didactic towards the close of
the thirteenth century, as may be seen in the writings ascribed to
Heiitrich Fbavenlob, of Meissen, who was bom in 1260 and
died in 1818. He was a man of some learning, and liked to show
it, even when it was out of place. ' Other poets skim the surface/
he says; *Ji descend into the depths.* This refers, we suppose, to
his mystical verses, which are his worst. A tradition says that,
on account of the praise he bestowed on good women and their
domestic virtues, he was carried to his g^ve by ladies, and was
buried, with great honours, in the cathedral at Mayence;
Frauenlob's imitator, and subsequent rival, was a wandering
smith named Regenbogen, who left his trade and, urged, as he
tells us, ' by a love of poetry ' — ^but, more probably, by a wish to
avoid hard work — chose the life of a ballad-singer. The times
were unfavourable, and he seems to have been a disappointed
man. Unlimited competition had injured the trade of rhyming,
and the market value of verse had fallen very low. ' My noble
patrons must soon pay me better,' says Eegenbogen, ' or I shall
go back to the anvil.* Another rhymer, Master Sxolle, is
yery emphatic in his condemnation of the king, Rudolf of Haps-
burg, who would not pay money for verses. 'The liing,' says
Master Stolle, 'ia an honourable man; but he will not spend.
He is rich, no doubt, in all virtues ; but he will' not scatter his
money. Sing or say what you will in his praise, this must be
always added — he gives us nothing.' It is a hard, un poetic fact
that the development of lyric poetry was interrupted in the days of
Kaiser Rudolf by a want of funds. Walther, a true poet, com-
plained of his poverty, and no wonder that his degenerate fol-
lowers, the poetasters, had to complain more bitterly. Intellectual
culture waa becoming more and more fesident in towns, and found
less and less patronage in the castles of knights and barons and at
the courts of princes. The wandering ballad-singers fought
bravely against the tendency of their times, and persevered in
their old, idle way of life. The followers of Regenbog en were not
easily suppressed. It was more than a century after his time,
when a venal rhymer, Michael BEHEiJf^ almost in despair,
complained thus of hard times : —
66 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURB. [Ch.
Witb poverty 1 wage a useless strife ;
I never was so ragged in my life I
About the same time, Hosenblut, a writer of heraldic ballads,
gave up business ; in other words, abandoned his vagabond life
and his adulation of noblemen, settled at Niimberg, and there
wrote comic tales, not always edifying, for the amusement of the
people. His example was characteristic of the general tendency
of popular literature in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Though several itinerant poetasters continued their struggle for
existence, they did not represent the popular culture of their
times, which found encouragement in the towns, and especially in
the guilds of the Master Singers, to which our attention must soon
be directed.
Here, then, we say farewell to the Qerman troubadours, and to
their attendants and followers, the wandering ballad-singers ; but
before we go on to describe the guilds or schools of their well-
meaning but prosaic successors, the master singers, we must no-
tice several books of didactic- verse, which belong to the thirteenth
century and the early part of the fourteenth. In one of these —
oddly entitled ' The Hunner,' and written by Hugo von Trimberg —
will be found an indication of the general characteristics of popu-
lar literature from the close of the fourteenth century to the time
of the Reformation.
Hueo VON Trimberg was the rector of a school near Bamberg
in 12G0-1300. The statement that he was a schoolmaster has
been called in question, but is supported by strong internal
evidence. He has all the sourness and severity of an overworked
and ill-paid rector of a school, and to this he adds the bitterness
of an author who has lost a considerable part of his manuscripts.
He wrote, besides * The Runner,' several books, including one
entitled Ber Sammler (* The Gatherer '), which, as he teUs us, was
lost during his lifetime. Hugo had learning enough to enable him
to make some quotations from Horace, Juvenal, and Seneca. His
book was at first planned as an allegory, but he afterwards used it
as he might have used a chest of drawers in which to stow away
any articles he had not room for elsewhere. His memory seems
to have been injured by his drudgery in the school near Bamberg;
for he often inserts the same article twice. He declaims severely
against all classes of society, excepting the peasantiy. < When
rv.] LYEIC AND DIDACTIC VERSE. S7
the Old Serpent was cast down from heaven/ says Ilugo, 'his
body was broken into three pieces. The first — pride — was shared
among the wealthy laity ; the middle — greed— became the pro-
perty of the clergy ; and the twl — envy — was given to the monks.
If Saint Paul and Saint Peter were living now at Bome^ they
would be sold, if anyone would bid a fair price for them.' Such
sweeping accusations as these are repeated here and there, and the
old schoolmaster apologises by telling us that his memory is 'not
as good as it was forty years ago.' Turning to treat of his own
profession, he assures us that elementary education Is useless if it
is not religious, and he makes the same complaint of the rieiog
generation that we often hear now : — ' There are no genuine children
to be found now,' he says j * the boys are far too clever, and kr ow
more than their parents and their teachers. I do not like these
little old men. When they are really old, I expect they will be
yery childish.' Then follow some laudations of the good old
times that had passed away, it seems, before the opening of the
fourteenth century ! Hugo condemns the waste of time in read-
ing such romances as * Parzival ' and ' Tristan,' ' which are full of
lies,' he says, and he ridicules tournaments and some other amuse-
ments of chivalry. The most readable parts of his book are the
stories and fables which he inserts to illustrate his doctrines. For
example, to show that there is one law for the rich and another
for the poor in the confessional, he tells a story of the wolf and
the fox who went to Home to confess to the Pope. On their
way,
They overtook the Ass, and so
All three to Rome together go.
And when they saw the city near,
The Wolf said to his cousin dear:
* Reynard, my plan I'll name to you :—
The Pope, we know, has much to do :
I doubt if he can spend his time
To hear our catalogues of crime.
Twill spare some trouble for. the Pope
(An4 aLso for ourselves, I hope,
As we may 'scape with penance less).
If to each other.we confess :
Let each describe his greatest'sin —
So, without preface, I'll begin.
To notice trifles I disdain ;
But one fact gives my conscience pain.
Tis this : — there dwelt beside the Rhine
A man who lived by feeding swine
68 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
He bad a sow who. rambled wide^
While all her piga with hunger cried.
I punished her in such a way,
That never more she went astraf •
Her little ones, deserted now,
Oft moved my pity, I'll avow ;
I ended all their woes pne night —
• Now let my punishment be light ! ' '
'Well,' said the Fox> 'your sin was smn^
And hardly can for penance call ;
For such a venial transgression •
You've made amends by this confession.
And now I'll do as yon have done ;
Of all my sins I'll name but one :
A man such noisy fowls would keep,
That no one net^ his house could sleep ;
The crowings of his chanticleer
Disturbed the country far and near.
Distracted by the noise, one night
I went and stopped his crowing quite.
But this feat ended not the matter.
The hens began to crow and chatter ;
And so (the deed I slightly rue)
I killed them and their chickens too.'
* Well,' said the Wolf, *to hush that din
Was surely no alarming sin.
Abstain from poultry for three days.
And, if you like, amend your ways.
But now the Ass must bd confessed —
Donkey ! how far have you transgressed ? *
* Ah I ' said the Ass with dismal bray, ^
* You know I have not much to say ; r
For I have toiled from day to day, ^
And done for master service good,
In carrying water, corn, and wood ;
But once, in winter-time, 'tis true,
I did what I perhaps must rue : —
A countryman, to keep him warm
(We had, just then, a snowy storm).
Had put some straw into his shoes—
To bite it I could not refuse ;
And so (for hunger was my law)
I took, or stole, a single straw.'
* There ! say no more I ' the Fox exclaimed ;
' For want of straw that man was lamed ;
His feet were bitten by the frost;
Tis probabler his life was lost.
Twas theft and murder. — No reply !
Yom- penance is, that you must die.'
The author concludes bus work with a passage that may disann
IV.] LYRIC AND DIDACTIC VERSE. S9
criticism. Self-knowledge was rare among tlie satirists of these
timeS) but Hugo had acquired it. ' I am like Balaam's ass/ he
says, ' speaking to warn sinners of the errors of their way. But
wherever my book travels — in Suabia, Thuriugia, Bavaria, and
Franken — ^I trust that many will thank me for putting into German
some good doctrines hitherto little known in our land, and I
entreat my survivors — especially women — to subscribe each a
penny, that masses may be said for the release of my soul from
purgatory.'
Hugo*s didactic and satirical book may be regarded as repre-
senting the purport of a considerable part of the literature of
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; but later satirists were
even more severe and indiscriminate than Hugo in their censures.
For a time, the men of reformatory tendencies had the advantage
in polemical writing until Thomas Mumer arose and showed them
that ridicule and bitter invective could also be employed with
effect against Protestants. In these times the ten commandments
seemed to have been virtually reduced to two : — the first, that
every man should have a good conceit of himself, and the second
that he should libel his neighbours.
Ber Wmabecke, written about the middle of the thirteenth
century, is a more pleasing didactic book than Hugo's. It gives
us the advice of an aged father addressed to his son, and its tone
is both manly and gentle. A very short quotation may serve to
confirm our statement that, besides fanatical worshippers and
satirists of women, there lived some gentlemen in the thirteenth
century. ' My son/ says the old man, 'I warn you not to follow
the example of those who rail against womeq. You may find,
perhaps, even in high rank some ladies who are hardly worthy of
their titles ; but let not this mislead you. To win the esteem of
good women is a sure way to success in 'life. In their society we
find our best solace, and all the c&res and toils of our life are for-
gotten.' This book, Der Winsbecke, had a feminine counterpart —
Die Wifubeckin — in which a mother gives moral instruction to
her daaghter. Her well-intended advice is inferior to the old
manls, but is more amusing. A far better didactic book^ entitled
Freidanlis BescJietdenhett (' Freidank's Advice '), has been, without
authority, ascribed to Walther von der Vogelweide. The unknown
author, or compiler, of this book, which includes a great number of
proverbs, resembles Hugo in some of his denunciations of the
60 OUTLINES OF aERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
XDedifBval Churcli ; but writes on tlie whole with greater modera-
tion. \yith regard to this quality, however, *^The Italian Guest,'
a book on morals and manners written by Thohasiv Zibclake,
in the early part of the thirteenth century, is one of the best
didactic works of its time. In other respects it is not remark-
able.
We find more amusement in the Edektettiy a series of stories
and fables written by Ulktch Boner, a monk who died at an
advanced age, in 1340. He wrote very clearly and without the
slightest attempt to decorate his verses. 'Plain words are my
fashion,' he says ; ' one of my stories may look like a dry nutshell,
but a kernel will be found in it. You may gather some medicinal
herbs out of a homely little garden like mine.' Sometimes, how-
ever, he gives a story purely for its humour, as when he tells how
an incorrigible dunce came home from the University of Paris :^-
The father spread his daintiest cheer
For friends who came from far and near.
Congratulating sire and son
For all the lore at Paris won.
John drew a long and studions fftoe
(For eveiy dunce may learn grimace) : •
He nodded well, and shook his head.
And, wisely, very little said.
Then, when the dinner>time was o*er.
He stood beside an open door,
And studiously beheld the sky —
The moon was shining, full and high.
Then whispered some good friends t<^tber :
' He knows the laws of winds and weather.
Astronomy ! — he knows it all.
And what to-morrow will befaU.'
The father was a happy man
Until the son to talk began ;
For opening wide his month, he said :
' One thing doea puzzle my poor head ;
'Tis this : — ^the moon that yon see there
And that at Paris make a pair
So much alike, 1 cannot see
Their difference in the least degree I '—
At this the father shook his head,
And to his friends, in anger, said :
* Be warned by me— don't send to school
A boy predestined for a fooL'
IV.] PROSE. 61
•
We have still to mention the prose literature of this period. It
is scanty, but interesting ; for it includes the remarkable sermons
of the Franciscan friar Brother Berthold, and the speculative
writings of the so-K;alled mystic. Master Eckhart. These were
men who endeavoured, not to describe the world aa it is, nor to
satirise it, but to make it a new world. Thex belonged, respec-
tively, to the Franciscan and Dominican ordera, founded in 1208
and 1215. Brother Berthold was the best popular preacher, and
Master Eckhart was the highest speculative thinker of the thir-
teenth century.
Bebtholi) Lech, bom about 1220-30, was the pupil of David
of Augsburg, a monk of some learning, who seems to have been
proud of the young preacher he had trained ; for the master some-
times accompanied the scholar in his travels through Bavaria,
Bohemia, and Thuringia. So great was the fame of Berthold
among the common people, that in many places where he came
no church was large enough to hold his congregation. He there-
fore often chose some elevated spot in the open field, and there
preached to assembled thousands. In order to give fair play to
his powerful voice, he took care to place his congregation facing
the quarter from which the wind was blowing. One of his
chief traits was his oppositipn to eztemalism, and this alone was
remarkable at a time when such a man as Walther, the poet, was
longing to join a crusade in order to save his soul. Though Ber-
thold was an orthodox churchman and denounced heresy, he
preached boldly against trust in ceremonies, pilgrimages, and in-
dulgences. ' You have paid a visit to the shrine of St. James/ he
says, ' and there you have seen his skull, which consists of dead
bones; but the better part of the saint is in heaven.' The
chief characteristic of Berthold's preaching was the vigorous
application of his doctrine to the realities of common life. How-
ever various their tenets ma^r be, moral teachers may, with regard
to theb purport, be all included in three classes: — they either
tolerate life as it is; or they denounce it; or they endeavour
to transmute it into a* higher life. Berthold belonged to the
third class, and his practical character is clearly shown in an
anecdote related of him. He had been preaching, on one occa-
sion, when a notorious sinner cried aloud and expressed a sudden
resolution to lead a new life. The monk immediately made a
paust in his discourse, and gave orders, which were promptly
62 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUEE. [Oh.
obeyed, that a collection should be made for the penitent Magda-
lene, to enable her to start fairly in a course of honest living.
That such a practice might be abused, and lead to conversions
more numerous than genuine^ is only too obvious.
Berthold was a man of superior imaginative eloquence. There
are some passages in the best of his Oand-sermons/ as he called
them, which reimnd us of Jeremy Taylor's style; the follow-
ing passage, for example :— ' What can a child unborn know,' says
the preacher, ' of the light and glory of this world ; of the bright
sun, the sparkling stars, the various colours and the radiance of
gems ; or of the splendid array of silk and gold made by man's
skill ; or of the melodies of birds and the sounds of instruments
of music ,* or of the various hues of flowers, and of so many other
splendours P As little can we .know truly of the unspeakable
pleasures of Paradise.' Other equally fervid passages are to be
found in the sei-m^n on Heaven, where the light and warmth of
the preacher's imagination play mostly upon the clouds, and
strike out resplendent colours there ; while in his practical teach-
ing his doctrine descends with fertilising power, and penetrates
the soil of daily life. His words are seldom abstract ; he clothes
his thoughts in familiar imagery, and repeats them again and
again, as if resolved to make his dullest hearer understand.
_ »
Berthold*s errors arose from his z^al for the welfare of the
poorer classes of society. It is easier to retire from the world
than to mend it ; but Berthold, though a monk, would ^ot sur-
render the world to the power of evil. In his endeavour
to reconcile his two beliefs— that the world was made to be a
home for happy men, and that it has been greatly depraved —
he was led to some bold conclusions. The first was an assertion
of the absolute freedom of man's will^ to which he ascribed the
origin of all existing evils. Again, his endeavour to reconcile the
benevolent purpose of the Creator with the wrongs and the
sufferings of society led Berthold, though he knew nothing of
Communism as a theory, to declaim in favour of something very
much like it. He says nothing of the necessity of physical
sufferings, in order to lead to man's higher moral education, and
then to more favourable circumstances; he knows nothing of
such doctrines as modem economists teach ; but when he sees the
sufferings of the poor he declaims thus : — ^ There is enough in the
world for all of you, and if any sufier want it is because others
/
IV.] PKOSE. C3
hare too mudu God made this world as complete as He made
the hearens. As there is no star wanting there, so there is no-
thing for man's nse left wanting here. There is enough meat,
and bread, and wine, and beer, fish and fowl, and game of all kinds
for bU of us ; and if you say it has been unfairly distributed, I
reply that some one has robbed you of your proper share.' In
concluding one part of the sermon from which we quote, the
preacher declares that the kingdom of heaven belongs to the poor,
and that the rich must buy it from the poor — ^in other words, must
merit it by a liberal distribution of alms. Such teaching as this
was, no doubt, one of the causes of Berthold*s popularity, and its
influence survived his times. We find its echoes in the popular
literature of the following two hundred years. So strong was
the general democratic tendency of these two centuries, that
k was owing to Luther and his friends that the Reformation,
when it did come, was not accompanied by a sweeping
social revolution. Neither Berthold nor the Mystics ever
dreamed of such a result; but it can hardly be doubted that to
them the extreme left party of the Heformation were greatly
indebted for their opinions and tendencies. From the highest
truth to error there may be but a step. ' Men are created to be
free,' said Berthold, 'and the gifts of Providence ought to be
fairly shared.' So thought John of Leyden. The good friar
never dreamed of having such a follower, and if he could have
known him, would have been ashamed of him ; but there was,
nevertheless, an historical connection between these two men.
Apart from some tedious repetitions, the stjle of Berthold's
sermons deserves high praise. He says two or three things
distinctly, and then makes a full stop ; thus avoiding the compli-
cations of which the German language is capable. The same
clearness is found in the writings of Tauler, though he is called a
mystic,, and his master, Eckhart, though his writings may seem
abstruse, on account of the thoughts they are intended to express,
is, in fact, one of the best of all the writers of Middle High
German prose. We cannot pretend to give here a full and
systematic account of his speculative views, which belong to the
history of philosophy, and should be given in their proper connec-
tion ; but his general tendency as a religious teacher may be here
noticed.
Mastxb Hsikrich Ecxeabi was bom about the middle of 'the
64 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
thirteenth century, and died a year (or perhaps two years) before
13^9, when he was excommunicated by the Pope, John XXIL
The bull states that Eckhart, some short time before his death,
recanted his errors j but this is clearly proved to be false by the '
documents of the trial for heresy, dated early in 1327, and still
existing. They show that ' the father of German speculation ' —
80 Eckhart has been justly styled — did not contradict himself.
Instead of recanting, he made a protest against a judgment founded
on garbled extracts from his writings. His accuser, the Arch-
bishop of Cologne, in fact, knew and cared little about any abstruse
speculations. But Eckhart had made himself enemies by his zeal
for the reformation of monasteries; and hence arose a rather
yague charge of iiaving taught something like what is now called
'pantheism.' J£ we take this word in its plain, etymological
meaning, it may be safely asserted that Eckhart did not tea6}i
pantheism ; that is, he did not teach that the two concepts of the
universe and of its Cause are identical. But he would not rest
contented with an imaginatiye view of the relation of the Creator
with the created. According to the common representation, each
excludes the other, and, therefore, each must be finite. As this
involves a contradiction, Eckhart was tempted to think further/
and thus made himself liable to an accusation so conveniently
vague that it has been preferred against the author of the JBTui-
gavad-Gitaj the Persian mystic Jellaleddin-Rumi, the great
churchman and schoolman St. Thomas Aquinas, Bruno, Bohme,
Spinoza, Schelling, Hegel, Goethe, and Schefer. It might be as
fairly preferred against the English poets Popei, and Wordsworth.
The address of the latter to One who includes all T>thsrs '. as the
sea includes her waves ' is as pantheistic as anything to be found
in Eckhart ; and Pope's lines —
All are but parts of one stupendous Whole,
Whose body nature is, and God the soul —
have been accepted by Brahmins as a fair summary of their own
creed. If Eckhart must, however, be called a pantheist, his
teaching was spiritual. The general tendency of his speculation
was to translate into unitive thought the symbols supplied by tbe
senses. For* example, he construes those words in the Creed,
' sitteth at the right hand of God, the Father/ as meaning identity
with the Divine Being. ' Heaven/ he tells us, ^ is not a place.
IV.] PROSE. 65
and eternity is not an extension of time, howeyer long, but is the
substance of which all the things of time and sense are but
shade wSy and includes, note, all the past and all the future/ Such
speculation seems abstruse ; but for Eckhart the spiritual and the
practical were one and the same, and he therefore expresses his
most abstruse thoughts with evident earnest feeling. 'The
spiritual man/ he says, ' lives and moves in time, but has his true
being in eternity.' Some of the characteristics of such a man are
these : ' he is not careful to defend himself against accusations ;
'but leaves truth to speak for itself; he desires nothing except
that God*s will may be done ; he is not excited by the things of
time and sense, and does not depend on them for his joy ; for this
is in himself, and is one with his own being. God bring us all
into this rest — ^now 1 ' says Master Eckhart, at the close of one of
his homilies. Hb religious purport will appear more plainly
when the writings of his pupil, Tauler, are noticed. In concluding
this sketch of the first of German mystics we may briefly mention
another charge preferred against him and his. followers. It has
been asserted that their teaching* was to the effect, 'tknt man
mighty without divine aid, liberate himself from sin, simply by his
own wilL' It is obvious that this charge contradicts that cf
* pantheism ; * for, if a man has no distinct existence, how can kis
will have it F
66 OUTLINES OF GEBHAN LITERATUBE. [Ce.
• CHAPTER V.
THIRD PERIOD. 1360-1626.
THE LATER MIDDLB AGES —TOT7N.S— GUILDS — THE IfASTBB SnYGBBS-^
NARRATIYB AlfD LTBICAL TEBSB — THE DBAXA — FBOSE FICTION.
The literature of the romantic mediaeval time was hardly in its
fall bloom when it began to decay. The thirteenth century
opened with the songs of Walther and closed with the 'wise
saws * of the dry and severe Bamberg schoolmaster. His prosaic
book, Der JRennery marks the close of the period we have called
'romantic* This word, as used by German literary historians,
has a far wider meaning than the popular one, and is employed,
not only to designate the literature of the romance languages, and
to mark some characteristics of mediaeval fiction, but also to
express the general tone and tendency of mediaeval, as distinct
from both ancient and from modem literature. That tone and
tendency was nothing less than the utterance of a profound dis-
content— an alienation of the mind from th^ world in which it
lived, a discontent that led the monk to the seclusion of his cell,
the romancist to seek his themes in foreign or imaginary sources,
and the mystic to seek rest in self-abnegation and retirement from
the world. Contrast the sublime complainings of ' the great
mediaeval poet, Dante, with the general tone of contentment and
cheerfulness that pervades the ^ Odyssey \ — though its hero is the
man ' who suffered many hardships ' — and a clear view will be
obtained of the opposite characteristics expressed by the words
antique and romantic Ulysses, in the midst of all his troubles,
never despairs. Mind and body ; ' man and his dwelling-place ; '
his aspirations and his fate; 'religion and common life;' — all
these were, on the whole, well united in ancient times ; but in the
middle ages this harmony was broken, and it has never yet been
V.l THE LATER MIDDLE AGES. 67
restored. We shall not find it in the times now to be described,
extending from the middle of the fourteenth centuiy to the opening
of the sixteenth.
The period 1850-1525, though one of the highest interest in
general history, and marked by events of the utmost importance
to mankind, such as the discovery of the New World, the invention
of printing, the revival of learning, and the foun'ding of universi*
ties, was a very dark time for German literature, especially for
poetry. Yet it is only by an intimate acquaintance with the
growth of opinions during 1350-1525, as expressed in the popular
literature, that it is possible fully to understand the great fact of the
Beformation. If we imagine that, from the days of the Crusades
down to the close of the fifteenth century, a mediaeval Church
existed, enjoying all the repose of faith and obedience, and pro-
tected externally by a powerful monarchy, and that^ then, a
courageous monk, offended by a hawker of indulgences, suddenly
stepped out of his cell and, by hLs declamation, shook in pieces
the Church and the empire, we have brought before our imagina-
tion a very striking spectacle — nay, a miracle; — but no such
miracle ever took place. Luther was a great and an energetic
man ; but he did not do that. He rather checked and controlled
than created the movement that is for ever associated with his
mime. Long before his time, the eloquent monk Berth old had
gained popularity by the promulgation of democratic ddctrines,
afterwards widely spread by means of songs and satires ; espe-
cially by irreverent stories in which the clergy — die Pfaffen —
were the butts of ridicule. After making large allowance for
popular exaggerations, a mass of evidence still remains of the
gross degeneracy of the clergy in these times. The monks of St.
Gallen, formerly noted for their devotion to useful leorniug, were
now so illiterate that they could not write their own names.
The names of Tauleb and Geiler are so prominent as to indicate
that, in their day, few faithful teachers of the people were left in
the Church. Geiler, in spite of his eccentricities, was a good re-
presentative of a popular preacher ; but the teaching of men of
Tauler's school was suited rather to form a select brotherhood of
thoughtful and religious men than to supply any basis for a
reformation of the Church. Their doctrine was too spiritual and
reBned for the common people, and was liable to be misundei-stood.
What the people could most easily accept and apply was its
f2 •
68 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATtJEB. [Ch.
negative purport — that 'the kingdom of heaven ' was to be found
in no external church* or hierarchy. The positive doctrine, that
an internal renovation must supply the true basis for external
reformation, was less understood. Miinzer, one of the leaders in
the Peasants' War, had studied Tauler's writings ; but knew little
of them beyond their negative purport It is hardly necessary to
addf that we are not speaking here of the intrinsic merits of their
doctrine, but of its practical tendency, as commonly understood by
the people.
While the old faith was thus disturbed, and the Church was
losing the affections of the people, the affairs of the State were in
a condition not less unsatisfactory. The efforts of the H(/henstau-
fens to maintain the unwieldy empire founded by Karl the Great
left Germany a prey to be contended for by egoistic princes and
their parties. Kudolf of Habsburg failed to restore union, partly
because he was too much bent on the establishment of his own
house, and partly because what he did well was undone by the
errors of his followers. The attempts of Heinrich VIL and of
Ludwig der Baier to extend their dominion in Italy led to new
quarrels with the popes, and were followed by bans, interdicts and
anarchy. It might seem impossible that any lord of misrule
could make worse the disorder existing in the empire under the
nominal sway of Wenzel ; but a still more unworthy monarch
appeared in Friedrich III., whose cowardice frustrated all the
reformatory nfeasures of the Council of Basel. He was sum-
moned to appear, as a traitor, before the Fehmgericht of West-
phalia, which had partly usurped his imperial authority. It is
enough to say of the times when Wenzel and Friedrich III. were
only shadows of rulers, that the spread of disorder almost war-
ranted the existence of that secret and dreaded Westphalian
tribunal, for its reign of terror was better than anarchy.
Meanwhile, as the imperial power grew weaker, the people were
not gaining liberty, except in those towns which were protected
by powerful commercial guilds. Beyond these boundaries knights,
barons, and princes exercised authority on Hob Boy's simple
plan-
That they should take who have the power,
And they should keep who can.
Old ballads tell us of ' Epple von Geilingen,' and other titled
Dick Turpins; -^ho lived ' by the saddle,' as they said-^otherwise,
v.] TOWNS— GUILDS. 69
88 moss-troopers — and, in several instances; closed tbeir adventures
on the ' Kabenstein ' — a place set apart for the execution of
thieves and murderers.
External nature seemed to sympathise with the disorder of
the times. The oriental plague prevailed in eeveral parts of
Germany, and its terrors induced in many minds a tendency to
gloomy fanaticism. 'Burnings of the Jews in all the towns
along the Rhine/ as an old chronicler says, ' took place because
it was believed that the JewS had caused the pestilence.' To call
the people to repentance,- ' the Brothers of the Scourge ' travelled
from towi^ to tbwn, marching in dismal processions, and armed
with whips and scourges, with which they publicly lashed them-
selves. Forebodings of a coming time of still greater tribulation,
or of the end of the world, prevailed generally. One old chroni-
cler's book abounds in memoranda of earthquakes, and BraitKt, the
satirist, died under a cloud of melancholy, because he believed
that the world would soon be drowned. Literature was, on the
whole, in good keeping with the realities of the times. It was
not indeed all gloomy ', but when not utterly dull and prosaic, it
was for the most part either coarse and licentious, or bitterly
censorious.
Such culture as existed among the people was, like the com-
merce of the times, mostly confined to the larger towns, where
guilds were the chief institutions of civilisation. These unions of
townsmen arose from the necessity of protecting life and property
against the violence of the feudal nobility. Commerce could not
exist without the co-operation of men for mutual defence. At
first the guild was identical with the whole body of the towns-
people ; but when greatef distinctions of wealth prevailed in tlie
towns, the rich members of the whole guild became aristocratic
and exclusive, and hence arose the several ' trade companies.'
The merchant learned to despise the retail trader, and the
leather-seller looked down upon the shoemaker. ' No bakers, nor
dealers in hides, nor costermongers who bawl in the streets, nor
men with soiled hands and blue nails admitted to the G uild j ' —
such were some of the new regulations, and their exclusivenes
led to the institution of new guilds for the several trades which
they represented. Then followed contests between the new com-
panies and the oligarchies of the old guilds. Such warfare was
waged with bitter animosity in several towns, and sometimes led
70 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. * [Ctt.
to sangruinaiy results. Ten members of a working men's guild
were burned alive at Magdeburg in 1301, and, after a battle be-
tween the Weavers* Company and the oligarchy of Cologne, in
1371, thirty- three of the associated weavers were put to death,
and about two thousand — ^including wives and children — were
banished. Such facts are enough to show that the tendency of
society to divide itself into castes was strong in these times — a
circumstance that helps to explain the institution of the schools
or guilds of the Master Singers.
The foundation of these schools has, without any authority
beyond that of probability, been ascribed to Heinrich F^atjex^ob,
already noticed as a writer of lyric and didactic verse ; but it is
enough to say that they arose in several towns in the fourteenth
century, when the institution of companies more or less co-
operative was the fashion of the times.
The Gerpaan troubadours and romancists of the thirteenth cen-
tury had left unnoticed the lives and the interests of the common
people, and in the fourteenth century the people took their revenge
for that neglect by instituting a literature all their own. Versi-
fication, out of fashion at the courts of princes, was now patronised
by ropemakers, smiths, bakers, potters, weavers, wheelwrights and
tailors ; — all had their songs, celebrating their several mysteries.
As Gervinus says, ' There was hardly any class in society that
did not meddle with versification. . . . Doctors prescribed in
Latin and German verse ; astrology and physiognomy were ex-
plained in rhymes, and the topographies and histories of several
towns were written in verse.* But the art of rhyming was not
altogether entrusted to the care of individuals. It had its co-
operative stores and its co-operative productive unions. Special
guilds, or schools, for the composition and recitation of verse were
established at Mayence, Ulm, Niimberg, and several other towns ;
the old ' Singing School ' at Niimberg was maintained until 1770,
and an institution of the same kind was closed at Ulm as lately as
in 1830.
The motives of the versifying weavers at Ulm might screen
their homely manufactures from ridicule. Their purport was
generally moral or religious, and they afforded, at least, a harmless
recreation. The shuttle would fly more lightly, while the weaver
hummed over his verses and his new tune, prepared for the next
meeting of the Singing School Sunday comes, and a board sua*
v.] THE MASTER SINGERS. 71
pended in the church announces that 'the Master Singers x^ill
hold a meeting in their school in the evening/ or in the church at
the close of the afternoon service. Sometimes, on festive occa-
sions, the memhers and their friends are assembled in the town-
hall, where all the proceedings are conducted with a strict atten-
tion to order. In the most prominent place three umpires are
seated, And in a large oaken chest, placed beside the chief umpire,
the properties of the society are deposited. These consist of gold
and silver chains, which have been worn by successful candidates
for honours. The chief umpire opens the meeting by reciting
some passages — 6ften taken* froA the Bible — which have been
selected as themes for verses. Several compositions are recited,
or sung, and faults are noticed. Perhaps a plagiarism is suspected,
and hereupon reference is made to a ponderous volume containing
the notation of tunes that have already gained prizes. At last,
after several compositions have been tried, one candidate is de-
clared victorious. Thereupon the president opens the oaken
chest, takes out a chaplet, which he places on the head of the
victor, while round his neck he hangs a silver chain with a jewel
suspended. These articles still remain the property of the club, but
the master singer is allowed to wear them publicly on certain
festival days. * Gloriously arrayed in these decorations, he will go
to recite his verses at a meeting in some neighbouring town, and
vanquish all the versifying weavers or shoemakers there assembled.
At the close of the meeting the best verses are copied in a largo
volume, which is the common property of the club. Thus many
productions of the master singers have been preserved to modem
times ; though few have proved worth all the care bestowed on
them.
Of PoETBT, in the higher sense of the wprd, there is in this
period little or nothing deserving attention. The most important
writings of the time are those containing evidences of popular
culture, or want of culture. We shall, therefore, pass briefly over
some inferior productions in epic and lyric verse, which connect
this period with the preceding, and shall chiefly pay attention to
the didactic and satirical writings in verse and prose, which,
iiowever rude, are characteristic of the times.
In speaking thus of several inferior productions in epic verse,
we do not include with them the story of the Fox — the best
imaginative work of the fifteenth century. In the form in which
72 OUTLINES OF QKRMAN LITERATURE. ' [Ch.
it now reappears, it is a tree reproduction, in Low German verse^
of the Reynard in prose which appeared in the Netherlands in
1479. The story found in the German version of the twelfth
century, already noticed (in chap, iii.), is greatly extended and im-
proved in the versified Reynke de Vos, printed at Liiheck in 1498,
and, with some prohability, ascribed to He2U£ANN Bahkhusen,
a printer at Rostock.
In one point of view, the versifier of this Low German story of
Reynard may be described as the best writer of his time ; for he
does not fall into the dull didactic style of writers who can do
nothing better than compile maxii]^s. He tells the story well,
though with a greater fulhess of detail than is necessary, and he
does not stop to insert sermons. Without doubt, he intended
some parts of the tale to have, a satirical application ; but he does
not interrupt the narrative to intrude his own reflections on his
readers. One of the best passages of the story is that which
describes t)iftFox in his most desperate circumstances-^-condenmed
to death, forsaken by all his friends, and led to the gallows. No-
thing can be more reasonable than his last request If he has
not lived well, he wishes to die in an edifying manner, and there-
fore begs that he may be allowed to make a public confession and
to warn transgressors. The king grants this request ^ Reynard
mounts the scafibld^ and thus confesses hi» sins :—
I see not one in all this throng
To whom I have not done some wrong ;
And now, upon the scaffold here,
I wish to make my conscience clear ;
I will not even one sin conceal : —
When but a cub I learned to steal.
How well I recollect the day
When first I saw young lambs at play,
And carried off my earliest prey I
From little crimes I passed to great ;
The wolf soon chose me as his mate ;
' Our compact * — so he said — * was fated.
Because our families were related.'
I cannot tell our murders all —
He killed the great, and I the small ;
But this, with death so near, I'll say,
He never gave me half the prey.
If ever we had slain a calf.
Poor Reynard never had the half.
Wolf and his wife, with hunger keen.
Too often left the bones quite deant
VJ NARRATIVE AND LYRICAL VERSE. 78
And, even if we had killed an ox^
There was but little for the fox.
Tet hanger hove I never known ;
I had a pantry of my own.
Of treasure each a plenteous store
Twould serve me for my life and more.'
' A treasure I Ha ! What I ' said the king ;
« Where is it ? '— « 'Twas a wicked thing ;
Twas stolen ! ' said the fox, * and yet
That sin I never shall regret.
There was a plot— with death so near,
I'll tell it all ; for now 'tis clear
That, to bring foes to tribulation, ^
I*d never risk my souFs salvations-
There was a plot against the throne,
And, with the deepest shame, Til own,
' Of all the traitors, that the first
Was my own father, and the worst ;
Out of his treasure he would pay
The villains hired the king to slay,
And, when I stole it, loss of pelf
So vexed him that he hanged himself.' ^
These dark ioainuations serve their purpose; the queen^ of
course^ longs to know all about that treasure, and to possess it ;
while the king wishes to fiave full information of the plot against
his own life. Accordingly, Reynaid is reprieved, and, in meek
teiumph over his foes, comes down from the scaffold. Then follows
another long series of impositions, slanders, and falsehoods, all
associated with admirable self-possession and audacity, and mostly
successful. As an ill-used subject, Reynard first gains royal
sympathy, and then becomes eminently pious. Though he has
well defended himself from the charges preferred against him by
his foes — the wolf, the bear, and others — his conscience has be-
come 80 tender that he must go to Home, to receive, at head-
quarters, absolution* for the peccadilloes of his youth. On his
return from this "pilgrimage he is revered as a saint, and, as a
reward for all his cunning, is elevated to the rank of Lord High
Chancellor and Privy Seal of the realm governed by King
Nobel.
When compared "with the story of the Fox, the epic poem of
Theuerdanky though planned by the Emperor MAxncrLiAN I. — ^the
last representative of the age of chivalry — is hardly worth
naming. The emperor suggested a plot founded on some adven-
ture of his ow.li youthr-.especially his courtship of Maria of.
74 OXJXLINES OF GERMAN UTEEATUBB. ' [Ch.
Burgundy — and gave it, to be turned into an epic, to one of his
secretaries, who, after doing his work badly, handed it over, to
be made worse, to another secretary, who added some moral
reflections. The result of the labours of the trio— including an
emperor — ^was a very dull production ', but it was well printed,
and illustrated with one hundred and eighteen woodcuts, at
Niimberg, in 1517. The second edition (1619) is good ; but the
third (1637) is inferior, especially in the woodcuts. HaVing
failed ia verse, the emperor wrote a sketch of his own life in
prose, aad gave it, to be extended and edited, to the secretary who
had been first employed upon Theuerdank. This prose work,
entitled Weisskunig, has some biographical value, especially in the
second part^ which gives an account of the emperor^s studies for
the improvement of artillery. Das Hddenhuch^ founded on old
national legends and printed about the close of the fifteenth
century was far better than Das Neue Heldefibuch, another work
of the same class, compiled about 1472. These attempts to revive
old heathen legends were both more tolerable than a half-epic,
half-allegorical work entitled Die Morin by HsBMAifiryoK Saoh-
B£VH£iM , who died in 1468. He attempts to tell a romantic tale
of <Frau Venus,' the knight < Tanhauser,Vand < faithful Eckart,'
and, when he finds his powers of imagination failing, turns to dry
didactic writing, and fills up his book with commonplace declam-
ations against princes, wealthy merchants, and the clergy.
Among several writers of historical poems two or three deserve
notice, because they described the events of their own times.
Michael Beheim, for example, who died in 1474, wrote in his
Buck von den Wienem an account of the insurrection of the people
of Vienna against their servile emperor, Friedrich III., who was
mainly responsible for the chaotic condition of both the Church
and the State in his time. It has been saitf that Beheim's ao*
count of the insurrection 'has a considerable * historical value,'
because he was an eye-witness of what he teUs; but he was
utterly venal, and wrote what he thought would please the
emperor who paid him.
Another heraldic versifier, Psteb deb Sitcheitwibt, describes,
in his historical verses entitled Ehrenredeny many of the events of
his time, especially the battle of Sempach, which is more popularly
narrated in a ballad by Halb Sitteb, who seems to have been one
of the GO(abataiUB against Austria. HaTiB tells how Aisold von
VJ NAURATIVE AND LYRICAL VERSB. 76
Winkelried made a gap in the cloae ranks of the Aoatrian noblefly
who were anned with spears, and fought on foot : —
Then * Ha ! ' said Winkelried, * my brethren, every one,
111 make for you a road, and thus it shall be done ;
, If Switzerland hath need, a Switzer's heart shall bleed ;
To break their dose array, I give my life to-day.'
The fbemen*8 spears he grasped with both his arms, and preased,
^ All in a bundle bounds their points, upon his breast ;
And 80 he made a way for the Switzers on that day,
As he had truly spoken ; for the Austrian ranks were broken.
Several ballads by Veit Webeb — especially one on ' the Battle
of Murten'— and some war songs, telling of the deeds of the
Ditmarsen men of West Holstein, are noticeable for their connec-
tion with history. Der Hitter von Staufenberg is an anonymous
narrative poem of the fifteenth century which we cannot classify.
It tells the story of a knight, whose biide^Iected for him by fate,
is a fairy. This strange poem seems to have suggested some of
the incidents in the well-known story of ' Undine.'
The few attempts made to continue the lyric stnuns of a bygone
time may be briefly noticed. One of the latest of the knights
who wrote Minndieder was Oswald von WoIiKSNSTEIN, bom in
1367, a military adventurer, who wandered in England, Scotland,
Bohemia, Palestine, and Spain. His verses give many incidents
of his life, and are not without merit with regard to their style.
The same praise may be given to some lyrical poems ascribed to
MusoATBLUT, who seems to have lived early in the fifteenth cen-
tory. The didactic and satirical temper of his times is expressed
in one of his productions, oddly entitled, 'A Great Lie.' It
celebrates th^ patriotism of princes, the equity of judges, and the
piety of the clergy. The characteristic discontent of the period
finds another form of expression in the religious lyrics of Heinsigh
voir LAUfSZTBEBO. Thej saj nothing of the heroism of endurance
nor of peace sought in the fulfilment of duty \ but utter a rest-
less longing to retire from the world. ' I long to be at home ; to
be at home in heaven I ' says Heinrich in some verses nearly as
popular in their tone as the hymns used in modem Sunday
schools.
For heartiness and vigour of expression several popular songs
by unknown authors must be commended, and the same praise
bcilongB to the Bacchanalian songs of Hans BosENBLtJz. Our
76 OUTLINES OP GERMAN LITEEATXJBE. [Ch.
statement, that yersification was a popular amusement in those
days, might be confirmed by reference to numerous proverbsi
riddles, and tricks in Terse — such, for instance, as reserving all the
sense of an epigram for the last line. There prevailed, in fieict, a
mania for making rhymes. When Berthold, the popular preacher,
"wished to impress a few words on the memories of his hearers, he
called for a versifier : — ^ Now if there is any ballad-maker in my
congregation, let him mark these words, and put them into a song,
and let it be short and sweet, and ring so prettily that the little
children may learn it and sing it' This fashion of rhyming
increased in inverse ratio with the growth of true poetry.
The dramatic productions of the later middle ages have con-
siderable interest in the history of culture, but are destitute of
literary merit. It may be assumed that the earlier religious plays,
vmtten in Latin, were introduced by monks as substitutes for
some rude dramatic pej^rmances of heathen origin. The events
celebrated by the ChuTCQ at Christmas, on Good Friday, and at
Easter, supplied the materials for dramas of very simple oonstruc-
lion, which were recited rather than acted in churches. But
when the vernacular tongue had been adopted in these sacred pia3rSy
and popular taste had insisted on the intrusion of comic interludes in
them, their performance in churches was forbidden. The people
were then amused with theatrical representations given, on a
larger scale, in the open air. A stage with nine stories was
erected at Metz in 1427. Properties were collected without any
regard for correct costume. A burgomaster's robe might fit either
Judas or Gabriel. The clergy performed in the serious parts
of the play, and the comic interludes were supplied by the laity
and by professional buffoons. The mixture of sacred and comic
subjects was often offensive in the highest degree ,* for the most
solemn events recorded in the Gospels were associated ivith gro-
tesque circumstances. The characters introduced in these plays
became more and more numerous; and the performance of a
drama sometimes occupied two or three days. These amusej^ients
were continued after the Beformation. A grand spectacle-play,
in fifty acts, performed in 1671, required the services of }one
hundred players and five hundred pantomimists ; and in 1JS93,
Johann Brummer put into a dramatic form the greater part of/ the
Acts of the Apostles. In one of the oldest Easter plays-/' the
lonspruck Play ' of the fourteenth century — ^the serious papts of
VJ THE DRAMA. 77
the plot are relieyed by the appearance of the clown^ ' Rubin/ and
seyeral other comic characters, who perform an absurd interlude
as far out of place as possible. The 'Alsfelder Passion Play/
of the fifteenth century, is, in some respects, worse than the above-
named; chiefly on account of a gross misrepresentation of the
character of ' Maria Magdalena,' who here comes upon the stage
dancing among a crowd of demons. In another play — Frau
JuUeriy written, most probably, in the fifteenth centuiy — ^the plot
is founded on the ridiculous fable of the feminine pope, Johanna.
We may notice, in passing, that the ' Oberammergau Passion
Play/ performed by Bavarian peasants in 1871, cannot be traced
farther back than 1654. It is throughout serious, and free from
the objectionable traits of the mediesval dramas we have noticed.
Its performance — ^repeated with intervals of ten years — ^has had, it
is said, a good moral effect on the people of Oberammergau.
The Fastnacktsspiele — * Shrove Tuesd^ Plays * — were rude in
, «every sense of the word, and were mostiy performed by journey-
men and. apprentices, who went from house to house and levied
contributions. It seems hardly credible that such dialogues as
are found in these pieces could have been patronised by assembled
families, including both sons and daughters \ but there can be no
doubt of the fact. Many pieces begin alike : a herald begs the
attention of the audience \ then follow some indecorous dialogues,
intended to be amusing, and concluding with an apology, urgently
required. Two of the most fertile inventors of such dialogues
were Hosenblut and FoLz, master singers at Niimberg. The
offences that would have justified their expulsion from the singing*
school of that old town were repeated in their plays, which
sometimes ended with an apology like this : —
If aagbt offend you in our rhyme,
Remember, 'tis a meny time,
And Lent is quickly coming on,
When all our frolics will be done t
To give a notion of the simplicity of the plot in a Shrove
Tuesday play, we may take one of the most decorous specimens —
' The Emperor and the Abbot.' Here is the old story of which
the people never grew weary — the triumph of native wit over
learning. The emperor proposes three hard questions to the
abbot, who, of course, cannot answer them, and, to avoid the
penalty attached to his failure, consults a miller noted for his
78 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEB. [Ch.
ready wit, as well as for stealing com. The miller treats the
churchman's dulness with contempt, puts on the abbot's robes,
and; in the emperor's presence, solves the three problems. He is,
of course, installed in the place of the incapable abbot, and,
though a boor now comes forward and accuses the miller of theft,
this is not regarded as a disqualification for his new office.
Another boor contradicts the accuser, and a fray seems likely to
follow, when a third boor steps forward and proposes a rustic
dance, with which the performance concludes. One of Rosenbliit's
pieces contains unsparing satire on the upper classes. The Grand
Sultan comes from Constantinople to Numberg, in order to
reprove the clergy and the nobility for their vices. There is in
this piece a noticeable reference to the independence of the guild
of Niimberg. The representatives of the pope, the emperor, and
the princes rail against ' the great Turk ' for his interference with
their affairs of government, and threaten to put him to death ;
but the Biirgermeister of Niimberg steps boldly forward and
declares that, in spite of the pope, the emperor, and the princes,
' the great Turk,' who has told them the truth, shall be defended
by the citizens^ and shall have safe conduct back to his own
dominions.
In Prose Fiction some translations by Niklas von "Wyle, who
was a schoolmaster at Zurich in 1445-47, and others by Heinrich
Steinhowel, a surgeon at Ulm, and Albrecht i?on Eyb, a canon at
iBamberg (1420-83), deserve notice as contributions to an im-
proved style of prose. But the most interesting prose transla-
tions of the time are those of ' ITie Seven Wise Masters ' and
tlic Gesta Romanorum, The first of these favourite books of
medieeval times had an oriental ori«2in, and was probably intro-
duced into Europe during the Crusades.. A Latin version was
written about 1184, and was followed by translations i;i several
European languages. The authorship of the Gesta Romanontm,
at first written in mediaeval Latin, has been, with some probability,
ascribed to a monk named Helinand, who died in 1227. The
book, which consists of fables, anecdotes, and passa^res from
Roman history (so called) — all given in a mediaeval style — sup-
plied light reading for monks, and was afterwards used as a fund
of materials for fabulists, novelists, and such versifiers as Hans
Sachs. The German translation was first printed at Augsburg in
1498.
VL] SATIKES. 79
CHAPTER VI-
THIRD PERIOD. 1850-1525.
84TIBB8— OOmC 8T0BXBS — BBAKBT^OKLBB — IIVBIIXB.
m
Satirb was the chief characteristic of these times, and found
utterance in many popular stories, in verse and prose. Though
these are often verj low and coarse, hoth in style and in choice of
subjects, they are parts of the literature of the fifteenth century
too prominent to be left unnoticed. A fair description of them is
attended, however, with some difficulty, as Sebashait Bsanbt
indicates, in his ' Ship of Fools,' where he speaks of some popular
jest-books and satires of his time : — ' Frivolity and coarseness are
canonised, in our day,' he says; 'he who can make the most
unseemly jest — especially on some serious subject — ^is esteemed
the greatest genius.. This low taste of the people may be partly
ascribed to the neglect of our so-called ^se meo, or scholars, who
study everything, and are ready to teach anything, save good
morals for the people. So learning itself is made to appear
ridiculous, and, while our scholars are studying necromancy,
astrology, alchemy, and other quackeries, the multitude are left in
gross ignorance, and laugh at everything that is wise and good.
And this great invention of printing does not mend the matter ;
for the printers care not what kind of books they send into the
world, but circulate fortune-telling pamphlets, scandalous satires,
and anything that will seU.' The chief objects of the satires here
referred to are the clergy and the nobility; but the wealthy
townsmen are not spared. The peasantry are mostly allowed to
escape easily, and the boor, who is often the hero of a comic
story, though illiterate, and not without a tunt» of the rogue in
his character, is described as haying such a rude force of native
wit that he can refute the dergy, answer questions proposed by
80 OUTLINES OF OERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
doctors and Jawyers, and reduce a biflhop to silence. The coming
times of the Peasants' War were foreshadowed in this comic
literature, which retained its popularity in the sixteenth century.
One collection of comic and satirical stories^ edited by a monk,
JoHAiffiTES Pavli, in 1522, soon passed through thirty editions.
If a monk was as free as we find Brother Pauli, in his censures of
the clergy and the nobility, the reader may guess what the greater
freedom of the people must have been ; and if Dr. Geileb, the
celebrated preacher of Strassburg, could introduce in a sermon a
popular tale of a boor reproving a bishop, it is easy to surmise
what might be said out of church. The prevailing temper of the
day found expression in free and coarse satires, marked by
contempt of authority, ridicule of the pretensions of the educated
classes, and a mockery of things represented as sacred.
It has already been shown how, in the story of ' Parson Amis,'
a beneficed clergyman is represented as gcdning his livelihood by
a series of impositions. In a later story of the same class, ^ the
Parson of Kalenberg ' sells bad wine at a high price, and attracts
customers by announcing that, on a certain day, he will take a
flight from the top of the steeple. The peasantry are collected in
great numbers to witness the feat It is a hot day, and as the
pastor keeps his flock long waiting, while he is trimming his
pinions, they are glad tQ drink his sour wine and to pay for it.
At last, he asks if anyone present can give evidence of such a
flight having been safely toade, and when they say ' No,' he tells
them he will not attempt it. In another popular tale, the parish
priest is described as so fatuous, that he cannot remember the
order of the days of the week. To help his memory, he makes,
on every week-day, one birch-broom, and, by placing his six
brooms in a row and frequently counting them, he knows when
Sunday comes, and prepares to read mass. A wag steals away
the broom that should mark Saturday, and on Sunday morning
the priest is found making another broom instead of going to
church. In a story quoted by Qeiler in a sermon, we find a
bishop riding out at the head of forty mounted attendants. He
sees a boor standing still, staring, as in great amazement, and
reproves him for this rudeness. ^ I would have you understand,'
says the rich churchman, Hhat I am not only a bishop, but also a
temporal prince. If you wish to see -me as a bishop, you must
come to church.' ' But^' says the boor, ' when the enemy at last runs
VI.] SATIBES-COMIC STORIES. 81
away with the prince, where will the bishop be found P ' In
another story we are introduced to a priest whose morals are bad,
though he is a good preacher. He is grieved to find that his
flock obstinately follow his example, rather than his advice, and
thus exposes their error. On a certain day, after long wet weather,
he leads a procession through the village, and walks resolutely
through the deepest mire he can find. The people refuse to tread
in his footsteps. ^That is right,' says the priest; 'attend in
future to what I say in my sermons, and never notice what I do.'
These are tame examples of some of the satires levelled against
the clergy, but, for the obvious reasons which Bbahdt points out,
the choice of specimens is limited.
There are many stories more objectionable than the following :
— 'The wife of a nobleman was deeply grieved on account of the
death of a pet spaniel, and begged that its remains might be
buried in consecrated soiL Her husband bribed the parish priest,
and the burial took place according to the lady's wish. When
the bishop heard of it, he sent for the o£fending priest, and told
him he must be excommunicated. '' But I received a large bribe,"
aud the priest, in order to excuse what he had done. *' How
much ? " asked the bishop ; and the offender answered, " Four
hundred florins." ''Four hundred florins 1 " the bishop exclaimed,
in great amazement; "and did you read the full service?"
" Certainly not," said the priest, now hoping to escape. " Then
I muiit fine you," said the bishop, " for that omission, after re-
ceiving such a liberal fee. Hand over to me the four hundred
florins." '
Popular satires on the rapacity of the aristocracy are mostly too
earnest to be humorous. In one, for example, we read of a youth
foand guilty of liighway robbery and hurried away to be executed.
Some noblemen, passing by, are disposed to intercede for his life,
but when they are told the crime of which he has been guilty
they, have no mercy for him. They care nothing for his crime in
itself; but ' he l^as usurped,' they say, ' one of the chief privileges
of the nobility.' 'A fine nobility that!' says Brother Pauli;
' thank God we have nothing like it now ' (1522). But this thanks-
giving must have been ironical ; for, as late as about 1555, old
Gotz von Berlichingen wrote an account of his own forays against
travelling merchants, describing his robberies as if they had been
the innocent pastimes of his childhood.
■ o
82 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUER [Ch.
A loDg ballad of the fifteenth centurj; already referred to,
describes the justice and kindness' of many knights and barons in
their conduct towards their inferiors; but, at the close, the
writer says that he has been trying to utter ' the greatest possible
untruth.' Several satires directed against wealthy townspeople,
their guilds and their growing liberties, may be briefly parsed
over. In one instance, at least, the rude invectives of the peasants
were well retorted by a townsman, Hbinrich Wittenweiler,
who lived in the fifteenth century. In a long versified story,
entitled ' The Biugi' he gives, in a mock-heroic style, the details
of a boor's wedding, and merry-making, which are followed by a
fray. The coarse humour of some parts of this story proves that
the author was very well matched against the boors; though in
other passages he writes with sobriety and good taste. His
purport, he tells us, was didactic ; but he waa compelled to deco-
rate his story with grotesque features in order to suit the popular
taste. That the people relished satire and humour, however gross,
was sufficiently proved by the success of many stories invented or
versified by such writers as Hans Rosenblttt and Hans Folz,
both members of the Master Singers* School at Nurnberg in the
fifteenth century. If all their jocose stories were recited in that
school, it was not very strictly conducted. We refer to them as
fair representatives of many comic narratives of domestic immo-
rality. The following anecdote, intended to show the folly of
extreme kindness, is one of the least objectionable of this class : —
^ A bad wife, who had often been brought before the magistrates,
was at last sentenced to stand in the pillory. Her husband
begged that he might be allowed to suffer the punishment instead
of his wife, and his request was granted when he had bribed the
magistrates. He stood in the pillory for some hours, and endured
all the disgrace which the woman had merited. Some short time
afterwards, when his wife had returned to her evil ways, and he
found it impossible to live in peace with her, he reproached her,
and told her how often she had brought disgrace on his household.
' It may be all true,' said the wife, when several of her sins had
been named, ' but I can say at least one good thing for myself :
I have never stood in the pillory I ' A passing notice must be
given of the popular nonsense of such books as Etdenepiegel and
Dm SehUdhurger,
Tho first of these jest-booka was edited in- 1619 by a monk —
VL] GOHIG STOBIES. 83
Thoicas Mxtsneb — who collected a number of jocose stories long
current among the people. Eulenspiegel, the hero of the tales,
was by birth a peasant, but gained his notoriety as a wandering
jourueyman, and concealed a love of fun and mischief under the
disguise of extraordinary simplicity.
His chief characteristic makes hira a model for attorneys. In
obedience to all instructions given by his masters, he accepts their
words in a strictly literal sense, and so as to pervert their mean-
ing. Tie always means well ; his purpose is honest, and his dispo-
ffltion is obliging; but his mental vision is oblique,. like that of
Ralph in ' Hudibras,' who by fair logic could defend almost any
absurdity. A furrier gives Master Eulenspiegel ordfers to make
some fur-coats of wolves' skins, and, for the sake, of brevity, calls
them ^ wolves ', ' the honest journeyman, therefore, stuffs the hides
with hay, and sends them back as preserved i^cimens of the
species cants lupus. When the furrier refuses to pay for these
curiosities, Eulenspiegel complains as an ill*used working-man,
and at the same time gives his master a lesson on the correct use
of language. ' If you wanted fur-coats made from the skins of
wolves,' says Eulenspiegel, 'why did you not tell me so plainly P '
The popularity of Eukmpieffel may be partly ascribed to the
coarseness of some of his jokes. A considerable amount of learn-
ing has been expended <yi the derivation of his name, but it still
^remains doubtful. It has been asserted by several vmters that
< Tyll Eulenspiegel ' aclually lived, ' probably in the early part of
the fourteenth century ; ' that ' he traveU^ mostly in the north
of Germany, and at last setUed at Iklollen near Liibeck, where he
was buried in 1350,' and that < long after that time his grave used
to be visited by wandering journeymen and others.' No good
authority can be referred to for these statements. Eulenspiegel's
jokes were, most probably, both invented and circulated by wan-
dering ^€se2/^n— journeymen tailors, shoemakers, and joiners — ^who
had a literature of their own in these times. •
Another series of popular stories tells us how, in old times, ' the
men of Schilda' — a town in Prussian Saxony — ^were so wise that
their advice on the management of goverment affairs was eagerly
sought after by many foreign princes. The result was that ' the
wise men ' were very seldom found at home, and their ovra affairs
were allowed to Ml into a ruinous ooadition. Their wives thea
called the philosophers back to Schilda, •oiif in ageneral ooundl^
o2
84 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
it was resolved that, for the fatare, theur wisdom should be con-
cealed under a pretence of extreme folly. This^ at last, became
their second nature ; so that they were incapable of managing
their own estates, and Schilda was again in great adversity.
Numerous emigrations then followed ; the men of Schilda went
forth, and settled in all the surrounding lands, and this explains
the fact that their descendants are now found everywhere.
The preceding notices of a popular literature characterised
mostly by its satirical spirit may serve to explain the remarkable
popularity of Das Narrenschiff (' The Ship of Fools '), printed at
Basel in 1494. Though it had no beauty of style, its superiority
to the ordinary didactic and satirical books of the times was soon
recognised by the educated classes. Ten editions of the book
were issued before the dose of the year 1512 ; it was so^n trans-
lated into Latin, English, and French, and Geiler, the popular
preacher, chose it as his text-book for a series of sermons.
Sebastiait Bbandt, the writer of this successful book, was bom
in 1458' at Strassburg, where he was appointed town-derk in 1603,
and died in 1521. He was the friend of Dr. Geilei, and was
patronised by the emperor Maxmilian I. Of all the satirists of
this period Brandt was the most amiable. He felt grief for the
errors and miseries of the age, and his latest years were darkened
by a foreboding that the world would perish in a second general
deluge in 1524. In his ' Ship ' the author arranges ' fools ' in ond
hundred and ten classes ; but in describing them he write^ with-
out a plan, and his boqk is a series of ill-connected homilies, pro-
verbs, and complaints on such topics as the decay of true religion
and the 'growth of infidelity and superstition. One of his best
sermons is on the moral training of children, and another is di-
rected against the contempt of poverty. He generally reproves
without bitterness and, with good humour, classes himself with
' the fools who buy more books than they can read an^ undei^
stand.' Among several passages illustrative of the rude manners
of the age, one of the more remarkable refers to gross disorder in
places of worship. The satirist might well have been more
severe than he is in describing < the fools who bring their hounds
to church, and strut about and chatter loudly while the Mass is
read.' Gsileb, in one of his sermons, makes the same complaint.
'Another sign of afool,'iie says, *is disturbing divine worship,
as some do who come into the church with their birds and their
VI.] BRANDT— GEILER—MUKNER. 85
dog8| 96 if they were going out hawjking or hunting. What with
the tinklings of their hawks' bella and the snarling of their hounds,
neither the preacher nor the choristers can be heard? To make
his complaint more remarkable, the preacher refers to men in holy
orders who were guilty of such gross irreverence.
In these notices of literature in its connection with the faith
and the morals of the age the sermons of Gbileb (1445-1510)
must be mentioned with respect. Though he stooped too low in
his endeavours to win the attention of the people, he wad a faith-
ful and practical teacher. In a series of discourses * on the sins
of the tongue/ one of the best is on a topic that would hardly be
here expected — silence. The preacher ascribes all due praise to
silence, but condemns it when it has for its motive either indolence,
or pride, or cowardice. The discourse is very distinctly arranged,
but has too many subdivisioDS. As an example of the preacher's
extreme condescension, one sermon is noticeable in which he
deduces moral lessons from natural history. He tells his congrega*
tion that a hare has long eartf, which are quick in catching sounds^
' and these signify the attention with which we should hear the
Bible read ; ' and that a hare can run better up-hill than down^
which shows that a Christian should be active in climbing up the
hill of virtue. When a lion had been exhibited in a show at
Strassburg, the preacher followed, as a competitor for popular
attention, with a sermon on ' the lion of hell.' It is possible that
some of the eccentricities of Qeiler's sermons may be ascribed to
their editors, for among them we find Johannes Fauli^ already
named as a collector of jokes.
We have already alluded to a satirist far more energetic than
Sebastian Brandt — a restless, wandering, polemic monk named
Thouas Muhnxr, who may be regarded as an extreme represen-
tative of all the discontent of the times in which he lived. He
was bom at Strassburg in 1475, and, after studying in several
schools at Paris, Cologne, Prague, and Vienna^ was crowned poet
laureate by the Emperor Maximilian I. The rest of his biography
is a report of controversies in which he was incessantly engaged.
One of the first was that of the Dominicans and the Franciscans
respecting the immaculate conception. In early life Murner was
the friend of Reuchlin, and at its close he was one of the bitterest
enemies of Luther. No class of society was safe from Humerus
satire. He wrote against bishops, reformers, monks, nuns, noble-
86 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN LITERATXmE. [Gk.
men^ and lawyers. IJi;bioh yok Huttbit, who was a champion
for the Reformation with both aword and pen, and the principal
writer of tffe celebrated ' Epistoln Yirorum Obscurorum/ agreed
on many points with Mumer, yet was not spared by him. The
polemic monk trayelled hither and thither with no fixed purpose
in life, and hardly anywhere failed in making eneiifies. In 1512
he published one of his chief works^ Die Narrenbescfiwontng (* The
Exorcism of Fools '), which was suggested by Brandt^s Narret^
Mchif, bat was not an imitation. Another of Mumer's satires.
Die Sehelmensunft {*Thf^ Rogues' Club'), consists of the substance
of a series of sermons preached by the author at Frankfurt Its
style is low and coarse, but he pleads that the public liked it.
' Some tell me/ he says, ^to remember my sacred calling, and to
write seriously on religious subjects; but the fact is, I have
written about fifty serious books, and the 4>ublisher8 ' will not
even look at them. So I have locked up all my divinity in a
chest. And, as it is now counted a degradation to write German
rhymes, I must plead that I cannot help it ; for when I try to
write sober prose, I JGind my pen running into ^ymes against my
own purpose.' Nothing can exceed the violence of Mumer's
declamations against simony, secular church patronage, and the
luxurious lives of the superior clergy ; nor are the laity spared.
He denoimces especially their oppressive taxation of the poor.
^ When a hen lays an egg,* he says, * the landlord takes the yolk,
his lady has the white, and the boor is allowed 'to keep the shell.'
Mumer's best work, 'The Qreat Lutheran Fool, as exorcised by
Dr. Mumer* (1522), strictly belongs to the sixteenth century;
but may be noticed here, that we may more speedily close our
interview with this polemic monk. In this satire he introduces
Luther as commander-in-chief of a large army marching in three
divisions. The infantry carry a flag with the word * Gospel ' con-
spicuously displayed ; the banner of the cavalry has the inscrip-
tion 'Freedom,' and the baggage have for their motto 'The
Truth.' As they march along, they boast of their exclusive
possession of these three flags. We give a condensation rather
than a full trandation of a few lines from this part of the satire : —
Forth oat of Bab}'1on'we go
To make the loftiest mountains low.
To lift the valley and the plain.
. Our Luther tells us to abstiun
From aU good woAa, and not in vain—
VI.] MUENER. 87
Whatever he commands we do ;
For all that Lather says ia trae.
Mumer then goes on to say that all the three banners carried
by the insurgents have been stolem ' The evangelical flag/ he
says, has b^ the property of the faithful for more than fifteen
hundred years. ' The truth ' belongs to no individual man, but to
the whole congregation of believers, and Christian ' freedom ' is
understood only by Catholics. Luther leads on his forces to
destroy churches and monasteries^ but Mumer and his fnends
offer a stout resistance. A hard fight is followed by a truce and —
oddly enough — by Mumer*s marriage with one of Luther*s
daughters I What this incident may be intended tp symbolise
we cannot even guess. The leader of the faithful is, however,
disappointed in matrimony, and soon divorces his wife. Hostilities
are resumed and continued until the death of Luther makes an
end of the war. He is buried with contempt, as a heretic, and
Mumer, with great delight, acts as conductor at a charivari, or
* concert of cats* music,' vigorously performed at the grave of th«
reformer !
Li 1523, soon after the publication of the satire on Luther, its
y^ . author was invited to England by King Henry VHL, in whose
defence he bad written a tract with a strange title — ' Is the King
of England a Liar P^-or is Luther P ' In the same year Mumer
returned to Strassburg, and there set up his own press;, for he
could not find printers for his violent satires. He was busy in
preparing some new work, when his house was plundered and his
press broken in pieces by a mob. Mumer then escaped from
Strassburg, and in 1529 arrived, in a state of utter destitution, at
Luceme, where a public subscription was made to provide for him
a new suit of clothes. His restless, life closed in mystery,
all that is known further being that, some short time before
1537, he found rest in the grave.
Whatever may be thought of the quality of Mumer's writings,
they deserve notice as representing the temper of his times — times
when men, on both sides of the great controversy then waged,
were wanting in self-knowledge and charity. Under their zeal
for opinions they often concealed pride, self-will, and malice.
Their tenets were forms behind which not seldom lurked a sell-
asserting will. Satirists Eke Mumer have a buming zeal for
truth, but hardly see the results to which they lead men. If
88
OUTLINES OF GEKMAN UTEKATTJEE.
[Ch.
error has an overwhelming majority, what hope is there for the
truth P If all the world has always been wrong, why not distrust
the satirist himself? Whatever the errors of society, they will
not be corrected by abstract maxims. The polemic writer often
assumes as an axiom that, since his opponents are wrong, he must
be right — ^if two dark colours differ by a shade, oneVust be white.
. But it is dear that of two contending parties both may be in
trror, and the truth may rest with a third, not involved in their
dispute. Mumer had many followers who, dissenting from his
opinions, were like him in temper. He was one of the earliest of
the bitter polemic writers of the sixteenth century, and his name
has, therefore, suggested remarks that may be applied as fjEurly to
some of his opponents as to himself.
Our view of this closing period of the Middle Ages has been, on
the whole, gloomy. The impression we have received from the
low imaginative literature of the times is not removed when we
turn to history.
▼n.] CHEONICLBS OF TOWKS, 89
CHAPTER Vn,
TEIRD PEBIOD. 1360-1525.
OHSORIGLBS OF TO'WNS — DIDACnO PB08X — THB KTSTICS — TAT7I2&^
'DXB FBANCKFOBTBB.'
AjroNG the cbroniclers of the period, one of the earliest was
Fbitzsche Closeitbr, a canon of Strassburg, who died in 1384.
He wrote, in very simple prose, a record of the chief events of his
times, and his chronicle — excepting, perhaps, the notes on frequent
earthquakes — seems trustworthy. The most interesting passages
are those which describe the spread of the pestilence, the perse-
cutions of the Jews, and the processions of the flagellants. His
account of the ' black death ' — so the epidemic of the times was
called — -tuakes it clear that it was the Oriental plague. ' In the
year 1349,' he says, 'when the flagellants came to Strassburg,
there was a mortality among the people, such as had neyer been
known before, and it continued all the time the flagellants stayed
with us, but abated when they went away. Every day, in each
parish, from eight to ten corpses were buried in the churchyard,
to say nothing of many others interred near convents and at the
hospital. The old graveyard of the hospital was found too small,
and they added a large piece of garden-ground to it. All who
died of the pest had boils or tumours, mostly under their arms,
and after these appeared the plague-stricken died generally on the
third or fourth day ; but some died on the first day. The plague
was clearly infectious, for it seldom happened that only one died
in a house.* ' In the same year,' he tells us, in his own calm
style, ' on St. Feltin's Day, the Jews were burned on a wooden
scafibld set up in the churchyard. Such burnings of Jews took
place not only in Strassburg, but in all the towns along the Rhine,
because the people •believed that the Jews had brought the
pestilence among us by putting poisoiynto the springs and other
waters. In some places the Jews were burned after a form of
90 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUBE. iCa.
trial, but ID others their houses were fired, and they were not
allowed to escape from the flames.' Closener^s account of the
flagellants is striking enough to merit a succinct quotation : —
In the same year (1349) two bnndred brethren of the scooige came to
Strassburg. They marched into the town, two and two abreast, chanting a
lamentation, and carrying banners and lighted candles, while, aa they came
into the town, the bells of the cathedral were tolled. When they entered a
church, they first all kneeled down and chanted a hymn beginning thus : —
* For drink they gave to Jesu gall :
Here, fellow-sinners, let us falL' . . .
Then, extending their arms, and making themselres so many likenesses of
the cross, they fell all at once, with a loud clapping sound, flat on the pave-
ment. Twice a day, early and late, they publicly scourged themselves with
knotted cords, and this was their fashion of doing it : — The bells of the
cathedral were tolled as they marched two and two abreast out of the town
into the open field. There, having stripped themselves down to the waist,
they lay down ba the grass, so as to form a wide circle, and each brother, by
his mode of U ing down, confessed the chief sin of which he had been guilty.
Thus one guilty of perjury Jay on one side and raised his hand, with three
fingers extended. . , . Then, at their master's bidding, they arose in suc-
cet^ion, and some of their best singers sang a hymn beginning with the
lilies—
' Come hither all who would not dwell
For ever in the flumes of hell ! ' . . .
And, while they were singing, the brethren went round about in a ring, and
scourged thtir naked backs until the blood flawed freely from many of
them. Then they fell Again to the earth, and remained lying there, with
arD)s extended in the fashion of a cross, until the singing men began a hymn
on tii6 crucifixiun : —
* Ifaria stood, with anguish sighing,
While on the craas her Son was dying.' . . .
Whereupon the flagellants arose, and repeated their scourging of them-
selves ; and this was done again and again. . . . Then there was read to
them a letter brought, it was said, from heaven by an angel. It told how,
for the sins of the times, plague and famine, fire and earthquake, had visited
the land, and how the Sxracens had been allowed to shed much Christian
blood ; and it threatened that, if men would not repent, strange wild beasts
and birds, such as were never seen before, would be sent to make desoliUe
all the land. . . . Also the angel's letter commanded that Sundays and
Saints' Days »hould be strictly observed. . . . The people at first believed
in the letter, and in the sayings of the flagellants, more than in all that the
priests said, and the clergy who talked against the brethren of the scourge
did not giiin the favour of the people. . . . Women formed themselves into
companies to imitate the flagellants, and even children gathered together to
whip themselves. ... In the course of time, •however, the Strassbuig
people grew weary of the brethren, and would not have the minster bell
tolled for their processions, %nd at lant a law was made, that whoerer
wbhed to scourge himself most do it privately in his own dweliing.
Vn.] CHRONICLES OF TOWNS. 91
The canon ends his chronicle with one more earthquake, very
briefly mentioned ; thus :— *In the year 1362, on the morning of
Sunday, the ninth day after St. Petei^s, and while they were
chanting matins in the minster, there was an earthquake. On the
same day this book was finished by Fritzsche Closener, a priest at
Strassburg.' His chronicle was extended by Jakob' TwiNeER, who
died at Strassburg jn 1420.
Several books of the same class — such as the ' Limburg Chro-
nicle/ a * History of Breslau in 1440-79/ by Pbter Eschenlosr,
and * The Chronicle of the Holy City of Cologne/ by an unknown
author, supply some interesting facts respecting the growth of the
towns and their government. Two writers, both named Diebold
Schilling — one of Solothum, who died in 1485 j the other of
Lucerne, who died about 1620 — ^must be named as the best Swiss
chroniclers of their times. Jvstikger, who died in 1426, and
Frickhard, who died, in his ninetieth year, in 1519, both wrote
of the history of Berne, and Melchior Rttss, who was living near
the close of the fifteenth century, wrote the annals of Lucerne.
Li the general ' Chronicle of the Swiss Confederation,* by Pbter-
iCANir Ettsrlin, who died in 1507, the former part is fabulous ;
but the notices of affairs in his own time have some historical
value.
Was there in these times no better German literature than such
as has been described P Yes ; but it belonged to another world,
not to the world of contentions and divisions represented in such
literature as we have noticed. The meditative men of the times,
the Mystics, knew that the world around them required a .reno-
vation, not external, but spiritual and deep, and that this renova-
tion must take place, first of aU, in the reformer's own mind. So
they retired from the sti-ife of society to find or to make peace in
the world of their own thoughts. Their writings would deserve
notice, if only on account of their improved prose style.
JoHAiTNES Tattler, bom, probably at Strassburg, about 1290,
died in 1361. In early life he entered the Dominican Order,
and was, for a time, the pupil of Eckhart. After studying
metaphysics and divinity, Tauler wrote and preached many ser-
mons, displayed considerable learning in theology, and gained a
reputation before he was fifty years old. At that time he received
92 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
a Tisiffrom a layman, Nicolaus of Basel, tlie head of a leligious
brotherhood. This visitor told the great preacher that his sermons
were worthless, and that his knowledge of theology was merely
intellectual and not spiritual. Tauler, believing his new teacher,
abstained from preaching for two- years, and then once more
appeared in the pulpit. He now preached with greater depth of
thought and feeling, and^ at the same time, more practically. Neither
pantheistic nor passive, his mysticism was united with a burning
zeal for the welfare of his hearers. Many passages in his sermons
are full of the eloquence not derived from studied diction, but
springing immediately from the heart. ^True humiliation/ he
says in one place, ^is an impregnable fortress. All the world
may try to carry it by storm , but they cannot.* . . . ^ Dear soul/
he says again, * sink into the abyss of thine own nothingness, and
then let a tower fall to crush thee ; or all the demons from hell
oppose thee ; or heaven and earth, with all their creatures, set
themselves in battle array agidnst thee — ^they shall not prevail^
but shall be made to serve thee.' Such was Tauler's preaching
on his favourite theme. Why or how we cannot clearly say, but
ho offended his ecclesiastical superiors, and, though he had de-
votedly laboured to spread the consolations of religion among the
people during the prevalence of the plague (in 1348), he waB
forbidden to preach and was driven away from Strassburg. His
chief work, besides a series of sermons, is entitled Die Nachfolge
des annen Lehms Christie which may be translated freely as ' The
Imitation of Christ in His Humiliation.'
The doctrine most prominent in the writings of Tauler and his
friends is that religion is neither a history nor an external institu-
tion, but a life in tbe souls of men. All that is represented as
externally or historically true must be conceived in the soul and
realised in experience before it can become spiritually true. But
the word ' spiritual,' as used by Tauler, is not to be understood in
a negative or merely internal sense ; for he teaches that what is
spiritual is also practical. There are superficial thoughts that
have no power and lead to no practice \ but there are also thoughts
that are essentially united with deep feeling and a corresponding
practice, and these are spiritual thoughts. Tauler and other
Mystics, while they assert the necessary union of religious thought
with good works, dwell rather on the internal source than on the
outward results. ' One thought of God, attended with absolute
Vn.] TAULEB. 93
resignation to His wiU^ is worth more/ says Tauler, ' than all the
good works done in Christendom/
The teaching of Tauler is concisely repeated in a little book
first entitled Der Franckforter^ to which Lather afterwards gave
the title Eyn deuUch Theoloffioj when he edited a part of It in
15 IG. The doctrine of this short treatise— written, most probably,
in the fourteenth century — ^reminds us of the speculations of
Eckhart. The ' fall of man/ or the origin of evil, is here viewed
not hiBtorically, but as a present and continuouB act of man's will,
in the assertion of itself as distinct from and in opposition Ur the
will of the Infinite. Man's will is the centre and the source of a
world of disunion. Before his ' fall,' or his separation from the
Infinite, his will acted aa a magnet on all creatures, and held them
in union and subordination ; but by the perversion of his will all
creatures are perverted. It is vain ia attempt, in the first place,
any outward reformation. Man must resign his will ; must claim
no life in or for himself; must not imagine that he can possess
anything good, as power, knowledge, or happiness. All such
thoughts as are expressed in the words * I ' and ' mine ' must be
renounced. Such resignation is the birth of the second Adam.
In him the whole creation is to be restored to its primeval divine
order. This birth of the second Adam must take place in
every man who would be a Christian. He must become
weary of himself and of all created and finite things, and, relin-
quishing all his desires, must resign his whole soul and will.
Though good works wrought in the life of the renewed soul
are holy, yet more holy is the inner, silent self-sacrifice that can
never be fully expressed in good words or good works ; for by *
that inner sacrifice the soul is translated into the one true life
beyond all death — the eternal Ufe in which sin, and self, and
sorrow, and all things that belong to the creature apart from God,
are for ever lost.
Such was the teaching of Tauleb and of many of his brethren
in the fourteenth century. The above summary may serve as a
substitute for notices of other mystic works by such writers as
Hbinbich vok Nobdlinoen, the friend of Tauler, Heikrich der
Seuse (1300-66), and Rxtlman Merswin (1807^82), another of
Tauler's fiiends, and the author of a work entitled Da8 Buck von
den newt Feken (' The Book of the Nine Kocks ').
The infiuence of the Mystics was veiy extensive, and lived long
94 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
after the Reformation. It has been said that to read one of
Tauler's sermons is to read them alL This is not exact ; but the
general accordance of the mystic writers, from the fourteenth \o
the seventeenth century, in all the essential parts of their doctrine,
is veiy remarkable.
Of their relations with the external Church we have hardly
satisfactory information. They were persecuted, but not to such
an extent as might hare been expected ; for the full purport of
their teaching was not understood by their opponents. It was
rather remote from, than directly opposed to, the tenets of the
Church, and could hardly be made a basis for ecclesiastical re«
formation. A vast external institution, intended to include nations
under its sway, might tolerate and include pious brotherhoods
like the Mystics, but could not, if it would, enforce their doctrine
or their practice. With regard to the application of their teach-
ing to practical life, some ambiguity may be complained of. The
Mystics evade rather than solve the problem of uniting such a
religious life as their own with a fulfilment of the duties of society.
The battle of life, for religious men, is less severe in the* monastic
cell than in the shop, the market, the school, and the factory. If
the Mystics did not intend to say that retirement from the world
is the only way to heaven, they wrote words that seem to mean
that If they wished to teach men how to act rightly as neigh-
l>ours, father?, and husbands, and when engaged in trade and
industry, they should have been more explicit and condescending
in the application of their doctrine. We do not say that their
doctrine was unpractical, for what can have a more pi-ufound effect
\)n life than the subjugation of the passions and the resignation of
the will P But, with reference to the guidance it affords for men
who have to live and act in this world, the teaching of the Mystics
may be described as abstract
It is hardly necessary to say, in concluding this review of
mediaeval German literature, that this is no attempt at a descrip-
tion of the general culture of the times. That must include an
account of the revival of classic literature — to say nothing of many
Latin folios filled with the subtile disquisitions of the schoolmen.
The German literature of the later jniddle ages was obscure and
despised — as it partly deserved to be ; yet it served to indicate
gome characteristics of coming events. There might be seen,
among the secular anstocnu^ of that ag«y as in the Church and
▼IL] TAULEB. 95
in the great schools of learning, powers that rose and enthroned
themselves without attempting to lift up the people. Men were
not onlj classified, but separated^ as churchmen and laymen, nobles
and peasantry, scholars and illiterate. The press was multiplying
copies of Roman classics for the enjoyment of scholars luxuriating
in their new-found intellectual wealth, while the yemacular
tongue was condemned to be used only for the most vulgar pur-
poses. The sentence was, on the whole, strictly carried into
execution. The people made a low comic literature for them-
selves. They could satirise existing institutions, but had no
clear notions of any union of order with freedom. When freedom
began to be talked of among other classes, the peasantry at-
tempted to revolutionise society, in order to fulfil absurd predic-
tioDs, falsely supposed to be contained in the Bible.
96 OUTLINES OF eEKMAN UTEBATUBE. [Ge.
CHAPTER Vin.
FOUBTH PERIOD, 1626-1626.
CHABACTBBISTICS OF THE TIICB — ULBICH TON HUTTEN— LXTTBES.
Discontent was the chief characteristic of the later middle ages.
We speak of the historical world, including the men of action,
the thinkers and the writers who expressed ^e tendencies of their
times. There existed no doubt a quiet, .unheard-of world — not less
important than the historical — a world of obscure people, happier
than the men who are ever looking forwards and beyond their own
immediate interests. It is of the leading men we write when we
say that the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were times of dis-
content. We have r^ad how it had expressed itself with regard
to 'social life, and the institutions of both the State and the
Church. The didactic and satirical literature already noticed is
made wearisome by iterated complaints of the dualism existing be-
tween rich and poor, between master and servant, the learned and
the unlearned, the priest and the layman, the emperor and the
pope. ' But, comparatively speaking, discontent had been only
muttered in the fifteenth century ; in the sixteenth it was out-
spoken. The literature of this time is, consequently, crude in
form and violent in temper, but deeply interesting in its purport
— ^in other words, in its connection with realities. It would be
unjust to pass hastily over such a literature, on account of its want
of a superficial polish. We might as well leave a blank in the
history of English literature from Chaucer to Spenser, or
briefly pass by the authors of the seventeenth century, in order to
concentrate attention on Pope and Addison.
We are still living in the midst of the movement that began in
the sixteenth century, and how it is to terminate is the most im-
portant question on which the minds of men are divided. Mar-
Tellous progress has recently been made in the physical sciencea
Vin.] CHAItACrrERlSTXC& OF THE TIME. 97 V
and in applied mechanics, but m polemic literature written since
the sixteentH century we find little that is both new and impor-
tant. And this is neither to be wondered at nor deplored ; for
the age of the JEteformation left controyersies in which we are
still engi^ed, and problems still waiting for a solution^ In that
age all the abstract axioms of the French Revolution were pub-
lished. The years of the Parisian anarchy (178^-99) hardly
gave birth to one original notion. Proudhon's startliug axiom was
preached in Germany in the thirteenth century, and was accepted
as a new Gospel by many in the sixteenth, when men of some
learning could quote Greek, and refer to the fathers and the school-
men, to support the doctrine that property should be abolished.
Luther's own notions on the subject were unsound, as modern
political economists would say ; but he hated the extreme opinions
maintained by some educated men in his time and afterwards.
Others beside the peasantry were dreaming of a new order of
society introduced db extra^ with abstract theory for a ground-
plan, and violence instead of workmanship for carrying it into
execution. One learned man made a dreary sketch of a ' Model
City,' where all the inhabitants were to be made happy by good
sanitary regulations, improved cookery, and the abolition'of reli-
gion. Another dreamer, in his ' Solar State,' arranged a system
of society regulated like a complex clock-work, with the abolition
of both freedom and property as a moving power. Making such
Utopias on paper was one of the amusements of learned men in
those days.
It is a mistake to regard the controversy of the sixteenth century
as exclusively theological or ecclesiastical, and it is a greater
mistake to ascribe the whole movement to the z6al of a discon-
tented monk. Luther neither inspired the dreams of Munzer and
the Anabaptists, nor excited the peasants and others who en-
deavoured to fulfil such dreams. He might as well be accused of
calling Savonarola into existence. There have been historians
who could ingeniously explain great events by mean anecdotes of
personal interests, but it is more intelligible to ascribe great
results to great thoughts — thoughts that have an irresistible power
of first making themselves common and then demanding to be
carried into execution. The prevalence of such 'thoughts in the
slzteenth century made it a grand epoch. The main control ersy
was part of a process, still going on in the world, and having for its
H
98 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
object to lead men througli all their errors to a linowledge of
tbemselyes and of the Divine Goyernment to which they must
submit. This was the goal kept in view by good and honest
inquirers in the sixteenth century, but they differed widely re-
specting the ways that led to'it ; in other words, on the respective
claims of the Church, the Scriptures, and free inquiry. The
controversy that followed is only partiaDy represented in the
German literature of the time. It is hardly necessaxy, therefore,
to say that, in our notices of writers who lived during the time of
the Reformation, we do not pretend to give, even in outline, a
history of that movement.
The controversy of the age gave only temporary life and
vigour to German literature, which then, for a short time, might
be called national. No longer confined to convents or to cofirts,
it had its centres in several newly-founded universities, and was
spread abroad by means of the printing press. The Bible, trans-
lated by Luther, was the people's book, and hymns, founded on
popular models, contained the best poetry written at that period.
The rapid decline of this new literature is easily explained by a
reference to political and ecclesiastical history. Expectations of
political freedom, cherished at the opening of the century, were
soon disappointed ; dreams of pious men who had endeavoured to
spread the teaching of a religion independent of external forms,
were not fulfilled; Luther^ in his earlier years, read Tauler*s
sermons, and edited the ' German Theology ; ' but qutbreaks of
fanaticism soon induced him to defencT'bis ovm work of reforma-
tion by entrenching himself within a stric^system of theological
institutes. The disappointment of men who wal^ted more freedom
in theology was expressed by Sebajstiak FBAWCi (1500-46), one
of the best prose writers of this time. Luther denoilDced him and
his Mends as wild visionaries, * always prating of Geist, Geist,
Geist; ''in other words, setting up their ovm convictions fl§ distinct
from Luther's exposition of the Bible.
These and more serious dissensions impaired the strength of the
Reformation movement, while its influence on the general ciJlture
of the people wa^greatly diminished by the use of two languages —
Latin for the learned, and a half-barbarous German for the com-
mon people. Leturned men wrote in Latin on philology a?id
theology, and the people were left with few intellectual leadejfs.
The enthusiastic patriot Kxtites saw the error of this division pf
Vin.] ULRICH VON HUTTEN. 99
languages^ and endeaTOured to write in hia native tongue^ so as to
Le read by the people ; but he succeeded only to a limited extent,
and when more than thirty years old could write far better
in Latin than in German. The verse written during the sixteenth
century — excepting Lutheran hymns— is, with regard to both
style and purport, inferior to the literature of prose, which would
moreover demand precedence here, if only on account of one
fact; the greatest literary work of the century — the work that
established Nsw High Gebmait as the language of the German
people — ^is Luther^s translation of the Bible.
Mabtin LuTHEBy the son of a poor miner, was bom at Eisleben
on the tenth of November, 1483; he received his early education at
several schools, in Mansfeld, Magdeburg, and Eisenach, and went
to the University of Erfurt in 1501. After some studies in theology
and scholastic philosophy, he, in opposition to the advice of friends,
took vows as an Augustine monk, and devoted himself to religious
exercises and the study of the Bible. A visit to Kome (1510)
served to increase his dissatisfaction vrith some practices au-
thorised by the Church, especially the sale of indulgences. The
controversy excited by his publication of. ninety-five theses against
indulgences was revived by his disputation vrith Dr. Eck, which
was followed by the excommunication of the reformer in 1520.
He thereupon published ' An Address to the Nobility,' and prayed
for their assistance in the reformation of the Church and the
universities.
Meanwhile Uijbich yok JIx7TIEN, a man of noble aacestry (bom
in 1488), had already exhorted the aristocracy to win by the sword
their national independence. He, at first, thought lightly of the
controversy raised by Luther, as if it had been a quarrel of monks
on a theological question ; but soon understood that national and
religious freedom must rise or fall together. Ulrich, v^ho had
written in Latin several of the ' Epistles of obscure Men,' against
the ecclesiastical authority of Rome, now studied German, in
order that he might co-operate more powerfully vrith Luther.
But the two reformers differed in their choice of weapons. Ulrich
would use the sword ; Luther, as he said, would trust in * the
Word ; ' or in arguments based, as he believed, oi^ the Scriptures.
Ulrich, denoimced as a heretic and a traitor, was driven from one
town to another ; till he found a refuge for a time in the castie of
Franz von Seddngen. Thence he escaped into Switzerland| and
h2
100 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
died is a retreat on the island of TJfenau in the Lake of Zurich, in
15^23. His satires, in the form of dialogues, and his ^ Complaint,
addressed to the German People/ are remarkable expressions of
the polemic temper of the time. The purpose to which he devoted
his life was to liberate his native land firom the religious and
political dominion of Rome, and from the powers usurped by the
princes of the several States. Alea jacta esto, was Ulrich's motto ^
when he declared war, not only against Home, but also against
the princes, while he despised the nobles among whom he was
compelled to seek for allies. • I know I shall be driven out of the
land,' he says, * hut I cannot turn black into white. No Turk, no
heathen would rule so oppressively as our princes. To overthrow
them, the towns must unite with the nobility.* Hutten's whole
life was a bitter warfare, and his constitution was, in his youth,
imdermined by the disease that brought him to an early grave.
When persecuted by foes, and forsaken by his friends, he ' addressed
to the whole body of the German people ' a ' Complaint,' of which
the following short passage may give the purport : —
Countrymen I let all unite to protect even one, if that one has done good
service foi^all. I might have enjoyed the favour of Rome at this time, if I
had not desired above all other things the welfare of my country. For this
I have laboured and suffered. For this I have endured so many misfortunes ;
long journeys by day and night, so much want and care, and such shameful
poverty ; and all this in the prime of my life— in the best, blooming years of
, youth I Surely for all my good intentions I have some claim on your assist-
ance. . . . If r cannot move you by my own case, betnoved with pity for my
friends and relatives. My poor and aged father and mother, my younger
brother, who is in great trouble about me, all my relatives, and many who love
and respect me, besides sc^veral learned men, and some noblemen ; all theaejoin
in my petition. If I have added something to the honour of our Fatherlimd by
my writings — if I have endeavoured to serve my comitry — ^hdp me now I '
Hutten's writings — ^including those in Latin— are numerous,
and are mostly directed against the Komish clergy. He gives a
summary of all that had been said by the satirists of the preceding
century. To whom the blame must be chiefly ascribed, is a
question to be decided by political and ecclesiastical historians,
but the &ct must be admitted, that a great part of the literature
of the time immediately preceding the Reformation is ftill of envy,
malice, and all uncharitableness. Warfare seemed to be the only
atmosphere in which men could breathe, and the spirit that ani*
mated many declamations against the evils of society was as bad
as the evila themselvea In a word, discontent and bad temper
VIII.] LUTHEE, 101
were almost universal, if literature is to be trusted. The spirit of
Thomas Mumer seemed to have diffused itself over the land. The
troubles that followed Luther's protest had been prepared before
his time. The discontent of the people under the rule of their
princesf and the strife of the princes against each other, and
against their foreign emperor — the Spaniard — were both ready to
break forth into open violence and anarchy, and Luther's words
were made to serve as a signal.
Trusting, as he said, * in the word,' without the sword, Lather
burned the papal bull issued against him, made his memorable
protest at Worms, and then found a place of shelter in the Wart-
burg, an old castle near Eisenach. Here he proceeded with his
translation of the Bible. He had ended his labours on the New
Testament (1522) when his progress was disturbed by the
excesses of one of his own friends, Andreas Rudolf .Bodenstein^-
commonly named Kablstabt. He was professor of theology at
Wittenberg, but also an iconoclast and a radical reformer, who
wished to go far beyond any reforms advocated by Luther.
' Qo back to your native places,* said Karlstadt to his pupils, at
the university, 'and there learn some useful trades and make
yourselves good citizens. Stay not here to study, while other
men are working to support you. The apostle Paul worked with
his own hands. Go and do likewise.' The professor carried into
practice his own teaching ; put on a white felt hat and a smock'
frock, and went to work in the fields. But it was by his doc-
trine that all sacred images in churches should be destroyed that
Ea^Istadt especially offended Luther. Their quarrel led to the
banishment of the iconoclast.
Luther knew that his own work of refonnation would be cen-
sured for any results that might follow when the Peasants' War
of 1525 broke out The doctrines preached at an earlier period by
Friar Berthold — that the poor shall inherit the earth and that the
rich must surrender their wealth — ^had been long remembered ;
and it was supposed by many that the time had come for reducing
them to practice. Luther at first advised the nobility to meet
the peasantry with liberal reforms. 'You must moderate your
despotism,' said he, * and submit to God's own ordinances, or you
will be compelled to do so.' But when the peasants grew violent,
broke into convents, made themselves drunk in the cellars, and
aet fire to castles on the banks of the Hhine, Luther came forth
102 OUTLINES OF OERMAN LITERATUBE. [Ch.
ftgainst thexU; and it is not too much to say that his denonciation
was fatal to the whole democratic movement of the time. If,
guided by a more selfish policy, he had placed himself at the head
of the peasantry, he might have easily triumphed over all his
own enemies. But he knew well the truth — confess^ at last
by Miinzer — that ' the sensual and the dark rebel in vain ; ' that
men must be free within before they can make a right use of
external liberty. K Miin;er*s exploits had not worn out the
patience of Luther, the anabaptists must have done it Dreams
of Utopia prevailed in those times, and a baker at Leyden had a
dream. He declared that he was ^ Enoch,' and sent out twelve
apostles to find the new Jerusalem. At Munster they enlisted a
fanatical tailor, and then gained the patronage of the mayor.
Envy and rapacity, disguised by a few abused texts picked
from the Bible, began the work of reformation by ' driving out
the sons of Esau,' and distributing their goods among ' the chil-
dren of Jacob,' in other words, the anabaptists. The destruction
of works of art, musical instruments, and libraries was sooxi fol-
lowed by the institution of polygamy. The tailor — crowned as
King of Israel — acted as the public executioner of one of his own
wives, while the people, assembled in the market-place, lifted up
their voices in the psalm, 'To God on high g^ve thanks and
praise.' The worst remains to be told ; for the sincerity of the
anarchical men of Munster was very doubtful. The mayor,
Enipperdolling, conducted himself more like a buffoon than an
enthusiast. If the anabaptists of Munster had studied how to
make the most disgraceful caricatures of freedom and religion,
they could not have done their work more effectually.
• The extreme notions of Karlstadt and his followers, the violence
of Thomas Miinzer and other leaders of the peasantry, and, lastly,
the madness of the anabaptists, had all tended to make Luther
more conservative and dogmatic — ^if this word may be used, with-
out ofience, in its true meaning. He fortified his own position by
the strictly-defined tenets of his two catechisms (1529), and
denounced as departing too widely from the letter of the Bible
the doctrines asserted by the Swiss .reformers. Ulrich Zwingli,
their leader, endeavoured to maintain the democratic character of
the Information, and departed more widely than Luther from
the teaching of the Church. The two reformers met in' 1520,
but failed to adjust their doctrinal diffeiences.
Vm.] LUTHEK. lOS
In fhe following year the Diet of Augsbarg was asflembled, but
Luther being under imperial censure could not attend. If we
may judge from a letter he wrote about this time, he was not
seriously depressed by the interdict : —
Here we are sitting [be writes], and looking out of the window on s
little grove, where a nomber of crows and daws are assembled as in a Diet;
but with such a flying hither and thither, and croaking all day and all
night — ^yoong and old all chattering at once — ^we wonder how their throats
can bear it.
The letter does not conclude without some polemical bitterness ;
he calls the crows ' sophists and papists,' and prays ironically for
their salvation. There is more sweetness in a note written by him
about the same time to his son Jolm, only four years old : —
•
I know a pleasant little garden, where many children dressed in golden
frocks go in under the trees and gather rosy apples and pears, cherries and
plums, both parple and yellow, and sing and dance and mtJae merry, and have
fine little horses, with golden reins and silver saddles. When I asked the
gardener who these little children were, he told me : ' They are children who
say their prayers, learn their lessons, and do as they are told.' ' Well,* said
I to the roan, ' and 1 have a little boy, Johnny Luther, at home, who would
like to come here, to gather pears and apples, ride on these fine little horses,
and play with these children.' * Very well,' said the man, ' if he is obedient
and says his prayers, and learns well, he shall come, and he may bring
Lippus and Jost with him, and they shall all have fifes and drums, and
other kinds of music, and also little cross-bows to shoot with.'
Luther published, in the same year (1580), a translation of
' JSsop's Fables.' A passage from the preface may be noticed as
one of many proofs of the reformer's care for the education of
young people : —
I have undertaken [he says] the revision of this book, and have dressed
it in a better style than it had before. In doing this, I have especially
cared for young people, that they may have instruction in a form suitable
to their *age, which is naturally fond of plays and fictions ; and I have
wished to gratify their taste without yielding indulgence to anything bad.
I mention this, because we have seen what an objectionable book some
writers have made and sent into the world, as ' the German Maop ' — the
original fables mixed with scandalous tales, for which the authors ought
to be punished ; tales to be recited, not in families, but, if anywhere, in
the lowest taverns. iBsop endeavoured to introduce wisdom under an ap-
pearance of folly ; but his perverteis would sacrifice his wisdom to their
own folly.
In 1534 the translation of the Bibib into German was completed.
In this great work Luther*s aim was to write so as to be under-
stood by all the people, high and low^ learned and comparatively
104 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
illiterate. He spared no pains ; but reviBed bis work again and
again — for the last time in 1545. Its success was marvelloos,
but not greater than it deserved. It was soon accepted as the
people's book, and in 1558, thirty-eight editions of the whole
Bible and seventy-two of the New Testament had appeared.
The efiect was as important in general literature as in theology.
Luther's Bible established the New High German language,
which has become the medium of a literature now spreading its
influence throughout the world. The carefulness of the translar-
tion is often disguised under an appearance of facility. ' When at
work upon the Book of Job/ says Luther, ' we sometimes hardly
contrived to do three lines in four days.' If, in this difficult sec-
tion of his work Luther here and th^re failed, he seldom made so
adventurous a translation as may be found in the English Book
of Job (xzzvi. 83). Another merit is, that as a churchman
of the sixteenth century, who had been accustomed to read
medieval jargon called Latin, he was, to a remarkable degree, free
from the common error of translating words instead of their mean-
ing. He did not always succeed ; but he tried hard to put the
Greek of the Gospels into such words as any German peasant
might understand. The parable of the Prodigal Son may be
mentioned as one of numerous narrative passages faithfully and
popularly rendered, and Psalm civ. may be noticed as one of many
examples of a bold ^nd clear trfinslation ef poetry. We trans-
late two or three paragraphs from the preface to the Book of
Psalms, where Luther can be met on ground far away from all
controversy : —
The heart of man Is like a ship out on a wild sea, and driven by storm-
winds, blowing from all the four quarters of the world ; now impelled by
fear and care for coming evil ; now disturbed by vexation and grief for
present misfortune ; now uiged along by hope and a oonfidence of future
good ; now wafted by joy and contentment. These storm-winds of the
soul teach us how to speak in good earnest^ to open oar hearts, and to
utter their contents. The man actually in want and fear does not express
himself quietly, like a man at ease who only talks about fear and want ;
a heart filled with joy utteis itself and sings in a way not to be imitated
by one who is all the time in fear; Mt does not come from the heart,'
men say, when a sorrowful man tries to laugh, or a merry man would
weep. . . . Now of what does thi3 Book of Psalms mostly consist, but
of earnest expressions of the heart's emotions — the storm-winds as I have
called them ? Where are finer expressions of joy than the Psalms of praise
and thanksgiving? There you look into the liearts of the saints, as if you
looked into a fair and delightful garden, aye, or into heaven itself— And
vin.] LirrHEB. 105
joa see how lovely and pleasant flowers are springing up there out of
manifold happy and heautiful thoughts of God and all his mercies. . . .
But again, where will you find deeper, more mournful and pitiful words of
sorrow than in the Psalms devoted to lamentation? I conclude, then,
that the Psalter is a hand-book for religious men, wherein everyone, what-
ever may be his condition, may find words that will rh3niie with it, and
paalrns as exactly fitted to express his wants, as if they had been written
solely for his benefit.
In 1636 Luther prepared the articles of faith afterwards a<>-
cepted, first by an assembly of divines at Schmalkaldy and then
by the Lutheran Church. , He did not live to witness the mis-
fortunes of the Schmalkald Alliance, when they took up arms
to maintain their principles. His health had long been failing,
and in 1545^ when he refused to be judged by the Council of
Trent, he was but a wreck of himself. Thirty years of very
hard work for heart and brain had made him long for rest.
Writing to a friend about this time he says : —
As an old man, worn out and wearr, cold and decayed, and with but
cne eye left, I had hoped that I might have, at last, a little rest; but
here I am still harassed with calls to write and talk, and regulate affairs,
as if 1 had never written, spoken, or transacted any business. I am now
tired of the world, and the world is weary of me. I would leave it as a mnn
leaves an inn when he has paid his reckoning. So let me have an hour's
grace before I die ; for 1 want to hear no more of this world's affairs.
To oblige his friend^ he, however, took a journey to Eisleben,
in winter, when tlie surrounding district was flooded. One of
the last traits to fade from his character was humour, as ma]^ be
seen in a note written at this time to his wife : * We arrived here,
at Halle,' he says, ' about eight o'clock, but have not ventured to
go on to Eisleben, for we have been stopped by a great anabap-
tist— the flood — which has covered the roads and threatens us
with immersion, and no mere sprinkling.' He is near the grave
now, but his humour is still polemical, though not bitter. He
died at Eisleben on February 18, 1546. 'I was bom,' he says,
' to flght with gangs of men and demons, and that has made many
of my books so impetuous and warlike. . . . My shell may be
rather hard ; but the kernel is soft and sweet' HIb numerous
writings — beside those already named — include controversial
tracts and sermons, which belong to Church History rather than
to General Literature, and cannot be fairly noticed here. Nothing
could exceed the violence of Luther's tone of declamation ] but it
was chancteriBtic of his times. A disposition to seek and find
106 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
in the Scriptures, not objective truth^ but a confirmation of pre-
conceived opinions, was common to tbe theologians of the six-
teenth century. They seldom dreamed that the true meaning of
the Scriptures, to which they so often referred, might lie far
beyond the range of controversial exegesis. It cannot be affirmed
that Luther, in his expositions of the Bible, always avoided the
common error of his time. For examples of his command of a
truly popular style his series of seven vigorous ' Sermons against
Iniage-breakers ' may be noticed. It is obvious that the most
energetic passages of his polemical writings could not be fairly
represented by any brief quotations, and this remark will explain
our extracts from his less important works. His numerous letters
and his * Table Talk ' — the latter not always to be trusted — are
aids for an estimate of his character. Among the several editicms
of his writings, that published in twenty-four volumes at Halle
(1740-51) may be named as the most complete.
IX.] THEOLOGIAKS. 107
CHAPTEE IX.
FO URTS PERIOD, 1626-1626.
THS0LOOTAN8 : BEBTHOLD — ZWINOLI — MATHESIUS — AKHBT— AGBI-
COLA — FBANCK — BOHHB — HISTOBIAMS : TUBIIAIB — AN8HELM —
TSCHUDI — KESSLEB — BX7LLIN0BB — JLEHMANN — THEOBALD — ABT A2n>
scebncb: ddbeb — fabacelsus.
•
The Prose Literature' of these times must appear poor to readers
ucacquainted with the fact that, during the Peformation and
afterwards^ Latin was the language of theologians. Their labours
had no connection with national literature, but may be here men-
tioned in order to make clear the statement that our notices of a
few German writers on theology do not pretend to represent
fably the activity of the age in this department of study. As one
example of the zeal and industry that produced libraries of folio
Tolumes in Latin we may name the ' Magdeburg Centuries/ in
thirteen volumes (1559-74). Its object was to show the agree-
ment of the doctrines of the Keformers with the ancient autho-
rities of the Church. The work was first planned at Magdeburg,
and was divided into Centuries, each occupying one volume —
hence the title. Voluminous itself, the work called forth a book
still more voluminous, for to refute its statements Baronius wrote
his * Ecclesiastical Annals.'
The few theologians who wrote in German may be here clas-
sified with regard to their respective views on authority, ortho-
doxy, and free inquiry. The principle of authority, as maintained
by the most consistent advocates of the Roman Catholic Churchy
asserts that guidance in religion can be found neither in systems
of doctrine based on the Scriptures, nor in any conclusions de-
rived from human reason. But, as guidance with regard to both
faith and practice is required by all men — ^including the most
illiterate, and those whope powers of inquiry are most restricted —
it is maintained that there must be a fixed institution having
108 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURR [Ch.
absolute authority in all qnestioos of leligioxtB beiief and practice.
Against these claims of the Koman Catholic Church Luther ap-
pealed to the authority of doctrines clearly stated, as he believed,
in the Scriptures. Other theologians differed from him, either
with regard to his choice of doctrines to be accepted as essential,
or with regard to his interpretation of certain passages of
Scripture, while they still maintained his principle of founding
all authority on the Scriptures. But a third class of writers arose,
differing among themselyes on many questions, but all agreeing,
either in demanding more freedom than Lutheran orthodoxy
allowed, or in asserting, with especial emphasis, the claims of
personal and spiritual religion. These theologians of the third
school, as we may call them, were known by many names, such as
Mystics, Weigelians, and — at a later time — Pietists. They inr
claded men of various opinions, such as Weigel, Franck, Amdt,
an<£ Bohme. The names by which they were designated — or
reprobated — must be, therefore, understood as having no definite
meaning. One of these names, for example, was derived from
that of Valentin Weioel, a theological writer who died in 1568;
but it was applied to Johann Amdt and others who were no
followers of Weigel, and' also to some wild fanatics who had no
connection whatever with either Weigel or Amdt. Without
entering into any of the details of their controversies, we may
notice the leading writers of the thrcQ schools above described,
so far as they are represented in the German literature of the
period.
If our notices of the defenders of Church authority seem meagre,
it is because few Roman Catholic divines of these times wrote in
the German language. To do justice to their arguments in defence
of an absolute external authority, we should have to refer to such
writers as Babontus, Bsllarmine, and Bossitet ; but no authors
of their stamp wrote in German during the sixteenth century.
Johann Nas (1634-90), a Franciscan, author of * Six Centuries
•of Evangelical Truths ' (1669), was, in his time, prominent as an
opponent of the Reformation, but his writings have little value,
lie was far less successful than the Jesuit, Petbus de Hondt,
commonly called by his Latin name Canisius (1621-07), whose
efforts greatly checked the spread of Lutheran doctrine in the
south of Germany. His Latin works, — including ' A Summary of
IX.] BERTHOLB— ZWINGLI. 109
Ghriiitiftn Doctxine' (1564) and a 'Smaller Gatechiam/ — passed
through numerous editions. •
One of the beet writers in German in defence of the authority
of the Ghurch was Berthold^ bishop of Ghiemsee, who wrote, in
a plain style a work entitled 'German Theology/ which was
printed in 1527. The object of his book was to call back wan-
derers from the ancient Ghurch, and to counteract the popular
literature of the Protestants. Berthold eays : ' These times have
made manifest that secret hatred of the Gatholic Ghurch and its
clergy which has long remained hidden in the hearts of un-
righteous men.' He argues in the usual style against all inno-
Tntions of doctrine, by pointing to the variety of opinions found
in such reformers as Luther, Earlstadt, Zwingli, and GScolam-
padius. The practical and uncontioveisial parts of the book are
written in an earnest and popular style.
The most important of the earlier controversies of the , times
respecting orthodoxy took place between Luther and Zwingll, and
ended without reconciliation in 1529. Ulbich Zwikoli, bom
in 14S4, was a man of considerable learning, and wrote clearly in
his own German dialect, but without any great command of
language. Like Luther, he protested first against the sale of in-
dulgences, but soon proceeded to denounce all additions to doc-
trines contained in the Bible. At two conferences held at Zurich
in 1523, he defended so well his sixty-seven articles of belief,
that they were accepted as the creed of the Reformed Ghurch of
that canton. Their substance was published by Zwingli as his
'Gonfession of Faith' in 1525. His departure from Lutheran
orthodoxy consisted in a denial of the Real Presence in the
Eucharist. Some well-intended political measures recommended
by Zwingli served to hinder the spread of his own doctrines and
to excite strife between the Gatholic and the Protestant cantons
of Switserland. War followed ; the men of Zurich, accompanied
by their pastor, marched out to meet forces greatly superior to
their own, and Zwingli fell on the battle-field at Eappel, on the
11th of October, 1531. One of his best works is a ' Manual of
Ghristian Instruction for Young People.'
There were, even in these times, some religious writers who
mostly avoided controversy, and wrote of their faith with regard
to its practical xesnlts and as united with their own life and ezpe-
110 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEE. [Ch.
rience. Johaitn Mathbsitts was & popular preaclier and writer,
who lived in the midst of a mining distriot, and adapted his
ministry to the wants and the characters of the people. He wrote
hjmns and songs, which the miners eang while engaged in their
subterraneous toil ; and his eermons, which were full of popular
anecdotes and proverbs, were well adapted to the practical in-
terests and pursuits of bis congregation. In one of his discourses,
entitled a * Sermon to Miners ' (published in 1597), he collects all
the passages in the Bible which have any real or supposed
reference to mine3 and metals, and employs considerable learning
and ingenuity to prove that miners were recognised in the Bible
as nn honourable class of men.
The writings of Johanit Arnbt may be classed with the best
practical theological productions of this period. His treatise en-
titled * Four Books on True Christianity,' which was published in
1629, passed through many editions in Germany, and was trans-
lated into English. It is read and esteemed in the present day.
Amdt had tendencies in some respects similar to those of Tauler,
Franck, and other Mystics ; but he stated his sentiments with
clearness and moderation ; and the pious and practical character of
his book made it a favourite among religious men of various sects.
It served ais a manual of devotion during the times of warfare and
calamity that followed the Reformation.
JoHANN AoRicoLA (1492-1566) may be named here, not on
account of the theological controversies in which he was engaged
vrith Luther and others, but as the author of a collection of pro-
verbs with annotations; which contain interesting notices of
popular manners. A far better book of the same kind was written
by Sebastian France, already named as one of the opponents of
Luther. He was not alone in demanding more freedom of inquiry
than Lutheran tenets allowed. Such writers as Schwenkfeld,
Hubmaier, Denck, and Weigel, aU agreed in their assertion of a
right of private judgment ; but Franck was the clearest polemical
writer of their school, and was an industrious author in other
departments besides theology. £Qs religious principles agree, on
the whole, with those of the ' Society of Friends ' in England, as
stated in their ' Apology,' published by Robert Barclay in 1676.
Franck was bom in 1500, was expelled from both Niimberg and
Strassburg, on account of his free opinions, and was condemned as
a heretic by the conference at Schmalkald* Hl9 afterwards sup-
IX.] FBANCK. Ill
ported himself by printing, as well as writing, books, and died
about 1545. Kejecting the claims of ecclesiastical authority,
he maintained that there is in man an internal light, which can
guide him aright in his faith. His best works include his
* Paradoxes ' (1533), his * Collection of Proverbs,* with comments
upon them (1541), *A Chronicle of the German Nation,' and his
* World-Book,' or * Manual of Universal History,' which was pub-
lished in 1534. Franck writes more calmly and more clearly
than many of his contemporaries, and is remarkable for his charity
towards the heathen; but he is rather harsh in his condemna-
tion of everything like ritualism. Thus, for example, he con-
temptuously describes the popular customs of his own neighbours
at Christmas-time : —
At this festive season the men-servants and other young fellows go
through the towns and villages in the night-time singing songs to the people,
with the greatest h}T>ocrisy, and covering every householder, who can afford
to give anything, with praises from the sole of his foot to the crown of his
head ; and thus these serenaders collect a good sum of money. Other com-
panies of singers travel through the country, announcing their arrival in
every town by ringing a bell ; then they go into the church, and there sing
for the amusement of the people : after this they of course make a collec-
tiun, and often return home with a considerable booty. On the festival of
the * Three Kings,' every householder makes cakes and sweetmeats ; a
penny is kneaded in with the dough, \rhich is divided into cakes according
to the number of the family. One cake is presented to the Virgin Mary,
and each of the Three Kings has his cake ; but the child who receives the
coke containing the penny is styled the * King,' and is then lifted up on the
should^ of the family. When he is lifted, he takes a piece of chalk and
^ makes a cross on the ceiling, or on one of the beams, and this cross is re-
*' garded as a grand preservative against ghosts and misfortunes for the tol-
lowing year. During the twelve days between Christmas and the Festival
of the Three Kings, the people bum incense in their houses as a charm to
drive away all evil spirits and witchcraft.
It is one great characteristic of the Mystics that they neyer
tolerate two distinct forms of religious teaching : one symbolical;
founded on external authority, and professing to be adapted to
the moral condition of the majority of men ; the other based on
private feelings and convictions. The latter ib the only religion
which Franck allows to be worthy of the name.
In the above notices of several wjriters on theology who have
been classed with Mystics^ with regard to their principle of
reference to an inner light, as a source of instruction in religion^
it 18 by no means implied that aU held exactly the same opinions ;
112 . ^ OUTLINES OF 0EEMAN LITEBATURE. [Ch.
but any attempt to point out their minor differences would exceed
our limits. We have still to notice the most original of all the
German Mystics — a man whose biography and writings are alike
remarkable.
Jacob Bohme — sometimes called Behmen— the son of a pea-
sant, was bom in 1575, at the village of Altseidenberg, near the
old town of Qorlitz in Silesia. He was left in boyhood almost
without education, and was employed in tending cattle in the
fields near his native place. He tells us how when a boy, he used
to climb the Landskrone — a solitary hill of granite that overlooks
the plain, the river, and the old church towers of Gorlitz — and it
was here, probably, that the love of nature so often expressed in
his writings was first awakened.
After serving his time as apprentice and joume3rman, he settled
as a shoemaker in Gorlitz, married and lived obscurely in a cot-
tage near the bridge over the Neisse. Here he gained some edu-
cntion, and especially made himself well acquainted veith the
Bible. During his travels as a journeyman shoemaker seeking
work in several towns, he had heard much of the religious contro-
versies of the times, especially of that between Lutherans and
Calvinists. His enlightenment, he tells us, was preceded by a
time of doubt and depression induced by his endeavours to solve
hard questions respecting Providence and the destinies of men.
He had read, it appears, some parts of the writings of Weigel and
Paracelsus, when he began to write the chapters afterw^s col-
lected in his first book, entitled ' Aurora,' which was printed in
1612. It contained many passages likely to be misunderstood,
and its publication gave great offence to Gregorius Hichter^ piwtor
of Gorlitz, who accepted as strictly literal several of Bohme's most
figurative expressions. In obedience to his pastor, Bohme pro-
' mised that he would abstain from writing on theology, and this
promise was well kept for about seven years. He was encouraged
by several friends to begin writing again in 1619, and produced
after that time several mystic works, including a tract, * On the
Threefold- Life of Man ; * Replies to * Forty Questions respecting
the Soul ; ' a tract entitled ' De Signatura Kerum ; ' and the ' Mys-
terium Magnum,'- containing* an exposition of the Book of Genesis.
During the last four or five years of his life (1619-24) Bohme
gave up making shoes^ and was mostly supported by the sale of
his books, and by gifts firom several kind fnends who believed in
IX.] BOHJttB. 118
his teadkiog. Hie six tracts, ooUeetively entitled ' The Way to
Chrbt/ contain the clearest statements of his practical doctrine ;
bat in one of them his mysticism was so stated as again to give
great offence to the pastor of Gorlitz. To escape persecution,
Bohme now submitted himself, for an examination of his doctrines,
to a jury of four divines at Dresden, who were assisted by two
scientific laymen. When he had replied to many questions, one
of the theologians said, ' I would not for the world condenm this
man ; ' and another added, < I will neither condenm nor approve
what I do not understand.' The trial had been very kindly con-
ducted ; but the excitement attending ^ and the previous perse-
cution had injured Bohme's health. After the conference at
Dresden he paid a visit to one of his friends in Silesia, but soon
returned to Gorlitz, where he died quietly on Sunday, November 18,
1624. His last words were, * Now I go to Paradise.' The clergy
of Gorlitz refused his remains Christian burial until it was com-
ULfrnded by the civil authority. The rector then excused himself
on account of illness, and his deputy began the service by express-
ing a wish that he had been twenty miles away from the town.
It is noticeable that the son of the pastor of Gorlitz became ond
of Bohme's disciples. Jacob Bohme was a man of low stature,
with a forehead low and rather broad, a nose slightly aquiline,
clear blue-grey eyes, and a soft and pleasant voice. His life was.
free from reproach, and his manners were gentle and modest.
His writings are by no means all alike, but include mystic and
partly controversial expositions of some parts of the Bible— espe-
cially the Book of Genesis — some devotional and practical tracts,
and speculations on the most difficult questions of religion and
philosophy — such as belong to theories of creation, of the freedom
of the will and of the origin of evil. The writings of his later
years (1619-24) are less imaginative but clearer than the ' Aurora,'
which has been erroneously described as his chief work.
The earliest complete edition of Bohme's writings was published
at Amsterdam in 1682. The editor, Gichtel, it may be observed,
held some doctrines never taught by Bohme. The latest complete
edition was edited by Schiebler in 1831-46. Among the trans-
lators and expositors of Bohme we may name William Law, author
of a well-known book, the ' Serious Call to a Devout Life ;' Franz
Baader, a German Catholic, and the so-called ' unknown philo-
sopher/ Louis Claude de Saint-Martin.
• I
114 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
It is impossible to give here any fair account of the more ab-
struse speculations of Bohme. A short passage from one of his
tracts may show how far he differed from many writers of his
times with regard to the doctrine of religious toleration : —
As the earth expresses her virtues in many flowers, so the Creator displays
his wisdom and his marvellous works in his children. If, aa lowly children
and guided by a Christian spirit, we could dwell together, each rejoicing in
the gifts and talents possessed by others, who would condemn us ? — Who
condemns the birds in the wood when they all praise their Lord, while each,
in its own mode, sings as its nature bids ? — Does i Hvino Wisdom condemn
them because they do not all sing in unison ? No ; for all their voices are
gifts from One, in whose presence they are all singing. The men who, with
regard to their knowledge — e^ecially in theology — quarrel and despise one
another, are inferior, in this respect, to the birds of the wood and to other
wild creatures ; such men are more useless than the quiet flowers of the
field, which allow their Creator's wisdom and power to display themselves
freely ; such men are worse than thorns and thistles among fair flowers ; for
thorns and thistles can, at least, be still.
It would be easy to quote from Bob me many passages that might
seem either absurd or destitute of meaning. As he often says —
especially with regard to his first book — he finds great difficulty in
"expressing his thoughts, and he fears lest he should be misunder-
stood. His most comprehensive ideas belong to speculative theo-
logy, and can hardly be given, at once, truly and concisely. Shelling's
later doctrines were partly borrowed from the shoemaker of
Gorlitz, who was neither a deist nor a pantheist. The assertion
that he represented the Absolute Being as becoming self-K;ouscious
only in man will be found erroneou3 by those who will refer to
Bohme*s own words. All his teaching 'is based on one theeds —
made known to him, he says, by 'enlightenment'— that the
Divine Nature is Triune, and reveals itself throughout creation
and in the soul of man. The simple Deism of Islam was for
Bobme not only erroneous but inconceivable. Pope's lines in the
' Essay on Man/ already quoted on page 64, accord well with a
part — ^but only with a part-^f Bohme's theory of creation. To
give his views of nature would far exceed our limits. In one
part of his theory he states that through man's freedom evil
was introduced, and this clearly distinguishes his teaching
■from both optimism and pantheism. A few sentences given,
for the sake of brevity, sometimes in our own words, may con-
vey some notions of Bohme^s religious doctrine : — ^Man, he says,
is created in God's image, and haS| therefore, a capacity for
rx.] bOhme. 116
TboeiTUig divine knowledge. But all outward means of instruc-
tion are vain, without the shining forth of an inner light, not
extinguished, but overcast as with a cloud in the soul of man.
His darkness is the result of his own self-will, which contains in
itself both the origin and the essence of evil. Its most common
forms of manifestation are pride, greed, envy, and hate. But man
is a union of body and soul, and Boh me never speaks of the soul
as. an abstraction. Moral evil, therefore, expresses itseK in natural
defects. Man's sin has debsised not only his own physical nature,
but that of the world that belongs to him. When man becomes
disobedient to God, the earth becomes disobedient to man.
Bohme calls self-will, especially in the form of pride, * Lucifer,'
and writes of him sometimes as if using personification ; but, at
other times, he speaks of Lucifer as Ihe first transgressor. . The
' fall,* however, which men deplore is the result of their own will.
The greatest of all the gifts bestowed by the Creator on his crea-
tures is freedom, and its right use is a free obedience rendered to
the will of the Giver. But self-will has made a perversion of
the highest possible good. As the root of a thoiTi makes only
thorns out of the light and warmth by which roses bloom, so
self-will has converted good into evil. But evil is not to prevail.
It must be finally transmuted into good ; meanwhile it serves to
develope the energies of Divine Love. Man's deepest misery calls
foi-th the highest expression of mercy. A second Adam appeal's
and reyeraes the whole of the process instituted by the first. The
first asserts his own will and forfeits Paradise; the second resigns
his will, his soul, his life ; and so returns into Paradise, leading
with him all who will follow him. No man is • unconditionally
reprobated, and none will be finally condemned, except it be by
himself. The gates of heaven are everywhere, and stand always
open for all. What remains of good in a man may be but a spark,
but may be kindled to a flame that will bum up all his sins. A
prayer may be but a faint sigh, yet the Omnipotent cannot resist
it, because He has no will to resist it.
A few more sentences will suffice for Bohme's views on the
external Churches and creeds of his time : — Religion, he says, is
confined neither to history nor to any churches built of stone; but
he by no means defends a neglect of public worship. We must
remember the controversies of his times, if we find his remarks on
them too severe. 'Christendom in Babel,' he says, 'quarrels
13
116 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN UTERATUBE. [Oh.
about theological science. . . . The purport of the Christian reli-
gion is to teach us what we are, whence we come, how we have
come out of union into disunion, and how we magr go back out of
disunion into union.' Under all or any of our forms and opinions,
the four sins — ^pride, greed, envy, and hate — may be hiding
themselves. . . . Bohme's views of the heathen differed widely
from those of his contemporaries. He maintained that Jews,
Turks, and infidels might be saved, and that the old heathens —
meaning especially the Greeks — had divine teaching imparted to
them. Though, in their error, they adored the stars, they were
nearer the truth than some of the schoolmen who called them-
selves Christians. There is no elect nation. In aU lands men
have sought for divine guidance, and have found it ; for ' the door
is opened to everyone who knocks.'
The passages above given in a condensed form must fall to
convey the full purport of Bohme's more comprehensive thoughts.
'Light and fire,' he says, ai'e not mofe distinct than his own
doctrine is from the false interpretation of men who would think
lightly of moral evil. He writes of it in words that approach
near to Manichaeism, and yet he describes it as a condition —
sine qtid non — of the development of freedom, and as an oppo-
sition that makes spiritual life more vigorous. One of his more
concise passages on this subject may be found at the close of
a tract on 'Spiritual Life,' which is written in the form of a
dialogue between a disciple and his master. The former asks^
' Why has the Creator allowed such a contest as we see between
good aud evil P ' and the master replies as follows : — ' He has
allowed it that, through all the oppositions of love and anger,
light and darkness, his own eternal dominion may be made mani-
fest and be freely recognised by alL . . . The strife and the pain
endured by the good in their time of trial will be transmuted into
great joy. . . . The pain and the separation of finite life exist that
there may be an eternal joy in overcoming.'
The theological and eccle^siastical controversy of the sixteenth
century has a permanent interest, though some of the arguments
employed by the contending parties have become obsolete.
Authority, orthodoxy, and free thought were set in opposition to
each other. A child is made subject to an external authority,
because his own duties and interests are unknown by him, and
must be impressed upon him from without. It is assumed by the
K.] HISTORIANS :—TTTEMAIB. . 117
advocates of an absolute external authority, that the majority of
men must, with regard to religion, remain in a state of tutel%e.
Bat, say the advocates of freedom, when the child arrives at a
mature age, he rejects the external authority, and this rejection is
not a negation ; for he has now accepted the teaching, and has
made it his own ; so that an internal law has become a substitute
for the external. The reply is obvious: a people, still in their
minority, may reject authority, may assert a negative instead of a
true freedom, and their errors may afford arguments for those who
contend for absolutism. Such are the outlines of the controversy
as it still remains ; but since the events of 1864 and 1870 — ^the
encyclical with the syllabus and the decree of individual infalli-
bility— the arguments formerly employed have become useless.
The society founded in 1540 to oppose the Reformation has become
predominant in Home; the principle of absolutism has been
asserted in its most concrete form, and the questions formerly
discussed between Catholics and Protestants have been reduced to
one question of fact. Arguments founded either on the Scriptures
or on the tradition of the Church have been set aside, and appeals
to reason are met by demanding ' a sacrifice of the intellect.' On
one side the forces are becoming more and more concentrated ; on
the other they are still greatly divided. It cannot be doubted, that
here we have the elements of a movement greater than that of the
sixteenth century, and once more Germany is destined to be the
. centre of the controversy.
Ajnong the historical writers of the Lutheran period, one of the
best was JonAi^N TxmMAni, who called himself Aventinits
. (1477-1534). He wrote at first in Latin, and afterwards in
German, a 'Chronicle of Bavaria' (1533), noticeable for its
patriotic tone. A * Chronicle of Berne ' (1032-1626), written by
Valeritts Anshelm, who died in 1540; the 'Helvetian Chro-
nicle,' written ty Abgimtts Tschttdi (1505-1572) ; a 'History of
the Reformation in Switzerland,' written by Johakw Kbssleb, of
St. (fallen (1502-1574) ; and a ' History of the Reformation,' by
Heinbich Bullikger (1504-1575), the friend and successor of
Zwingli, may be named among valuable contributions to the
history of Switzerland. Christopit Lehmanw (1568-1638)
wrote a 'Chronicle of the Free Town*Speier' (1612), which
contains some disquisitions on the respective merits of monarchy,
aristocracy, and democracy. The writer's conclusion is very safe.
118 , OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUEB. [Oh.
' That/ says he, ' is the best govennnent where the best men hare
authority.' A history of * The HussitQ War/ written by Zacha-
RiAS Theobald (1584-1627), is remarkable for its graphic ao
count of the death of John Huss. The scene seemq to be described
by an eye-witness, and is brought before us with a painful
reality :—
Cheerfully, and showing no sign of fear, he walked up to the stake fas*
tened in the earth, to whieh the executioner tied him fast with six cords,
but with his face to the east, instead of to the^est, as it should be done
with a heretic. Then they cast an old rusty .chain over his neck, as if he
were not worthy of a new one, and he said : ' Christ was bound with a
heavier chain for my sins and, therefore, I am not ashamed to be boobd with
this old ru^ty chain.' They now. placed under his feet — on which he still
wore his boots with his fetters — two bundles of brushwood, and all about
him piled plenty of wood, straw and brushwood up to his neck. Before
they set fire to the pile, the duke Ludwig von Baiern and the Marshal rode
up to Huss and advised him to renounce his errors, as they called them ;
but he replied, ' I call God to witness that I have not taught the things laid
to my charge by false evidence, but, in my preaching, teaching, and writing,
have striven to turn people from their sins and to lead them to the kingdom
of fieaven. And the truth which I have taught, preached, written, and
spread abroad, as according to God's word, I will still maintain, and alw
seal with my death.' When they heard this they clasped their hands, and
rode away. The executioners immediately kindled the pile, and it burned
up quickly, for they had laid plenty of straw among the wood. Then
Master John Huss, as he saw the smoke rising, cried out, with a clear voice,
* Christ, thou Son of God, have mercy upon me ! ' But when he would have
said it the third time, the flame, flapping under his face, took his breatli
away, so that he could not finish with ' have mercy upon me,' bnt continued
praying and nodding his head, as long as one might say a paternoster, and
then died.
Albrbcht Duber, the greatest German artist of his time (1470-
1528), employed his native language in his treatises; one on the
rules of perspective, the other on ' The Proportions of the Human
Figure.' In the latter he insists on a careful study of nature.
Diirer's letters are interesting, and show that he was a friend to
the Keformation. In one of them he expresses hh regret when
he hears a false report ihat Luther has been made a prisoner, but
he trusts 'that Erasmus will now proceed with the work' — a
strange mistake of the character of Erasmus.
The physical sciences— especially chemistry and medicine— had
one representative in the literature of this period. Theophrastus
VON HoHENHSiH, commonly known as Paracelsus, who was
bom near Appenzell in 1493. He was the first professor who
gave lectures ou science in the German language. His Latin was
IX.] PAKACEI^US. 119
too barbarous to be tolerated, and be introduced into scientific
discussions all the violence and intolerance of theological contro-
Tersy. He began one course of lectures by publicly burning the
-works of Galen and Avicenna. ' If any man wants to leftrh the
truth/ said Paracelsus, ' he must submit to my monarchy. All
the learned schools together do not understand Tts much of medi-
cine as my beard does.' He was — however boastful — ^a reformer in
chemistry, and his search for active principles indicated the road
that led to the discovery of such medicines as morphia and
quinine. After a restless, wandering life of alternating popularity
and ignominy^ Paracelsus died in the hospital at Salzburg in
1641.
120 OUTLINES OF GBBMAN IJXEEATURE. [Ch.
CHAPTER X.
FOURTH PERIOD, 1625-1626.
LUTHERAN HTMNS — HAITS SACHS — ^VALKMTIM ANDHEA — BIKOWALDT —
TI-ALDIfr— ALBEBUS — BOLLENHAGEN — SFANOENBBBG FISCHABT — THE
DBAMA — MANUEL — BBBHUHN — 'THE ENGLISH COMEDIANS ' — HEIN-
BICH JULIUS— FAUST — ^YTBIDMANN — WICKBAM.
The best lyrical poetry of the period was devoted to the services
of the Church. In older times the part which the people had
taken in Church music had been confined to a few short responses;
but Luther, who loved psalmody^ encouraged the congregations to
take a more prominent part in the public worship of God, and
wrote for them hymns and psalms well suited to become popular.
His first Hymn Book (1624) contained only eight hymns, but the
number was increased to sixty-three in the fourth edition, to
which Jonas, Spengler, Eber and others were contributors, while
the collection, printed in 1645, contained one hundred and twenty-
five hynms and psalms, of which thirty-seven are ascribed to
Ijuther. His bold and stirring psalm — ' Ein' feste Burg ist unser
Gott '—
A safe stronghold oar God is still,
A trusty shield and weapon ! —
is well known, but can hardly be with justice translated. This
may, indeed, be said of many other popular hymns written by
Luther and bis friends. Th^ir merit does not consist merely in
the sentiments they convey, but rather in the union of style and
purport ; in the force, directness, and euphony of language ; and
also in the music of their rhymes, for which we could find no
equivalents in English. As Dr. Vilmar has said, * These hymns,
like our secular popular songs, were not composed to be read, but
to be sung ) and so closely is their melody inwoven with their
X.] LUTHEILOT HYMNS. 121
me&ning, that if we would judge them fairly, we must have their
spirit) their metre, and their music given at once, as wh«n they
are iung by the congregation. They were indeed the sacred
popular songs of the Lutheran times, and were founded in«many
instances on secular melodies dear to the people from old remem-
brance. Thus we account for their rapid and marvellous efiect in
spreading the Lutheran faith. A hymn in these times was
scarcely composed before its echoes were heard in every street.
The people crowded around the itinerant singer (who now, in
accordance with the spirit of the times, sang Luther's hymns
instead of ballads), and as soon as they heard a new hymn sung
once, they would heartily take up the last verse as a chorus.
Thus these sacred melodies found their way into churches and
private houses; and whole towns were won over to the new
faith by the sound of a hymn. Such lyrics as those of Luther —
** Rejoice, my Brother Christians all I " and " From depths of woe
to Thee I call ! " or that by Paul Sfsratus, '* Salvation now has
come for all I " or that by Nicolatts Decitts, " To God on high
be thanlis and praise ! " — ^flew, as on the wings of the wind, from
one side of Germany to another : they were not read merely, put,
in the strongest sense of the words, were learned by heart; and
so deeply printed in the memories and affections of the people, that
their impression remains in the present day.'
To the names already mentioned, as representatives of many
writers of Lutheran hymns, we may add those of Nielab Hebhakk,
who died in 1561, Nicolaitb SEXiNBCKBR (1630-92), author of the
well-known hymn, *Ah, stay vrith us, Lord Jesu Christ/ and
Philipp Nicolai (1656-69), who wrote two hymns that have
long remained favourites, ' How brightly shines the Morning Star I '
and ' Sleepers, wake I a voice is calling,' the latter well known in
England since its introduction by Mendelssohn in the oratorio of
' St. Paul.' Several of the writers of Lutheran hymns composed or
arranged the tunes to which their hymns were sung, and these tunes
were in some instances suggested by popular melodies. They had,
therefore, a natural, varied, and popular rhythm, and were by no
means like the slow tunes stretched out, mostly in common time,
and in notes of equal length, for the use of both German and
English congregations. For the musical expression of simple
thoughts the hymn-writers, like John Knox, the great Scotch re-
former, could find no better models than the secular songs of their
122 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
times supplied. Several of the Lutheran tane.<)y with their original
and varied rhythm preserved^ may be found in a collection edited
by Dr. Layriz (2nd ed., 1849) under the title Kern des detdichen
Kirckmigesanges, Other forms of the same old melodies^ gi'^'&tly
changed by several editors, and mostly reduced to notes of equal
length, are found in modern Qerman and English books of psal-
mody. In some instances the old tunes can hardly be recognised
when reduced to notes of equal length, on the model of the
modem 'Old Hundredth Psalm.' In this style they are given in
a Qerman collection edited by Dr. Filitz. The apology offered
for this treatment of the old melodies is the statement that it is
found suitable for the \ise of large congregations. During the
seventeenth century the tunes, as given by Dr. Layriz, were sung
in four parts by some congregations in Germany, but such per-
formances must have required the aid of zealous and efficient
choir-masters, and could never be made general.
Among the tunes ascribed to Luther the melody of hL«« well-
]<nown psalm, above named, and another adapted to the hymn,
Wir glduben aU an emen Goit, are probably genuine ; but the ' Old
Hundredth,' often falsely ascribed to Luther, is found in a French
book of psalmody edited by Goudimel in 1562. The tune ol
'Luther's Hymn/ often sung in English churches and chapels,
was probably, at first, a secular melody, and, in a collection
printed in 1535, and edited by Klug, was adapted to a hymn
on the second advent. The influence of these Lutheran hymns
did not soon pass away. During the dreary time of the seven-
teenth century, though a great improvement in versification
then took place, the hymns written for the service of the Cturch
were almost the only productions that deserved the name of
poetry.
The lyrical poetry of the Lutheran time may be connected witik
that of the next period by the name of George Rudole Weck-
HEBLiir (1584-1651) who wrote verse in a style so far improve c
in form, that he might perhaps be rightly classed with Opitz as
belonging to the school of the seventeenth century. Weckherlin
spent the greater part of bis Ufe in London, where he was em-
ployed as secretary to the German embassy, and became well
acquainted with English literature. We find included among his
original productions a translation of the well-known poem, * Go,
Boul^ the body's guest,' which has been ascribed to Baleigh.
X.] POPULAB SONGS. 123
This iSy we Suspect, ixpt the only miAtake of the kind in Weckher-
lin's collected works.
To give an account of the popular songs of which several col-
lections appeared in this period is as difficult as to write a descrip-
tion of a tune ; for these songs were made to be sung — not read —
and their melody is often better than their meaning.
One of the best collections is the Ambraser Liederhtich (1582),
which was edited for the 'Stuttgart Literary Union' in 1845.
The love-songs, which form the greater part of the series, may,
with regard to their realism, be contrasted with the Minnelieder
of the thirteenth century. Bacchanalian, military, and hunting
songs are included, with a few ballads and humorous tales.
Several of the satirical stories given in the Ambraser and other
collections have the monks for their objects of ridicule, while a
few songs about heretics are directed against Luther and his
friends. Several hymn-writers endeavoured to put down tlio
coarser specimens of the people^s lyrical poetry, and in some in-
stances their extinction was desirable. But Heinbich Knavst,
who published, in 1571, a collection of popular songs newly con-
verted to Chridtdanity, was too severe. lie thought it desirable,
to 'convert ' into a hymn a harmless little song, expressing joy for
the return of summer. Knaust was unfortunate ; for his hymns
or songs were sung neither in the churches nor in the streets. They
were rather too lively for the tabernacle, while they were too dull
for secular use.
The literary merits of the old popular songs are partly negative.
They are neither reflective nor didactic \ like Goethe's lyrics, they
are without decoration, and they come from the heart Their
influence outlived the dreary artificial verse-making of the seven-
teenth century. Some of their best characteristics were studied
by Biirger and Herder, and were revived in beautiful lyrical
poems by Goethe. The collections of old popular songs edited
respectively by Uhland and Hoflmann von Fallersleben must be
commended for their fidelity. The same praise cannot be extended
to the collections edited by Brentano, Gorres, and Erlach.
If we may use the name poet in its plain and popular sense, or
as claimed by all verse- vmters who have displayed considerable
inventive power, we may assert that Hai^s Sachs was the greatest
German poet of the sixteenth century. Of poetry in the higher
meaning of the word^we have hardly any clear ciiticism in EnglLsh,
124 OUTLIK£S OF GERMAN LITEBATUBE. [Ch.
if we except Wordsworth's prefaces to his own poems. We do
not use the name poet in Wordsworth's, but in the popular sense,
when we apply it to the chief master singer of Niiraberg. The
prosaic view of life ; the love of satire, with a tendency to level-
ling downwards ; the comic humour, not without coarseness -, the
self-assertion of the boor and the townsman, in opposition to the
nobility and the cleigy ; all these later m^dieeval traits are well |
collected in the writings of Hans Sachs ; but his own racy style,
honest purpose, and good humour place him above most of his
predecessors. We should not accept all the Niimberg shoemaker's
six thousand pieces in Terse as a fair exchange for Walther's
lyrical poems ; but in all the verse written from the daj's of Wal-
ther to those of Opitz (bom in 1597) — when we have excepted
some excellent hymns — ^we shall find hardly anything better than
the jocose and didactic stories of the Niimberg master singer.
IIaks Sachs was bom at Niimberg in 1404, and was educated
at the Latin School in his native town. When he had served his
time there as an apprentice to a shoemaker, he started on his
' years of travel,' and wandered freely about the South of Ger-
many. It was a rule of the trade-unions of his time that after the
expiration of the term of apprenticeship — shorter than in England
<— a journeyman .must pass some years in travelling from place
to place and working under several masters. For mutual aid
during these years of travel journeymen formed friendly unions, by
which they assisted each other in seeking work, and sometimes in
avoiding it. The time actually employed by Sachs in making
shoes, from 1511 to 1516, 5ould hardly have been considerable ; for
in that interval he visited towns too numerous to be mentioned ;
exercised his rhyming talent in many singing schools, and was for
some time employed in the service of the emperor. Having re-
turned to his native place, Hans married and started as a master
shoemaker, with a resolution to make literature ' his walking-
stick, but not his crutch/ as Sir Walter Scott used to say.
Several great men have begun life on a more poetical but less
substantial basis. Sachs did well with shoemaking as his ccnti-al
fortification, and verse-making as an outwork. He made money,
and was a great man in Niimberg ; but not only p3etry — even its
shadow, verse-making — has in its natura a fatal antithesis to
wealth, and we find Master Sachs, after writing about eix thou-
sand pieces of verse — some of them long enough — poorer than he
X.] HAKS SACHS, 125
was in his earlier days^ but neyer reduced to abject circumstances.
On the whole, he was a respectable man, and solved the problem
of life better than some poets less despised. He was not mis-
understood, for he wrote in a style suited to the average capacity
of NiimbergerSy and he knew nothing of the dreadful ' contrast of
the real and the ideal.' After living comfortably forty years with
one wife, he married secondly, when he was sixty- seven years
old, a girl of seventeen, whose beauty he describes in a song, and
this extraordinary union of May and November was, it is said,
happy. Worn out at last by verse-making, as well as by shoe-
making, Sachs gradually lost his faculties, and during the last
three or four years of his life was almost deprived of speech and
hearing. At this time, when favoured with visits by his nume-
rous admirers, he sat silent at a table, on which were l^d some
well-bound books, and in reply to all compliments addressed to
him nodded his snow-white head, but spoke not a word. His
poi*tiait represents a venerable man with a high overhanging fore-
head, aud a luxuriant but well-trimmed grey beard.
The literary productiveness of the Niirnberg master singer was
marvellous. He wrote, as we have said, more than six thousand
pieces of verse — lyrical, narrative, and dramatic ; but he seldom,
if ever, invented a plot, or a story. That was mostly borrowed
from the resources of his very extensive reading. His best pieces
are narratives, partly jocose, partly didactic, in which he describes
popular manners in his own times. He has the satirical tone of
the fifteenth century, and is not fiee from faults already noticed
in another Niirnberg master singer —RoeenblUt — but Sachs has
good humour in his satire, while his coarseness belongs to his
time, and has no bad purpose. Several of his legends are pleasing,
though for modern ears there is .some irreverence in their tone.
In the legend of ' St. Peter and the Goat,' for example, we are
told, that once upon a time St Peter was perplexed by an appa-
rent prevalence of injustice in the world; and ventured to think
that he could arrange matters better if he held the reins of govern-
ment. He frankly confesses these thoughts to his master. Mean-
while, a peasant girl comes to him, and complains that she has
to do a hard day's work, and at the same time to keep in order a
frolicsome young goat. ^Now,' says the Lord to Peter, 'you
must have pity on this girl, and must take charge of the goat.
That will serve as an introduction to your managing the affairs of
126 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Oh.
tlie universe.' Peter takes the goat into custody, and finds quite
enough to do : —
The young goat had a playful inmd
And never liked to be confined ;
The apostle, at a killing pace,
Followed the goat, in a tiesperate chase;
Over the hills and among the briers
The goat runs on, and never tires,
While Peter, behind, on the grassy plain,
Runs on, panting and sighing, in vain.
All day, beneath a scorching sun,
The good apostle had to run
Till evening came ; the goat was caught.
And safely to the master brought.
Then, with a smile, to Peter said
The Lord : *■ Well, friend, .how have you sped;-—
If such a task your powei;^ has tried,
How could you keep the world, so wide ? *—
Then Peter, with his toil distressed,
His folly, with a sigh, confessed ; —
' No, Master ! 'tis for me no play
To rule one goat, for one short day;
It roust be infinitely worse
To regulate the universe.'
Apparent irreverence and broad humour are united in several
other stories written by Sachs with a good intention. Wishing to
expose the loose morals and profane conversation of the common
soldiery of his times, he tells us, for example, that Satan, curious
to know- the truth respecting the morals of these people, sent a
demon to bring into hell ahout half a dozen soldiers as average
specimens of their class. The commissioner was, however, so
much terrified by the talk of the soldiers, and gave to his master
such an accoimt of their morals, that they were refused admittance
into Pandemonium. In another story St. Peter, as the gatekeeper
of heaven, exercises an unbounded charity, and admits a number
of common soldiers. They soon prove the' truth of Milton's saying,
* The mind is its own place ; ' for, unable to relish any of the
pleasures of their new residence, they collect their pence, and
begin playing in heaven at / pitch-and-toss.' This game ends in
a quarrel, and after some trouble with them, St. Peter sends his
. guests down to their proper quarters. There is truth in such a
tale ; and it is only superficially irreverent. Hans Sachs is never
weary of making homely appeals of this nature to the understand-
ing of his hearers. He tells of the tailor who clipped and stole
X.] HANS SACHS. 127
peces of the clotli he had to make up. At last, his conscieDce
was awakened by a remarkable dream or vision. An escort of
demons, bearing a flag made up of strips of stolen doth, conducts
the tailor's soul into purgatory. He awakens, repents, and be-
comes a new man ; but— on one occasion at least — steals a sample
of cloth, 'because 'there was nothing like H in the fiag.^ At
last the tailor dies, and St. Peter admits him, but gives him a
seat so near the boundary line of heaven, that he can see clearly
every sin perpetrated in the world below. Having nothing better
to occupy his thoughts, he undertakes the duties of a detective, and
surprises a poor woman of the lower world, who, urged by want;
is stealing a pocket-handkerchief. Inspired by moral indignation,
the tailor — though so lately saved — seizes a footstool, and hurls it
down on the criminal, so as to make her a cripple for life. A lo-
proof of the Pharisee follows. Here again we have wholesome
truth under the disguise of a seeming irreverence. These must
suffice as specimens of the subjects chosen by Hans Sachs. His
dramas are inferior to his narratives; but he introduced to the
German stage of his time a greater variety of characters, and gave
to his men and women some traces of individuality. His ' Shrove
Tuesday Plays ' are better than his crude attempts in tragedy and
comedy. The shoemaker and master singer of Niirnberg was
one of the friends and followers of Luther, whom he hailed as ' The
Wittenberg Nightingale,' and whose death he deplored in an elegy.
If we find, among other versifiers of his times, few worthy ^ven
of being classed with Hans Sacha, we must remember that a*
history of the German- literature of the axteenth century does not
represent the higher intellectual culture of the age. Hessfs, who,
in Luther's judgment, was the best poet of the times, wrote in
Latin, and Johann Valentin AndkbI (1586-1664), a learned
theologian who could write respectable Latin, almost boasted of
his carelessness when he wrote German. His best work in verse
is good in purport, but about as bad in style as the writer
intended it to be. It describes, first, the character of a pedant, who
accepts a cure of souls in order to gain for himself a comfortable
position ; then follows a sketch of a faithful pastor, who devotes
himself to the welfare of his flock. Another didactic work by
Andrea is entitled Die CJiristenhurg, and describes a Christian
Utopia. Some of his more visionary writings gave rise to fictions
about the supposed secret society of /the Itosicrucians.' The
128 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEE. [Ch.
author's allegoriefi were mistaken for reaKtiee. The error of
preaching and scolding in badly written verse instead of prose is
found in Die latUer Warheit (* Pure Truth '), written by Bartholo- 1
Mjsus EiNOWALDT (1530-1557)^ a Lutheran pastor at Lengfeld.
He describes a vision of heaven and hell in his poem called ' True
Eckart's Christian * Warning ; ' but it is didactic ra^er than
poetical. The hell, as a work of imagination, is more tolerable
' than the heaven ; but this is not saying much in favour of either
of them.
There is more narrative interest to be found in some fableK
written by Bubkhabd Waldis (1485-1658), and in others by
Erasmus Albebus (1500-1553). Both were Lutherans in doc-
trine, and were polemical in the application of th^i^ morals. The
latter, in his fable of 'The Lion and the Ass,' attacks all the
Protestants who are not strict Lutherans of his own type, and
Waldis often declaims violently against Rome. His fables with-
out any polemical interest are his best. They are certainly better
than such long mock-heroic tales as Der Frosohmetiseler by GsoBe
RoLLENHAGEN (1542-1600) and Der Oansz-Konig hy Wolfbabt
Spangenbbbo. The first is an intolerable story of warfare be-
tween frogs and mice, every new complication and episode in
which business excites in the reader a longing for some decisive
engagement in which both parties may be finally suppressed.
Der Oansz-Kaniff consists of six unconnected rhapsodies about
gee^. The author wrote, as he tells us, several other ' poems/
in which the heroes were cats and mice, stockfish and frogs!
Fortimately, these works of imagination - have never seen the
light.
After the death of Luther, and during the latter half of the
sixteenth century, polemical earnestness seemed to be declining,
when the zeal and activity of the recently-founded order of Jesuits
in opposing reformed doctrines awakened another satirist, JoHAirir
FiscHABT, who wrote both verse and prose. He was bom at
Strassburg in 1550, studied law at Basel, and, after travelling in
England and several parts of the Continent, resided at Speier and
at Forbach. He died in 1589. There'is a want of clear informa-
tion respecting some parts of his biography and the authorship of
several of the works ascribed to him.' He was a man of versatile
talents, had considerable learning and a remarkable command of
language, and was more than a satirist ; for some of his writings
X.] nSCHAET. 129
sliow his patriotism and his zeal for the education of the people.
His satirical story of the saints Dominic and Francis was written
in reply to a Franciscan monk, JoHAinv^ Nas, already named as a
polemical writer, who had asserted that ' the Enemy/ in assaulting^
Luther so frequently, was only claiming his own lawful property t
Fischart reminds his opponent that St Dominic was harassed in
the same way. It would be requisite to refer to Latin as well as
German literature, to show the character of the satires to which
Fischart intended to supply antidotes. The license, personality
and coarseness of many of the invectiyes published in these times
can hardly be imagined. Not only the moral character of Luther,
but also that of his wife, was made the object of yirulent abuse.
Acrostics were malicious in these days. In one of these vehicles
of satire, the initial letters of the lines, when read perpendicularly,
give Luthor*B name, in its Latin form; each line contains five
words, all beginning with the same letter, and the whole forms an
epigram made up of the most abusive terms that can be found in
Latin. To such satires Fischart replied in vigorous German, and
with a resolution not to be excelled either in rude invectives or in
verbal oddities. When he cannot find a word to express aptly his
satirical humour, he makes one. The satire above named was
followed by another of a more intemperate tone commonly styled
* The Jesuit's Little Hat,' — though that was not the original title
— and first printed in 1580. Its plot could hardly be decorously
given even in outlines, as one incident may suffice to indicate : —
in order to make ' the four-cornered hat ' as full as possible of
mischief, not only the special services of Lucifer and all his subor-
dinates, but also those of 'his grandmother,' are called into
vigorous exercise. ' The Bee-Hive,' another satire on the Romish
clergy, is only in part an original work. Fischart's prose is, on
the whole, better than his verse. His 'History of the Heroes
Gorgellantua and Pantagruel ' is, as the title indicates, an imita-
tion and partly a free translation of Eabelais. In this and other
books Fischart delights in strange, uncouth combinations of worde,
which resemble the verbal exploits of Aristophanes. Thus we
read of 'the innumerable-as-stars-ih-the-heavens-or-as-sands-on-
the-sea-shore impositions of the astrologers and prognosticators.'
In this instance his satire was well directed; for the impostors,
who called themselves ' astrologers,' were some of th^ most pros-
perous literary men of these times, and established a fiourisLiog
ISO OUTLINES OF GEBMAK LITERATURE. [Ch.
trade, requiring scarcely any capital beyond the ignorance of the
people. The ' Prophetic Almanac ' was the selling-book at fairs
and markets^and was read with excitement exceeding that produced
by modern 'novels of the season.' The poorest farmer gladly laid
down his groat to carry home the book which marked all the
* lucky days' for sowing wheat, making bargains, ' hair-cutting ' and
* blood-letting.' The events of the times, as well as the ignorance
of the people, were favourable to this trade in imposition. A
thousand failures did not hurt the success of the tradesmen ;
preachers and divines, from the time of Luther to the eighteenth
century, preached and wrote against Uhe magicians' in vain.
One of the absurd old almanacs ascribes all the events of the
Reformation to the fact, that * Luther was born under the planet
Jupiter in Capricorn.' Fischart justly says, ' It is presumptuous to
involve Heaven itself in our disputes.' We cannot literally ti'ans-
late the strange title of the book in which he caricatures the
productions of ^ the impostors ;' but it is something like the fol-
lowing : — * The Grandmother of all Almanacs, or the Pantagruel-
istic, thick-with-impositions, Phlebotomist's Adviser, Farmer's
Code of Rules and Weather Book, suited for all limes and every
country; by the accomplished rat-catcher Winhold Alcofribas
Wiistblutus.' In this caricature he endeavoured to recommend a
safe style of prophesying, of which the following passage is a
specimen : —
•
In this year we may expect the planets to be moveable ; but they will
move only in the courses appointed by their Creator. From certain aspects,
we may conclude that the colic and other sign9H>f a disordered stomach will
be prevalent in the summer among people who eat large quantities of unripe
fruit, especially plum.^ and drink plenty ol sour butter-mill^. Com will be
too dear for poor men, and too cheap for great landowners. Vines will not
flourish in the Black Forest, nor in the Bohemian Forest; but the best vine-
yards on the Rhine will produce wine strong jBnough to throw many people
down- from chairs and stools. Beer also will be good this year, if the
brewers will not use too much water. In short, we may expect an abundant
supply of wine and com, if the wishes of poor people are fulUlled. Dairymen
may take notice that black cows will give* white milk. With regard to the
affairs oi various nations, we may venture to say that the Bavarians and the
Swabians will prosper, if nothing occur to prevent it. We have to notice
dark ' aspects ' for the people of Morocco and other hot countries ; but the
people of Sweden will be tolerably fair. Also we may promise that there
will be com in Poland, many cows in Switzerland, fine oxen in Hungary,
good butter and cheese in Holland and Flanders, salt fish in Norway, firesh
salmon in Scotland, and a plentiful supply Oi ignorance and folly in aU
countries.
'
XJ THE DBAMA. 181
•
A polemical tendency is found even in some parts of tlie dra-
matic productions of ^hese times ; especially in the plays written
by NiOiAUS Manttel (1484-1530), a man of remarkably versatile
talents. He was active as a statesmen at Berne, and was also a
soldier, a writer of verse, a painter, a sculptor, and a wood-
engraver. His Shrove Tuesday Plays, consisting mostly of satires
on the Komish clei^y, are bitter, humorous, and irreverent in the
extreme.
The greatest improvement made in the so-called religious plays
of this time is found in their selection of subjects from the Old
TestamenL By this change, they at once gained variety and
avoided such extreme irreverence as had been common. But these
so-called dramas founded on Bible histories were still low enough
in their general characteristics. Among their writers, Paul
Bebhuhn, who was rector of Zwickau in 1535, may be named aa
having introduced some improvements in form; but his dramas
— 'The Marriage at Cana' and 'Susanna' — have no poetical
merits. A play entitled 'The Beginning and the End of the
World,' writtan (about 1580) by Bartholomjbus KeUgeb, has
been commended for its tragic interest. The author possessed
some versatility, for he published in 1587 a New EtUen^negd^ or
collection of jests.
The Shrove Tuesday Plays were greatly extended with regard
to their range of topics, and some of the best were written by
Hans Sachs. The singing school at NUmberg had erected there
an amphitheatre without a roof, for the performnnce of such
secular plays as had formerly been confined chiefly to private
dwellings. But the most noticeable innovations in dramatic
performances were introduced by a company of strolling playera
who called themselves 'The English Comedians,' though we
have no evidence that any of them came from England. They
had, however, all the self-sufHciency and audacity of ^ho lowest
class of English players of their time. It seems probable that
they extemporised freely on the stage, and assumed an unbounded
license, committing every fault condemned in Hamlet's warning.
Nothing can be more atrocious than the plot ot one of their pieces
called ^ Titus Andronicus.' The extreme faults ot these strolling
players, who sacrificed everything to excite a sensation, made
them very popular. Jakob Atber, who died in 1605, was one
of their more successful imitators. The pieces of this Qerman
132 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
contemporary of Shakespeare — ^including 'Dives and Lazarus,'
'The Prodigal Son,' and 'Jan Posset,' — have no literary value,
but. show more tact in theatrical effect than is foimd in Hans
Sachs.
Han^BiCH JuinrSj Duke of Brunswick (1564-1613), may be
named as another imitator of the deplorable imitators styling
themselyes ' English Comedians.' He kept in his service a com-
pany of players, and wrote several comedies in which he succeeded
well, in one respect — in laying aside all aristocratic pretensions.
In literature ad captandum mdguB seems to have been the duke's
motto. His plays are in prose, and he often introduces a Low
German dialect His best characters are his fools ; but they are
too much alike. He is very fond of introducing demons, even
when there is no demand for their services. The humour of one
of his comedies consists in a series of monstrous falsehoods, of
which some were copied in the well-known stories of Baron
Miinchausen. As a specimen of the duke's tragic power, we may
name his play of ' The Disobedient Son^' in which eighteen chA^
racters are introduced. Of these nine are murdered, four commit
suicide, one is carried away by Satan, while only four survivors,
three of whom are demons, escape from the tragic fury of Hsiir-
BICH JuxFQS. It might be imagined, after reading some of the
plays written by the Duke of Brunswick, that the theatre could
hardly fall to a lower level than it had reached in his times; but
his plays would be respectable if contrasted with some of the
tragedies afterwards written by Lohenstein.
Among several of the ' People's Books ' written, translated, or
edited during this period, the first place belongs to the notorious
story of ' Dr. Faustus,' written in prose by an unknown author,
and first printed by Johann Spies of Frankfort, in 1587. This
, successful book was followed and superseded by a tiresomely ex-
tended version of the story of Faust^ written by Geobg Rudolf
WiDHAinr, and published at Hamburg, in 1599.
The prose story of ' Faust,' as printed in 1587, is very stupid.
Perhaps, the best part of it is the copy of Faust's 'bond'
with the enemy. It is firm and clear, and could hardly be frus-
trated by a modem attorney: — 'Having undertaken to explore
the elements,' Faust writes, 'and finding that the talents bestowed
on me from above are not sufficient for the task; I have engaged
in a covenant with the commissioned genius now present, and
XJ FAUST. 183
named Mepbistopbeles, that he fihall serve me for the space of
twentj-four years.' Then follows the promise to pay for such
service by a full surrender of the magician's soul and body for ever.
This promise was fulfilled, we are told, at the village of Rimlich^
near Wittenberg, exactly twenty-four years after Faust had signed
the bond, and between twelve and one in the morning.
Other versions of this tragic story are too numerous to be even
named here. Faust was. made the hero of a tale including a
mythology that had been long believed by the German people. It
is more than probable that a man named Faust— -either a professor
of magic, or popularly suspected aa a magician — really lived in
Wiirtemberg, about the beguming of the sixteenth century. At
that time and before, remarkable pretensions in science or learning,
when existing apart from the profession of theology, had often ex-
cited suspicions of magic. The intellectual and religious move-
ment of the times had given rise to no general scepticism re-
specting the reality of magic, but had rather served to confirm
popular faith in old stories of demonology. That faith had been
for a long time regulated by the authority of the Church, but had
now liberated itself from such control. Several of the most enter-
prising intellects of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries still
adhered to a belief in necromancy and magic, and some learned
men professed themselves to be adepts in these supposed sciences.
Agbippa voir Nettesheim and Van Helmont were believers.
Pabacelstjb, in his writings on the theory of magic, did not deny its
reality, but gave a new explanation of its processes. While deny-
ing the virtues of external charms, rites, and formuhe, he ascribes
all the powers of magic to the will and the imagination ; imagina-
tion, he tells us, when it is attended with the exercise of a powerful
vnll, on the part of a magician, can subjugate the minds of other men.
Oampaitblla held a similar doctrine. Such teaching as this — ^not»
confined to the studies of the learned — served to confirm traditions
of a popular demonology, including relics of old German mythology.
All that had been believed about alps, giants, dwarfs, kobolds,
' Grindel and his mother,' and other inhabitants of the mythic
world, was transferred to one personage — the spiritual foe of man-
kind. No man could hold the popular faith, as reduced to this simple
form, more firmly than Luther, and its power is shown, still more
clearly, by the fact that, after Luther's time, the greatest of the
mystics, BoHif E, whose life was spent in an endeavour to solve the
134» * OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
question of tbe origin of evil, and to deduce all effects from one
benevolent source^ felt himself compelled to write of ' Lucifer '
in language hardly to be distinguished from that of Manichseism.
This popular faith fully explains the success of the legend of
Faust. In its first form, as already intimated, it had no literary
merits, and its purport — that men must not forsake the simplicity
of faith and submission to God's will, either to gratify intellectual
ambition or earthly pasisions — ^was bat feebly set forth. But the*
story passed rapidly from one edition to another ; it was dramatised
by our English playwright Kit Marlowe at the close of the six-
teenth century ; in the seventeenth it was turned into a puppet-
show to please the German people, and, in this form, it long re-
tained its popularity. As recently as about the beginning of the
present century, we read that the proprietor of a puppet-show, vexed
by some conscientious scruples, resolved ' that Faust should never
be played again by his company.' The subject of the libretto
was too serious, he thought, to be placed upon the etage ; though
the tragic effects must have been considerably mitigated, when
Dr. FaustuB, Mephistopheles, and several subordinate demons were
represented by wooden dolls, f
There is little that is edifying in the stories written by Wixd-
HANK and WiCKRAM ; but they have several characteristic traits,
and tell something of the popular taste of the times. Wiedmailn,
in his story of 'Peter Leu,' presents to us an extreme caricature of
a parish priest ; a burlesque even grosser than that we have seen in
the ' Parson of Kalenberg.' Peter is poor, and, at one time, is
especially in want of linen for his household. It happens, about
the same time, that a dense fog settles down on his parish, and is
attended-r-*as some people^ fancy — with a strange, sulphurous scent
' This has been caused,' says the clergyman, ' by some leakage
from a subterranean Inferno ; ' but if the people will bring a suffi-
cient quantity of their best linen, sheets, and table-cloths, he will
endeavour to stop the rift near the church, from which the vapour
and the bad odour escape. They obey ; the fog clears away ; and
the parsonage is decently supplied with good linen. Lazarus
Sakdbub deserves notice for one merit —rare among the versifiers
of his times — conciseness. He has no didactic purpose, and when
he has said a thing once, he makes an end of it. One of his short
stories opens with some pathos. A young man is to be hanged ;
but, when he appears on the scaffold, a maiden — ^though a stranger
X.] THE 'PEOPLE'S BOOKS.' 135
to him — ^is so distreased by his fate, that she earnestlj prays his
life may he spared. The authorities relent and spare his life, on
the sole condition that he will marry the maiden. The culprit
comes down from the scaffold, critically examines the girFs
physiognomy, and then expresses a wish that justice should take
its course, as before appointed. ' Better to end all trouble thus at
once,' says the resigned man, ' than to begin a new life of trouble.'
It is hardly necessary to add that his execution followed, and
excited no further sympathy.
As one more specimen from a class of books very popular in
these times, we may notice G£org Wickbaic's 'Traveller's
Little Book to Drive away Melancholy ' (1655). It is written in
a prose style considerably better than that commonly found in
jest-books. Here is one sample : —
A monk who had the care of souls in the parish of Poppenried was re-
nowned for his power of vociferation. One. Sunday afternoon, while he was
shouting at the top of his voice, a poor widow in the congregation began to
wring her hands and cry bitterly. The monk noticed this effect of his elo-
quence and, after the service, asked the widow what passage in the sermon
had so deeply affected her. ' Ah ! ' said she, * when my husband died, all that
he left, to aid me in earning a livelihood, was an ass, and he died soon after
I lost my husband; I have tried to overcome my sorrow, but oh, sir, when
I heard your preaching this afternoon, it revived all my trouble ; for it was
Just the voice of the ass.'
The foreign legend of * The Wandering Jew ' may be named
among the People^s Books of the time. Some better stories — such
as 'The Fair Magelone,' ^Patient Helene,' 'Melusina,' 'Genoveva,'
and 'The Four Sons of Haimon,* — ^though long popular in Qer-
nnmy, had also a foreign origin, and must therefore be only
briefly noticed. A collection of 'People^s Books,' containing
thirteen- stories, was published by Feysbabend in 1578. Among
later and better editions may be named Soqwab^s Buck der schoiv
sten Oesehiehten und iSagea (1836), aad Sim&ock's Collection
(1846-67).
136 OUTLINES OF GERMAIN LITERATURE. [Ch.
CHAPTER XI.
FIFTB PERIOD. 1626-1725.
TEB TIMBS — OPm AND HIS SCHOOL — LUTHBBA.K AMD PIETISTIO
HTHNS — SECULAR LYRICAL POETRY — DIDACTIC AND SATIRICAL
VERSa— THB DRAMA — ^FOFXTL&R SONGS AND BALLADS.
«
That the literature of a people represents their national life and
progress, is a theory that must be understood so as to leaye room
for remarkable exceptions, such as we find in the earlier part of
the period 1626-1725. During that time, men who wrote in
verse or prose mostly turned their attention away from political
and military afiairs. The religious and ecclesiastical struggles of
the sixteenth century, and the political movements for which the
Beformation had been made to serve as a pretext, had failed to
give either union or liberty to the German nation. The old order,
founded on authority, had been broken in many parts of the
empire, and intolerance, aided by the ambition of princes, could
not supply a basis for a new union of three churches with the
state. The stem divisions of opinions between Lutherans and
Calvinists j the efforts of the Jesuits in the South of Germarfy ;
the competition of princes for absolute power, and — worse than
all— the interference of foreign powers ; — all helped to make the
land a battle-place of religious, political, and military parties — a
realisation, on a vast scale, of the whole theory of intolerance. The
lower powers of human nature, which had been held down or regu-
lated, to some extent, under the old authority of the Church, had
broken loose, and rapacious adventurers were the rulers of the
times.
Of the miseries that followed the outbreak of the Thirty Years'
War, the literati of the age tell us little. Thoughtful and senti-
mental men turned away from evils too great to be speedily
remedied, and occupied their minds, as well as they could, in
XI.] LITERARY SOCIETIES. 137
making verses, or in other harmlesa studies. Religious men
looked away from this world into another, and expressed their
longings in devout hymns which, during this period, became more
and more expressive of personal feelings. Other educated men
found recreation as members of several societies which were in-
stituted for the culture of the German language. One of these
literary unions included a great number of princes and noblemen,
who called themselves ' The Palm Order,' or * The Fruit-bringing
Society.' Among other unions founded for the same purpose the
'German Association' at Hamburg (1643), and the 'Pegnits
Order' (1644), of which some scantjr vestiges remained a few
years ago, may be named. The Literary Societies established
near the close of the century had a higher character than those*
above noticed.
Many of the poets and versifiers, who were members of societies
like these, were classified with regard to their respective localities,
or as belonging to several ' schools.* The First Silesian School,
with Opitz at its head, was the most important. The Saxon
School could boast of one poet, Paul Fleming, and the Hamburg
School counted among its members Zesen, a purist in language,
and one of the more earnest of the members of the Palm Order.
The worat versifiers, with regard to their moral purport and their
afiectations in style, belonged to the Second Silesiiui School, of
which Hofimannswaldau was the representative.
Opitz and his followers made great improvements in versifi-
cation, and the members of the unions banished foreign words from
German poetry, but its internal character was mostly imitative.
French models were admired at the courts where successful versi-
fiers— such men as Canitz and Besser — ^found patronage. In Epic
poetry, hardly anything noticeable was produced by the schools.
Their best writings were lyrical, and the hymns were better than
the secular songs of the times. Their idylls and pastorals, telling
of the bliss of solitary or associated shepherds in flowery fields, are
inane afiectations ; but the language of the heart may be heard in
such hymns as were written by Heermann, Gerhardt, and Neumark.
In the lower popular poetry of the times soldiers' songs prevail j
but we hear also of the complaints of the peasantry, who were
made victims by the armies of both confessions of faith.
Didactic and descriptive poems (so called) were as dull as they
deserved to be ; biit in satires some improvement was made by
138 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
condensing them into the epigrammatic forms chosen by Logau
and Wernicke.
The Drama was represented chiefly by three authors, — Gryphius,
a melancholy man, who wrote heavy tragedies, but showed
some humour in comedy ; Lohenstein, whose style is the extreme
of bombast ; and Weise, who generidly tried to make his dramas
moral and useful in their purport. It must be added that they are
ful> of platitudes.
The prose written during this century is, on the whole, inferior
to the verse. Several men of some learning and no taste wrote in
the German-Latin called by Leibnitz ' Mischmasch ; ' others, misled
by vanity, or intending to satirise a bad fashion, inserted French,
Italian, and Spanish phrases in their prose. Meanwhile, in the
universities, lectures on history, law, and other branches of learn-
ing were delivered and dry controversial theology was written in
Latin. Near the close of the century, the pietists made some im-
provement in both form and purport. German was substituted
for Latin, and religion took the place of theology# It is hardly
necessary to add that, in the above remarks on the German prose
written during the seventeenth century, no reference has been
made to the writings of Leibnitz and Wolf. With regard to
both their style and their internal character, they belong to the
eighteenth century.
The greatest formal improvement in the literature of the period
must be ascribed to the founder of the First Silesian School,
Martin Opitz, who was bom in 1697, at Bunzlau in Silesia.
He studied at Frankfort and at Heidelberg, and published, in
1618, a Latin essay on 'Contempt of the German Language/
His most important work, the * Book on German Poetry ' (1624),
passed through nine editions before 1669, and produced a reforma-
tion in versification. For three centuries nearly, the art of writing
in verse had degenerated and, at last, had been reduced to nothing
better than a mere counting of syllables. Opitz insisted on the
importance of both metre and rhythm, while he contended for
purity in the choice of words. His own attainments as a scholar
— especially as a writer of respectable Latin verses — ^recommended
his book to the notice of educated men, and its success made
Opitz the founder of a new school, the First Silesian. His ser-
vices were, however, confined to the form of poetry ; of its spirit,
or inner power, he knew little or nothing. His own poems are
XLJ OPITZ. 189
•
coTrect but imitatiTe, and show good sense rather than genius.
The best of his lyrical poems, are found in his 'Consolations
during the Miseries of War ' (1632). ' Zlatna, or Peace of Mind '
(1623), and ' The Praise of Rural Life/ both express a Tove of re-
tirement, and show a tendency to reduce poetry to descriptive and
didactic verse-writing. In ' Vesuvius/ we have the first de-
scriptive poem written in German. In his later years Opitz trans-
lated the Psalms and the Antigone of Sophocles and edited
'The Annolied/ a German poem of the twelfth century. The
praise bestowed on Opitz during his lifetime now appears ex-
travagant. His fame extended to Paris, where critics who could
not read his poems declared boldly that 'he had redeemed his
native land from the reproach of barbarism.' As his merits were
purely formal, and could not be seen, in a translation, this Parisian
laudation must have been an echo or an intuition ; but it served
to confirm the poet's fame at home. He was elected a member of
the aristocratic ' Palm Order,' instituted for the culture of the
German Language, and in 1627 was raised to the rank of nobility
as Martin Opitz von Bober(eld. After several years of service in
diplomacy, he settled in Dantzig, and gained, in 1637, an appoint-
ment as historiographer to the King of Poland. He was closely
engaged in historical researches^ and was looking forward to the
enjoyment of years of literary industry, when his career was cut
short He died in August, 1639, of the plague, caught from a
beggar to whom he had given alms.
To explain the high reputation gained by the literary labours
of Martin Opitz, his works must be estimated with the aid of
xeferences to his predecessors and his contemporaries.. In cor-
rectness and good taste, his theory and practice made a new epoch
in German Poetry. Though its spring-time-— the thirteenth
centuiy — ^had been promising, its summer was long in coming.
Shakspere had lived in England, and Hooker and Bacon had
written in their noble prose styles; but no such literature as
theirs had followed the Reformation in Germany. It was a dreary
time in literature and in. life when Opitz lived, and he did the
best thing for literature that a man of his talents could have done
at such a time. He could not change its purport; but he polished
its exterior.
We cannot speak as favourably of many of his imitators, who
made a mere amusement of versification. Having nothiog to
140. OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEEATTJEE. [Ch.
Bay, tbej might have said it more concisely. Their mediocrity
was, however, so well sustained, that, when viewed as a proof of
steady perseverance, it looked like a virtue. The road from
Hamburg to Berlin is not flatter than the works of several of the
poetasters who followed Opitz.
To find the best and the most sincere poetry of these dreary
times, we must turn to the hynms written for the service of the
Church. Here we have specimens of sacred poetry that may
worthily follow the hymns of the Lutheran age. The first %u-
thor who combined some lyrical inspiration with attention to the
new laws of verse which Opitz had introduced, was Johannes
Hbebuann, bom in 1682, in Silesia. He was for some years a
pastor at Eoben on the Oder, and after a life of suffering, during
which he hardly enjoyed one day's health, died in Poland in 1647.
Hia best hymns and other lyrical poems are contained in his Haus^
und Herz-Mttdca (' Music for Home and for the Heart'), published
at Leipzig in 1639. They express the religious discontent — ^the
contrast between this life and a higher — that supplies the key-note
for a great part of the sacred poetry written during the Thirty
Years' War. The same feeling is discernible even in the verses
written by a girl, Sibtlla Schwabz, who died in 1688, when
only seventeen years old. ' This world has been for me,' she says,
' a school for learning sorrow , ' and she might well say so, for
her fiBither*s homestead was burned down in the course of the
war.
' Vanity of vanities ; all is vanity,' is the text so often chosen
by Andbbas Gbyfhius (bom in 1616), that he wearies his readers,
who may, however, excuse him when they read his biography.
His 'Churchyard Thoughts' (1656), and his Odes and Sonnets
often express gloomy sentiments, as when he speaks thus of him-
self : —
Since first I saw the sun's fair light, no day
For me without some grief has passed away.
Happy the child who, from the mother*8 breasl^
Early departs in Paradise to rest I
One of his best hymns begins with this stanza :— -
The glories of thU earthly ball
In smoke and ashes soon must fall;
The solid rocks will melt away ;
Oar treasures all, our pleasures all.
Most fade as dreams before the day.
0 PIETISM. 141
The melanclioly expressed by Grypbius was unaffected. He
had lost both father and mother in his early life, had been cast on
the world by a stepfather, and after wandering about here and
there, gaining his subsistence as a private tutor, had settled at
Freistadt in Silesia. Thence he was driven by religious pei'se-
cution, and after wandering again in search of employment
through several places, he was elected, at last, syndic to the
principality of Qlogau in Silesia, where he died in 1664. In his
choice of themes for sacred poetry, and in his prevailing funeral
tones, he might be regarded as the master of a school. Like
Gryphitts in the tone of their sacred poetry were Simon Dach
(1605-69), though he could be lively in his secular verses, Robert
RoBERTHiN (1600-48), and his friend Heinrich Albert (1604-
88). CHRiSTiAir GRTPHitrs (1649-1706), the son of Andreas,
above noticed, was an inferior versifier, whose melancholy, in one
elegy at least, was quite out of place. He wrote a long and
dismal lamentation, instead of a call to arms, when Vienna was
besieged by the Turks in 1683.
The general tendency of the sacred lyrical poetry of the seven-
teenth century was towards Pietism. Philipp Jakob Spener, a
Lutheran pastor, who lived near the close of the period, was called
the founder of the Pietists; but their best thoughts had been
expressed by earlier writers. There had long existed, not two,
but three chief parties in the Church, representing respectively,
external authority, intellectual orthodoxy, and mysticism, so
called. The new name given to a moderated mysticism was
Pietism, and, like the old name; it was used as a term of reproach.
Lutheran orthodoxy, as taught by some professors, had become as
dry as any branch of mathematics, and would have been as cold,
if the heat of controversy had not supplied the want of vital
warmth. Wrangling about articles was as dominant in the
Protestant Church as scholastic disputation had been in the
Catholic, and the Pietists now held in the Lutheran a position
like that which the Mystics had occupied in the Homish Com-
munion. Spener held all the Lutheran articles of belief, but as-
serted that a creed was no substitute for a religion of the heart.
* We must have,' said he, 'the living faith of Luther, as well as
his orthodoxy.' Spener only gave expression to the thoughts and
feelings of several predecessors, including some of the best hymn-
writers of the time.
142 OUTLINES OF GEKMAN LITEBATURE. [Off.
In the hymns written bj Pattl Flexutg (160&-40)y we find
little of the tendency to Pietism of which we have spoken. One
of his best hymns — still sung in Gennao congregations — ^begins
with the Une, ' In alien meinen Thaten^ like many other lyrical
poems, it is hardly translatable. With regard to his popular
energy of expression, the Jesuit, Fbiedbich Spbb (1591-1635)
might be ranked next to Paul Fleming ; but he was more remark-
able for his benevolence than for his poetic genius. He was
zealous in his endeavours to expose the cruelty of persecuting
women accused of witchcraft. When asked why his hair had
turned grey at the age of forty yearS; Spee replied: — 'It is
because I have seen so many women taken to the stake, to be
burned for witchcraft, and I never knew one fairly found guilty.'
In one of his best lyrical poems, Spee gives expression to the
enthusiasm that so soon made the order of Jesuits a formidable
power in Europe. He writes thus of the missionary seal of St.
Francis Xavier :*—
When the stem devoted man
Talked of sailing to Japan,
All his frieDds conspired togethei^
All against him set their faces,
Talked of seas in stormy weather.
Dangers grim in desert places.
Hush you ! close yonr dismal story I
What to me are tempests wild ?—
Heroes, on their way to glory.
Mind not pastimes for a child*
Blow, ye winds I — ^North, South, East, West—
Tis for souls of men Tm sailing.
And there^s calm within my breast
While the storm ia round me wailing.
Wnters of hymns, more or less successful^ were so numerous in
this period, that we must, without any disrespect, pass by several
names worthy of some notice — such as Frank and Schmolcke — and
we can mention Rinokhabt (1586-1649) only as the author of the
very popular hymn ' Aim danket aUe Gott * (' Let all men pndse the
Lord'), introduced by Mendelssohn in his Lobge^ang, GsoBe
Nbumark (1621-81), who was a virtuoso on the viol da gamba,
wrote and set to music a fine hymn, expressing an absolute trust
in Providence, and beginning with the line, ' Wer nur den Ueben
Qott lasat toaUen,^ The tune was introduced by Mendelssohn, in
XI.] GERHAKDT. 143
his oratorio ' St. Paul,' and was one of Prince Albert's favourite
sacred melodies.
Paul Gerha-HDT (1606-76), who was like Neumark in his
choice of a key-note, was, on the whole, the best sacred lyrical
poet of the seventeenth century. He departed from the old
Lutheran style, without falling into the weak sentimentalism of
the later Pietists and the United Brethren. Like Neumark, he
sings of the repose that attends a firm and resolute faith. If any
serious fault can be found in hia hymns, it is that they are, in some
instances, too long One of the most pleasing of the series begins
with the melodious line, * Nun rtthen alle WiUder * (' Now all the
woods are sleeping*), and has long been a favourite. But his
best hymn — still sung by many congregations in Germany and in
England — ^begins with the lines,
Commit thou all thy griefs
And ways into bis hands.
The twelve stanzas of which the hymn consists all serve to
expand but one thought : —
Give to the winds thy fears I
Hope, and be undismayed !
God hiars thy sighs, and counts thy tears i
God shall lift up thy head.
Through waves, and clouds, and storms,
He gently clears thy way :
Wait thou his time, so shall this night
Soon end in joyous day !
Several hymn-writers, differing widely in some respects,
were united by one common traitr---their expression of personal
sentiments, rather than orthodox opinions. They were' men of
various creeds, and were called either Mystics, or Pietists, or
Pantheists, as taste might dictate. All were weary of the dry
theological controversy of their times, and wanted a religion for
the heart and the life of man, rather than for his head. To
JoHANKBS ScHSFPLER, or Angelus Silesius, as he was called (1624-
77), the titles Pantheist and Mystic might be applied more fairly
than to many other writers so named. His chief characteristic
was a* bold and unguarded expression of views on personal religion.
He had read Bohme's works ; but his interpretation of them was
questionable. In his later life, he entered the* Roman Catholic
144 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cu.
Churcli, and became a member of the order of Minorites. After
this change of profession, his writings were rather didactic than
mystic. His most remarkable book, the Chentbmische Wanders-
mann (1657), consists of a series of short mystic sayings in rhyme^
hardly pointed enough to be called epigrams, but frequently very
audacious in their assertions. It is quite enough to say of them,
that, on account of their brevity, they are mostly abstract and un-
qualified ; yet they were admired, in their day, by both Protestants
and Catholics. Bcheffler wrote some superior hymns, including
one beginning with the line, ' Follow me ! the Lord is saying,'
and another beginning with the words, 'Thee will I love, my
strength, my tower I * The latter was translated into English, and
is still sung in many chapels. It expresses n glowing devotion^ as
one stanza — the last — ^may suffice to show : —
Thee will I love, my joy, my crown,
Thee will I love, my Lord, my God,
Thee will I love, beneath thy frown.
Or smile, — thy sceptre, or thy rod .
What tboa^h my flesh and heart decay ?
Thee shall 1 love in endless day I
Poetry has a conciliatory power, and sects differ less in their
hymns than in their catechisms. This hymn, written by * a Pan-
theist,' who was afterwards a Franciscan monk, is now sung in
Wesleyan chapels.
Christian Knorb ton Rosenroth, who died in 1689, was a
mystic of a character widely different from that of the Pietists.
He studied alchemy and cabbalistic, so-called science. His
mysticism is generally moderated, or we may say veiled, in his
sacred lyrics, of which several are translations from Latin.
QuiRiinTS KuHLMANN, bom at Breslau in 1651, published a col-
lection of sacred lyrical poems (1684), which contain a few good
passages, and many extravagant expressions. He is now remem-
bered chiefly on account of his miserable death. Having indulged
his imagination in dreams of a millennium, he wildly endeavoured
to establish it. It was to begin with a union of Jews and
Christians, and to preach this doctrine, he wandered about in Eng-
land, France, Turkey, and Russia. In Moscow his fanatical preach-
ing gave great offence to the Patriarch. Kuhlmann was arrested
and irapriaoned as a heretic, and after a short trial was condemned
to be burned alive. This horrible sentence was carried into exe-
cution on October 4, 1689.
XI. J SECULAB. LYRICAL POETRY. 145
Gerhabb TsRSTEBGEir (1697-1769), one of the latest of the
Pietistic hymn-writers of this time, was a poor ribbon-weaver^ who
lived for some years on a bare diet of meal and milk-and-water,
and gave away his savings in alms to people who were even poorer
than himself. He pablished a oollection of poems under the title
of ' A Spiritual Flower-Garden ' (1731). It has no great variety of
thoughts, butcontains one fine hymn, of which an imitation rather
than a translation was included ip the hymn-books published by
John and Charles Wesley. The second stanza has been thus
translated : —
Lo ! God 13 here !— him, day and nighty
The united choirs of angels sing ;
To him, enthroned above all height.
Heaven's host their noblest praises bring:
Diisdain not. Lord, oar meaner song,
Who praise thee with a stammering tongue.
JoACHiu Neastder (1610-80) was called ' the Paul Gerhardt
of the Reformed Church.' Johann Anastasius FBETLiN&HATrsEK
(1670-1789) wrote Pietistic hymns, and published in 1704, and
afterwards, an extensive collection of hymn-tunes. His book
shows that a change of taste had taken place during the seven-
teenth century, with regard to the tunes as well as the hymns
sung by many congregations. While the hymns were made
sentimental, the tunes were highly decorated or disfigured.
Several of the more florid and lively melodies given by Freyling-
hausen would now excite great surprise if introduced in public
worship.
If a great prominence has been here given to the hymn-writerS
of this period, it has been because their writings contain more
sincere thought and feeling than can be found in the greater pait
of the secular poetry of these times. Flehiko, who wrote at the
beginning of the period, and Gxtntheb, whose poems relieved the
dulness of its close, might both be called poets ; but in the interval
defined by these two namer there are found but few verse- writers
worthy of any extended notice.
Flem DTo's sonnets, occasional poems, and epistles show poelacal
powers far superior to those of most of his conteniporaries. Ha
was comparatively free from the common fault of the age — writing
for the sake of writing — ^and his^oems have interesting references
to the events of his times. We find more historical than poetical
L
146 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Oh.
value in a veTaified ' Narrative of the Thirty Yeart* War ' written
by GEOBe GBEFLiNeEB, who died in 1682. Philipp voir Zxsef
(161d-S9) wrote lively songs and epigrams, but his best aervioea
to literature were his writings in &vour of the cultivation of hia
native language. He had, however, more to say than JoHAKif
Ktbt (1607-67), who was little better than a rhymer, though he
wrote some hymns that were accepted by the Church. Philip?
Habsdorffeb (1607-59)^ who wrote ' Songs and Conversations in
Verse,' may be commended more for his moral purport than for his
powers of invention. Friedrich Cmsitz (1654-99) copied the
French style of Boileau in several satires. His verses are cold and
artificial; but he wrote neatly, and assisted in the reformation
begun by Opitz. JoHAim Besseb (1664-1729) was a small
laureate and master of ceremonies at the court of Dresden, and
devoted to these offices the studies of his life. Many of his venes
are adulatory ; others are objectionable in purport, but were
pridsed in their day for their neatness of expression. Among
several of the descriptive poets of these timee we may select as a
representative Babthold Bbockes (1680-1747), who wrote poema
of no high merit, expressing his delight in the study of nature.
A flower-garden might have supplied all the materials required
for such poetry aa he wrote. He would acknowledge the receipt
of a rare tulip by writing a sonnet, or perhaps an ode, on ita
beauties. He was happy in his mediocrity, and wrote congratula*
tory verses addressed to himself on his birthdaya. His translations
introduced Thomson's 'Seasons' and Pope'a ' Essay pn Man' to
German readers.
All the aecond or third-rate authors thus briefly noticed were
more respectable than those who' belonged to the Second Sileeian
Sch ool. Ita chief represefltative, Hoffxakk voir Hoffxa vswalbait
(1618-79), wrote lyrical and other poems, of which both the pur-
port and the style were extremely objectionable ; the former was
coarsely sensuous, the latter bombaatic and aflected. There might
be found some minor merits, with regard to style, in some of the
writers briefly noticed in the preceding pliragraphs ; but, on the
whole, it may be asserted that they contributed hardly any thoughts
to the reaouroes of German liteiatare. At the close of their dull
period a youth appeared whose writings gave promise of a brighter
day for poetry. Chbistiait GuIPtheb (1696-1723) wrote several
poema founded on the unh|ippy incidents of his own abort lifis.
XI.] BIDACTIO AND SATIBIOAL VEBSE. 147
His early follies had off^ided hia father, who would not forgive
him, and GUnther, left without hope, became intemperate. After
an attempt at reformation he gained some patronage at the Saxon
court, which he soon lost, and later, when, apparently penitent,
he returned home to ask for his father's forgiveness, he was
driven out into the world again. After 8ome*wretched wanderings
in Silesia he died in miserable circumstances. His poems give
proof of imaginative powers worthy of a better development
Among several didactic and satiricid authors of verse Friedrich
LoGAU (1604-56) was the best. He published a series of epi-
grams in 1688, and another, more extensive, in 1654. Copies of
the latter have now become very rare. Many of his proverbs and
epigrams are rather earnest than witty or pointed, and refer to
the political and social circumstances of his time, which he truly
describes as deplorable. The following is one of Logau'a shortest
epigrams : — [
Latheran", Papists, Calyinists abound ;
fiat where^ I ask, are Christians to be found ?
Hans Wilhsen LiTTBEMBEBa (1500-1629) was among the
boldest opponents of Opitz, and wrote in praise of the Low German
language. One of his chief rules for writing well is, * always to
call a spade a spade,' and he observes it conscientiously. He
writes with great freedom and liveliness, «nd introduces popular
stories to enforce his doctrine. One of his satires is well directed
against the rhyming mania of his times, but in writing it he was
declaiming against himself. Ajiother satirist, Joachim Kachel
(1618-63), a follower of Opitz, feebly imitated Persius and
Juvenal. In one of his best pieces, entitled ' The Poet/ he pours
contempt on the poetasters of his day ; but this was better done
in a prose satire published by JoHAinr RnocxR in 1678. The
following is a specimen of Hiamer's advice to the poetasters of his
times : —
To attain facQity you must keep your wits in practice by oontinuany
making verses on all kinds of trivial subjects ; for instance, a sonnet * on
Ldsette's new straw bonnet,' or a canzonet 'on Dumndula's bodice.'
'Cordelia's nightcap' may suggest materials enough to fill a long ode.
Acquire the art of producing rh3nmes for tbe most uncouth words, and if
you are obliged to use nonsense sometimes, say that you did it to produce
a certain droll effect. However insignificant your verses may be, never
publish them without some high-sounding tide, suoh as ' Pamaaaian Bridal-
Toiches.' Never mind about the sense of it, if it is only pompous* enough.
l2
148 OUTLENES OP GEKB£AN UTERATUBE. [Cb.
Thongh the subject of your poem may be trivia], take care to write a
grand introduction, invoking Apollo and all the nine Mnses to come to
your assistance in a great* work. Tliis style of building a grand entrance
to a little house is very good in poetry. Wlien you make a beginning,
never care about the end : they will match together in some way, no
doubt Expletives axe too much despised in these times. Fill 3rour verses
with them, as they ar^ very cheap. Employ also as many allusions to
pagan my tholog}*^ as you can find ; for thus you may £11 your pages with
numerous explanatory notes about ancient deities — Mars, Vulcan, and
Venus — which need not be correct, as few readers trouble themselves about
■ach matters. Use two or three words instead of one whenever you can ;
for instance, style nature ' our productive mother,' and call your dog ' the
barking quadruped.* Never blot out what you have written ; for if you do
not esteem highly your* own productions, who will? Believe all that your
friends and adinirers say, and praise aU who praise you. If a friend declares
that you axe * the Opitz of the age,' immediately return the compliment by
styling him * the Fleming of his time.'
CHBiBTiAir V^SBNiCEB, who died about 1720, was a critic as
well as a satirist and published a series of epigrams (1697)^ of
which several were directed against poetasters. That bis pen was
as sharp in the point as Kiemer^s will be seen in the following
brief critique, which might be fairly applied to many of the
imitators of Opitz : — ' Tour plan is good/ says the critic ; your
Terse, fluent; your rhyme, correct ; your grammar, right; 'your
meaning is nowhere to be found.' BENJAHnr Nettkirch (1665-
1729), another satirist, wrote even more severely again^ poet-
asters ; but he betrays the temper of a disappointed man. He
had written some unsuccessful odes and other lyrical poems.
* Writing poetry in these times,' he says, ' is the way to star?a-
tion, as I know well by experience.'
The literary aspect of this dull period does not improve when
we turn our attention to the drama. Akdbeas Gbtphiits, already
named as a lyric poet, wrote several tragedies : — ^ Leo Armenius '
(1646), <Papinian ' (1659), and 'Kiyrl Stuart,' which was founded
on the fate of Charles L of England. These dramas have been
regarded as having some importance, on account of the improve-;
ments which they introduced in plot and construction ; but their
literaiy character is low, and they are full of the gloomy senti-
ments which have been noticed in the occasional poems of the
same author. Yet through all the disguise of false taste we see
some evidences of rude, undisciplined power. In his 'Charles
Stuart' he introduces choruses in which 'Keligion' and other
personiflcatioas speak. Many of the sentiments put into the
XL] ' THE BBAMA. 149
months of these imaf^aiy characten aie unjiiBi^ and betray the
writer's ignorance of the state of parties in England ; bnt some of
the declamations employed have force and pointy such as we find
in the following passage : —
Rdiffion »pettk$.
Being Sapreme I whom eye all souls can see ;
Whose service is pure, self-denying lore ;
Why in this world hast thou commanded me
To stay ? Receive me in yon realms above t
Why 'mid the sons of Mesech must I dwell?
Alas that I in Kedar's tents abide I
Where evil-minded men would me compel
To aid them, and their traitorons schemes to hide.
Alas that e'er ttom heaven I hither came I
My robes are stained with earthly spots ; my fiuse
No longer with pure brightness shines; my name
Is used for falsehood, covered with disgnoe.
• • • •
Open, ye elonds I receive me now, ye skies I
I fly from earth, and leave my robe behind.
Which still may serve some traitors for disguises
Tis bat a shadow of myself they'll flnd^
(JEUligion JUet from the earihj and drops her robe.")
Hrwt Zealot, Stay, fairest maid I why hasten yon away?
Second, I hold yon fast. I love yonr bright array.
Third. Kay ; she is gone ! Her empty robe you hold I
Stcnnd. Well ; this is mine. It's worth can ne'er be told !
Fourth. Some portion of it fairly mine I call I
JFint, Your strife is vain; for I most have it alL
Itfih. The robe is torn.
Sixth. No part of it is thine I
For it is mine.
Seventh, And mine !
Eighth, . And mine
Ninth, And mine !
Gryphius was a man of gloomy temperament; yet his come-
dies are better than his tragedies. In his drama oddly entitled
' Horribiliscribrifax ' he gives some portraitures of the rude military
manners introduced by the war^ and ridicules the confusion of
tongues that prevailed in his day. One character in the play is a
schoolmaster who talks in bad Latin ; another mixes Italian with
German ; a third uses French idioms, and a Jew mingles Platt-
deutsch with Hebrew. The author's best dramatic writing is
found in the interlude of Domrose, inserted in his melodrama
Dm verUMe Qespemt, His writings are respectable, when can*
150 OXTTLDSOSSa OF aSKUAK UTEBATUBE. [Ca.
trasted with those of » dramatist who must now be briefly
noticed. Bajsusl Caspa.r voir Lohenstein (1636-83), one of
the chief lepreseatatives of the Second Silesian School, wrote
atrocious and bombastic plays, of which no analysis can be given.
A German critic — Prof. Max Miiller — has truly siud that it is the
duty of a literary historian to consign to obUvion the writings of
the two chiefs of the Second Silesian School ; but Lohenstein*8
plays— 'Ibrahim Bassa' (1689), 'Cleopatra' (1661), 'Epicharis'
and ' Agrippina/ the worst of the series — ^may be named as signs
of the degradation of the theatre during these times. It may be
safely predicted that dramatic entertainments will never fall
below the tone of the German theatre in the days of Lohenstein ;
it ' sounded the lowest base-string of humility.' Such curiosilies
as ' fire- works,' * cannonades,* ' regiments of soldiers in the cos-
tumes of various nations,' and capital punishment executed on the
stage, were admired. Mars, Venus, Apollo, Fame, Peace, Virtue,
Vice, France, Spain, and Italy, were introduced as dramatic
characters. In one piece ' Judas hangs himself on the stage, while
Satan sings an aria.' In another opera Nebuchadnezzar exhibits
himself dressed in ' eagles* feathers.' In ' Semiramis ' the roses in
the royal garden are metamorphosed into ladies. In 'Jason ' the
ship Argo is raised into the heavens, and changed into a constella-
tion. 'Echo' was a favourite theatrical character. In one of
Lohenstein's pieces the 'continent of Asia- is introduced as a
person deploring her calamities.
When con^asted wi^h liohenstein's plays, the dramatic pieces
written in prose by Ohbistian Wbisb (1642-1708) might be
called respectable. His scenes are derived from real life, but his
style is prosaic and trivial He wrote several romances, in which
his didactic purport was more prominent than his inventive
power.
These notices of versifiers have told us very little of the thoughts
and feelings oi the common people, who still had their own lite-
rature, though it was scantier than in older times. Its chief
materials were old jest-books and new prophetic almanacs. The
folly satirised by Fischart had increased rather than abated, and
we find popular preachers complaining that the peasantry had
more faith in their almanacs than in the Bible. Few of the
people's songs of the time have been preserved, and these are
mostly soldieia' songs. One of the most characteristic is called
XL] FOPULAB SONGS ANB BAT.T.ATCL 151
'The Soldiers' Paternoster/ in which lines of verse are inserted
between the short sentences of the Lord's Prayer ; so that the
whole reads as a bitter protest against the wrongs inflicted on the
peasants by marauders. The only plea that can be offered for this
strange composition is that there is no leyity^ but rather stem
indignation, in its tone. *
The most common fault of the historical ballads of the time is
their inordinate length; the writers try to tell everything. In
one of the shortest we have a tragic tale of two soldiers returning
from the war. One, who brings some booty with him^ is un-
recognised when he enters his father's house, a village tavern : —
The hoBten» a woman with eoal-b1a<± hair.
Stood looking ont of the window there (
He gave to her. Wore he dinedf
His heavy bel^ with gold well lined.
Li fhe morning his corpse was found in the oellar, and his
eomrade thus addressed the landlady: —
Woman, yon know not what you've done—
The mardered man was — ^your own son I
On hearing this, the wretched woman escaped from the house
and drowned herself, and soon aflerwards—
Her man in the stable hanged himselt
O corsed gold and love of pelf I
One of the best of these Soldiers' Songs tells Of the exploits of
the great Austrian General| Prince Eugdne^ and is still remem-
bered by the people.
152 OUTLINES OF 0EEUAN UTEEiLTUEE. [Oe.
CHAPTER Xn.
FIFTH PERIOD. 1625-1725.
FBOSB FICTION — HI8T0BT — THB THIRTY TEABS' WAB — TBA.TELR-— .
LSTTEBS— DIDACnC FBOSE — ^FIBTISX — LEIBNITZ — VOLF.
The prose written in thia period is mostly ragged in style, some-
times half-foreign, and deformed by affectation and pedantry ; but
it contains interesting references to historical events, and some
contributions to our knowledge of the state of society in Germany
during the darkest years of the seventeenth century.
Among a few noticeable books in prose fiction the romance of
SimpUcMmus (1669), by Haks Jakob Chiustoph voir Qbimmels- .
HAUBXN (1625-76), claims attention, especially for its references to
contemporary historical events. In several parts of the story we
find interesting, though occasionally rude, pictures of life in Germany
during the miserable war of thirty years. The author had, during
his youth, served in the army ; but he spent his later years at
Henchen, in the Baden district of the Black Forest. He hnd the
humour of assuming several names on the title-pages of his satiri-
cal stories ; so that his real name long remained unknown. He
represents his hero— the son of a poor Spessart farmer — aa a vaga-
bond who, under the mask of simplicity, satirises the vices of
society, especially the demoralisation of militaiy men. There is
genial humour in parts of the story ; but the descriptions are often
too lengthy, as a passage from the introduction would show, if
given without any abridgement. Here the Spessart fEurmer^ son
ridicules the pride of many men of higher birth :^
My fiither*8 mansion was bailt by his own hands, vhich is more than can
be said for the palaces of princes. In some details of architecture my father
had a peculiar taste. For instance, he decorated the exterior of his building
with plaster ; and for the roof, instead of barren tiles, lead, or copper, he used a
good thatch of straw, thus displaying his love of agriculture in a style worthy
Xn.] PEOSE FICTION. 163-
of a descendant from the fint nobleman who tilled the ground— Adam. In the
painting of the interior my father allowed his walls to become slowly
darkened with the smoke from our wood fire. There was an aristocratic
reason for this ; for the colour reqoires a long time to produce it in its full
tone ; and it is c^tainly one of the most permanent styles of paintiog.
Our windows were all dedicated to St. Noglass ; for as it takes a longer
time to grow horn than to make glass, my father preferred the former. I
hardly need remind the reader that this preference was in strict accordance
with that refined aristocratic taste which values trifles according to the
time and trouble required to produce them. My £ither kept no lackeys,
pages, or grooms, but was always surrounded by his faithfid dependents ;
sheep, goats, and swine, all dressed in their natural and becoming suits of
livery. ... In our armoury we had the weapons which my father had
often boldly carried to the field ; mattocks, hoes, shovels, and hay-forks,
such weapons as were employed even by the ancient Romans during times
Of peace. My father wab noted for his science in * fortification ' (against
his great enemy, hunger), which was displayed in his distribution of the
contents of the farmyard on the land .... or cleaning out the stalls of the
cattle. I tell these things, to show that I can be in fashion, and talk like
other people when I like ; but I assure the reader that I am not pufi'ed up
and vain of my glorious ancestry.
The Spessart farmer is murdered by a band of plnndering
soldiers ; but Simplicissimus, now only ten years old, escapes, and
goes to live with a hermit^ from whom heYeceives some religious ^
teaching. After the death of the hermit the boy is carried off bj
Swedish soldiers, and serves for some time as a page to an olficer ;
then runs away and hides himself in a forest Here he pretends
to be a pious hermit, while he supports himself by means of theft.
When these resources have failed, he enters the Imperial army,
where he can plunder with impunity. This part of the story de-
scribes the license of the soldiery and the sufferings of the helpless
people, whose stores served as plunder for the Imperial and the
Protestant armies, with all their disinterested foreign allies. Our
hero next falls as a prisoner into the hands of the Swedes ; but
here meets with good treatment, and becomes ere long compara-
tivelj rich. Then follows an unfortunate marriage and the loss
of all his money, which compel him to turn quack-doctor and
beggar. He returns to Germauy, gains some money by dishonesty,
buys a little farm and marries — again unhappily. Once more he
becomes a vagabond, and after a series of wanderings and adven-
tures, that we cannot follow, is at last made quite weary of the
pomps and vanities of this world. He retires to a hermit's cell on
a desert island, and devotes himself exclusively to the practice of
piety. He has a chance of escaping from, his fiolitude^ when a ship
154 OUTUNES 0¥ GEEMAN UTEEATUEE. [Ck.
calls at the island ; but he 'wisely refuses to return to audi society
as exists in his native land, and so the tale is ended.
This story of a man living on a desert island was published
about twenty years before Defoe's tale of ' Robinson Crusoe ' ap-
peared in England. The latter romance, however, was the original,
imitated in about forty German stories of hermits, that were pub-
lished between the years 1721 and 1761 ; such as 'The German
Robinson,' ' The Italian,' * The SUesian,' ' The Moral/ 'The Medical/
The Invisible Robinson/ and 'The European Robinsonetta ' — ^the
last telling the adventures of a solitary lady. One of the best of
all these imitations — ' The Island of Felsenburg/ written by
Lttdwio Schhabel in 1743— had a remarkable success. The
earliest German story of a hermit like Crusoe is found in
' Mandarell,' written by EsERHiiBD Wsbneb Happel, and pub-
lished in 1682, about thirty-seven years before Defoe's story ap-
peared.
The miseries of the sear must have been widely spread ; for we
find them noticed even in such pastoral fantasias as were called
Schd/eteien — the most unreal of all the productions of the age.
Nothing less than the outlines of one of the^e pastorals could give
a notion of their inane character. A sad shepherd, expelled from
his home by soldiers, wanders, accompanied only by his faithful
dog, along the banks of the river Pegnitz, near Niirnberg. He
begins to sing, of course ; but his melody is soon interrupted by
that of another swain, and arrangements are made for performing
a duetto. Enters ' Pamela,' a sad shepherdess, who, as a personi-
fication of Germany, sings dolefully of the miseries of warfare.
After some vain endeavours to afford consolation to ' Pamela,' the
two shepherda wander away along the banks of the stream, until
they come to a paper-mill. Here they sit dovni and make some
very bad verses on the mill-wheel and on the noise of the water-
fall. The first swain endeavours to imitate the sounds he hears
and the second composes- linei| that may be printed in the shape of
an anviL For some reason, not mentioned, they then climb a hill
near Niirnberg, and obtain a view over a fertile district. The
goddess 'Fame appears, bringing* a wreath of laurel, to crown the
maker of the best verses upon the wedding of some young people
of whom we know nothing. The sad shepherds sing alternately,
and when at last it is decided that their effusions are equally good
—or bad — Fame flies away, and no more is heard of ' Pamela^' the
XIL] PEOSe fiction. 155
desponding persooificaiion of Gennany. Sucb imaginatire attempts
as these Schafereien driye the reader away from fiction, and make
him indalgent to even the rudest attempts at de.4cribing realities.
JoHAVN Michael Mosxnrosh — otherwise called Moscheroseh
— (1601-09), was descended from a noble Spanish family, and
lost all his property during the war. His boolc, entitled ^ The
Vieions of Pldlander ' (1642), is partly founded on the ' Suenos '
of Queyedo ; but tiie last seyen yisions of Philander, written in
1641-44^ are mostly original, and contain seyerely satirical pas*
sages, with sketches from real life during the Thirty Years' War.
The writer knew by experience something of the horrors of civil
war, and wrote with feelings of personal hatred. In one yision
Philander is seized by a gang of soldiers, engaged in a foray
on their own account, who show no mercy, saye to those who
buy it with gold. The Croats, Walloons, and other soldiers of the
Imperial army are described in language that cannot be quoted-^-
as sheep in the presence of the enemy ; as wolyes, when tbey are
turned loose to rob the peasantry ; as marauders worthy of being
led by a rapacious and treacherous adyenturer. Writers of fiction
could hardly be guilty of exaggeration when describing some of
the eyents of those dreadful years from 1618 to 1648, aboye all
the atrocious sack of Magdeburg. In the space of one year — 1646
— a hundred yillages were burned down in Bayaria. In the
course of the long war, the population of Augsburg was reduced
from eighty thousand to eighteen thousand, while the devastation
was &r greater in the Rheinpfalz, where, in some districts, only
about a fiftieth, part of the former population remained.
The events of his time had, possibly, some efiect on the ima-
gination of an inferior writer of fiction, Aksreas Heiitrich
BircHHOLXZ (1607-71), who wrote 'Herkules and Valiska,' an
absurd romance, with scenes Jaid in almost al\ the known coim-
tries of the world, and full of battles, hardly one of which ends
with a loss of less than three hundred thousand men on the side
of the defeated army. Though he described such awful cata-
strophes, the style of Buchholtz is tame when contrasted with
that of his successor, Heinbich Asseul (16^^97), the Lohen-
stein of prose. His romance, ' The Asiatic Banise,' begins with
this passage : — ' May lightning, thunder, and hail — the wrathful
instruments of Heayen — crush the splendoura of thy gilded towers,
ftud may the yengeance of the gods consume thy wealthy O city I
156 OUTLINES OF GEBMAK* UTERATUEE. [Ck.
whose inhabitants were gnilty of the overthrow of the Imperial
Faniily ! ' This must have been thought fine in that day ; for
Anselm's book was very popular, and its success encouraged him
to write (in 1691) sixteen stories founded on the Old Testament,
containing not only ' the love-letters of Abraham and Sarah/ but
also such as passed between Adam and Eve 1
LoHENSTBiK — ^already noticed as a bombastic dramatist— wrote,
in tedious prose, an enormous romance in four parts, filling almost
three thousand quarto pages, and entitled ' Arminius and Thus-
nelda' (1731). One of his objects in writing it was * to include
the whole history of the German people.' Its table o. contents
fills ninety-six closely printed quarto pages.
It is some relief to turn from such a heavy compilation of fiction
to the historical works of Masoov, Birken, Arnold, and Zingre^
though these writers were generally inferior to the chroniclers of
earlier times. Johakit Jakob Mascov (1689-1761) wrote a ' His-
tory of the Oerman People ' (1726-37), which extended no farther
than the Merovingian kings. A ' History of the House of Austria^'
compiled by Siohund von Bibksn (1623-^1) has some value,
though it was written in submission to Imperial authority. Gott-
FRTRD Arnold undertook a very difficult task in his ' Impartial
Church History ' (1699). His chief object was to defend several
sects that had been condemned for heresy, and to find out their
real tenets. Hardly any task could be more hopeless than this.
The materials for a history of the Thirty Years' War are but
imperfectly supplied by the vernacular literature of this period.
Philipp von Chemnitz (1605-78), historiographer to Queen
Christina of Sweden, wrote more ably in Latin than in German,
and left in. manuscript a history of 'the Swedish War in Gor-
many,' which was published .at Stockholm in 1855-9.- Under
the assumed name of Hippolitus.a Lapidb, he published, in
1640, a remarkable treatise exposing some abuses of Imperial
privilepres. But we must refer to several comparatively obscure
hidtories, as well as to letters, special memoirs, and woiks of fiction,
to find a popular instead of a political narration of the war that
dev»<tated large districts of Germany in 1618-48. One of the
most interesting of the special memoire here referred to is an ac-
count of * The Sack of Magdeburg,' written, about 1660, by Frtbi)-
BICH Fbisius, an eye-witness of the events which he described.
In his story, and in some other historical documents of about the
.] THE THIETY TEAEff WAB. 157
same date, we have the horrors ol the war brought into » focus
and presented as realities, stripped of the disguise that cold^ ab-
stract history supplies.. All the public buildings of Magdeburg in
flames, except the cathedral and th^ old conyent; hundreds of
people of all ages dying in streets heated like an oven by a con-
flagration, driven on by a strong wind ; marauders pouring in at
the Hamburg gate— some carrying bullets in their mouths for
ready use, and shooting down the people ' like so many beasts of
prey;' superior 'officers extorting from fathers of families their
last dollar ; gangs of Walloon and Croatian soldiers bursting into
houses with hoarse cries of ' Your money I ' and terrifled women
swiftly turning, out their hoards of silver spoons and trinkets, to
save their lives ; in all the houses ' everything burst open and
cut to pieces ; ' companies of girls and young women rushing to
the bridge over the Elbe, linking their hands together, and leaping
down into the river; — these are a few of the scenes brought
before our vision by the testimony of eye- witnesses. Thirty
thousand people of both sexes and all ages perished in that sack-
ing of Magdeburg in the spring of 1631.
Twice in the course of the war the Emperor had gained a vic-
torious position, and had the power of making peac^ between the
two chief parties; but after that sack of Magdeburg his forces
seemed to be controlled. by an evil destiny. The Imperial army,
guilty of that atrocious massacre, was put to the rout by the
King of Sweden^ and Tilly, its commander — who had been called
the winner of thirty-six battles — was soon afterwards mortally
wounded. He was a man of strict piety, according to his notions —
attended mass daily and recited many prayers. The watch-word
in his army at the sack of Magdeburg was ' Jesu, Maria.' His
fall compelled the Emperor to call out Wallenstein, who formed a
new army, but failed to prevent the victory of the Swedes at
Lixtzen, where their king was slain in 1632. There also fell
Pappenheim, rejoicing when he knew that * the heretic ' from
Sweden was slain. Pappenheim was the most impetuous and
fearless of all the Imperial generals, but as ruthless as he was
brave. In one month in 1626 he slew forty thousand of the
peasantry, in order to quell an insulrection, and afterwards wrote
a calm narrative of the campaign. After the defeat at LUtzen the
Emperor's army was allowed to f^main almost idle, while its com-
mander was negotiating for the sale of his services to the enemy.
158 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN LTTEEATUBE. [Ch.
Wallenstein's dark plans were interrupted by his death in 1634,
when he fell by the hands of asflaasins, who were richly rewarded by
the Emperor. In the miserable time afte^ Wallenstein's fall the
war became more and more complicated by Swedish and French in-
terventions. Catholic France aided the Protestants, in order to
divide Germany, and at last the Peace of Westphalia (1648) left
the Imperial power prostrate. A Diet, with cumbrous forms,
devised to make union for eveir hopeless, represented the extinct
empire. Petty princes were made absolute. Germany lost two
provinces and was shut in from the sea. Trade, industry, and
education were almost destroyed. Hardly a third part of its
former population remained in Bohemia, where the g^reat strife
began and ended. The Thirty Years' War had an effect on the
national life and the literature of the German people so disastrous
and permanent, that these few notes must not be regarded as out of
place here. They would serve as an apology for the non-appear-
ance of any literature whatever in these sad times.
Among the few books of travels and descriptions of foreign
countries produced in this period, the most interesting vfas written
by Adah Olbabivs (1600-71). He attended, as secretary,
embassies to ^Russia and Persia, acquired a knowledge of the
Persian language, translated the Guliddn (pt 'Rose-Garden')
of S&di, and wrote, with care and honesty, an account of his own
travels (1647).
One of the more important collections of letters having an his-
torical interest contains the correspondence of Chablotte Eliza-
beth, the Duchess of Orleans (1652>1722;, who lived about fifty
years at the court of her brother-in-law, Louis XIV. She describes,
in her rude German style, the state of society in France, and pre*
diets that a social disruption must follow the vices of her times.
The Duchess was a woman of honest and masculine character,
which it was her pleasure to assert by wearing a man's dress when
she accompanied the great monarch in his hunting excursions.
Of didactic prose- writings — apart from theology — little can be
eaid. Gsobo Sghottel preceded Wolf as a writer on ethics, and
Ltjdwio yok Seckxkdobf, the author of a book ' On the German
Empire,' was one of the earli^t writers on the theory of govern-
ment A work on < Architecture, Sculpture, and Painting ' by
JoACfliK TOK Sakbrabt 1606-88) has been commended rather
for its copper-plate engravings than for its style, and a ^ History ot
XIL] DIDACTIC PROSK 159
tLe German Lanpfiiage ' (1718-20) by Attgtjstik Eoehholf can
be noticed unly as a well-intended attempt. Another writer on
philology — ScHTJPP — deserves more attention ; for he was one of
the earliest protesters against pedantry, and might be described as
a pioneer who prepared the way for Thomasias and Wolf.
JBalthasar Schtjpp (1610-61), if preacher at Ilftmbur^, con-
demned the half-German and half-Latin language written by men
who were called erudite. We cannot be surprised at the poverty
of prose-writinga in law, ethics, theology, and philosophy when
we find Schupp apologising thus for writing and speaking in his
own language : —
Wisdom ifl not confined to any langasge ; and therefore I ask, Why
may I not learn in German how to know, love, and serve God — that ia,
theology ? Or if I wish to study medicine, why may I not learn how to
discern and cure diseases aa well in German as in Greek and Arabic ? The
French and the Italians employ their native langaages in teaching all the
arts and sciences. There are many gi'eat cardinals and prelates in Home
who cannot speak Latin ; and whv may not a man, though ignorant of
Latin and Greek, become a good German preacher ? I know he may ; for
when I studied at Leyden, a new preacher was appointed to the pulpit of
the Lutheran congres^ation there. He bad been a painter, and had no
advantages of classical education ; so many of the genteel students of law
made jests on this preacher, because he ventured t4> ascend the pulpit before
he had mastered Latin. However, he understood the Scriptures well, and
I was more enified by his plain homilies than by the sermons of many
learned and Latinised professors.
Schupp's censure of the German-Roman jargon used in his day,
and afterwards, will hardly be understood without a. specimen.
A short extract from Gundling's 'Discourse on' History * (pub-
lished in 1737) will show that the style condemned by Schupp
prevailed for some time after his death. We substitute English
for German, and leave the Latin where Gundling inserts it : —
Not only Cicero, but all sensible men have agreed in saying that historla
is magistra scholaque vits; for even the stulti, as well as the sapientes,
may profit by this study : the latter may gain by it, ut caveant ab artiticilSi
atultomm, qun detegit, aperitque historla. .It also supplies practice for
logic ; versatur enim circa distinguenda vero similia a vero diasimilibus.
After this Gnndlmg, with practice, might have pronounced 'a
leasb of languages at once. * For preliminary exercises on two
languages, he might have found models in the sermons of one of
the most popular lloman Catholic preachers of the seventeenth
century — Ulbich MsaxBLS, otherwise called Abbahak jl Sakta
160 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEE. [Ch.
Clasa. (1642-1709), who preached very fluently in fm odd mix-
ture of German and Latin. His thoughts^ like his words, made a
medley ; for he mingled puns, jokes, and droll stories with very
severe admonitiuns. One of his paragraphs, if rightly punctuatedi
would fill more than a large octavo page without onod coming to
a full stop. With all his eccentricity, he was a practical and
earnest teacher. His style must be allowed to describe itsel£
Thus he addresses his hearers on the text, ' O ye foolish Gala-
tiaosl'
Tonr preacher is treated now as St Paul was treated. The Galatians, at
one time, regarded him as an earthly anprel, and listened to him with
delight, as if his voice ha'd heen a celestial tmmpet. . . . But when he
began to preach severely and to say, O insensati GalatsB ! . . . then all
turned against him ; inimicus factus sum vobis veritatem dicens. And so
it remains now : as long as your preacher gives you pretty sayings— :well
decked out and made pleasant with proverbs and stories— you are all well
pleased, and yon say,* Vi vat Pater! a brave man! I hear him with
delight ; ' hut when be begins to speak sharply and says, * O insensati
Germani ! ' he makes enemies for himself and sic facta eat veritaa in aver-
sionem. . • •
*
This style was described as ' Mischmasch ' by L^rsiriTZ in an
essay 'On the Improvement of the German Language.' He ad-
mitted the wealth of his mother-tongue in words for all im-
pressions derived from the senses, but complained of a poverty
of words wanted for writings on law, theology, and philosophy.
To supply this want he recommended a development of the in-
dependent resources of his native language, but at the same time
condemned the*extreme purists who would use no words derived
from foreign languages.
Among those who endeavoured to reduce to practice such rules
as were suggested by Leibnitz, one of bis contemporaries, Chbis-
TIAW Thomasitjs, (1656-1728), must* be remembered. His con-
tributions to the culture of a national literature deserve notice ;
1)ut his reputation does not rest upon them. Literature and life
had been widely sepai'ated in the seventeenth century. Versifiers
had studied metaphors and professors had written abstract trea-
tises in Latin, while the miseries that attended and followed the
war had prevailed throughout the land. Among the few writers
of books who were also patriots, none was greater than THOKASiuSy
a lawyer and an energetic, practical man, an enemy of the pedants
and the bigots who were numerous in his day. He detended the
XII.] PIETISM. 161
Pietists — especially HEBHAim Fbancke— not for the sake of their
tenets, but becausd they claimed, as he believed, a reasonable
freedom of thouj^ht It must, however, be added that when they
had gained it for themselves, they refused to allo^ others to enjoy
it In his lecture on ' The Right Way of Imitating the French '
(1687) Thomasius contended for the substitution of German for
Latin in lectures given in the universities. The persecution to
which he was subjected, on account of his defence of the Pietists,
had a good result in the foundation of a new university at Halle,
•
where he was appointed professor (1694) and director (1710).
His German writings include a 'History of Wisdom and Folly *
(1693) and some * Short Theorems ' on the witch-trials of his
times (1704). In the latter book he successfully denounced cruel
persecutions that had too long been encouraged by the arguments
of theologians and junsts. Trials for the supposed crime of sor-
cery had been instituted in Germany in the thirteenth centniy,
but were suspended for some time when one of the chief inquisitors
had been assassinated. Pope Innocent VIIL revived the crusade
against magicians and sorcerers by a bull dated 1484, and soon
afterwards persecutions were again instituted, and were main-
tained, with more or less rigour, for about two centuries. The
victims were mostly poor women, from whom absurd confessions
were sometimes extorted, which served to confirm the delusion.
The miseries that had attended and followed the Thirty Years*
War had spread gloom and malevolent suspicion among the people,
who, like barbarians, were often disposed to ascribe their mis-
fortunes to persons rather than to circumstances. Sfes, a bene-
volent Jesuit, already named as a poet, denounced the so-called
triab of witches, and — rather later — Bexilsr, a theologian
of Amsterdam, wrote, for the same purpose, his 'Enchanted
^W^orld ; ' but Thomasius h^d greater success than these predeces-
sors, and after the publication of his book people became more
and more ashamed of a doctrine that had been advocated by King
James the First of England, and by many learned men in
Germany.
The controversial and systematic theology of the period was
written in Latin. We have, therefore, to notice here only the
Pietists, and one of the later Mystics who departed very widely
from the principles of such men as Tauler. Of Philipp Jakob
Spcnss (1635-1705), author of Ha Desidena and other de-
X
162 OUTLINES OF GEilMAN UTERATUEE. [Ch.
«
Totional writings in prose and verse, some account lias already
been given. His follower, Attgust TLERUAisrs Fraitcxs (1663-
1727), the friend of Christian Thomasius and one of the most
popular preachers of his times, ia now remembered chiefly on
acount of his practical and well-directed benevolence. He founded
in 1698 the Orphan Home at Glaucha, near Halle, which has
greatjy increased, and now fohns a small town in which the chief
buildings are schools. A few years ago they contained more than
three thousand boys and girls, wlio were receiving instruction
from about one hundred and thirty teachers. Francke was driven
to Ilalle by pei'secution, and, a few years afterwards, his followers
drove the philosopher Wolf from Ilalle I It is an Old story : the
Pietists, when successful, made their religion as external and as
exclusive as the authority agaiust which they had formerly pro-
tested. They insisted on forms of phraseology, and found an im-
portant difference in the words * Shibboleth ' and ' Sibboleth.*
Egotism and intolerance can lurk under all forms of doctrine, and
are never so formidable as. when they act with the assumed sanc-
tion of religion.
One of the later Mjsticfl, Johann Georg Gichtbl (1638-1710)
may be named, because his writings show the results of that want
of clear practical teaching which we have noticed in the works of
the earlier Mystics. Gichtel gave to their doctrines an extremely
ascetic, practical character, and founded a sect calling themselves
'AngelicBrethren; ' who abstained from marriage, and believed that,
by the practice of devotion, they might obtain supernatural powers.
Their founder was driven from Germany for his heresy, and after-
wards lived in Amsterdam, where he edited the first complete
edition of Bohme's writings. Gichters -letters, which were pub-
lished (without his consent) in 1701 and later, contain some ex-^
traordinary statements. It is as8erted,*for instance, that Gichtel
alone, by the exercise of faith, and without leaving his chamber,
defeated the large army sent against Amsterdam by Louis XIV.
in 1672. History, as commonly believed, informs us that the
Dutch opened their sluices and so defeated the enemy.
Two vrriters who, by birth, belonged to the seventeenfh, exerted
their influence mostly in the eighteenth century. Leibnitz
awakened philosophic thought, and Wolf found expressions for
it in his native * language. Gottfkisd Wilhelh Leibnitz
(1646-1716)^ one of the greatest of scholais and thinkers, wioto
Xn.] LEIBNITZ. ^ 163
Ms most important works in French and Latin, tbougb he. pleaded
well for the culture of his native language. A union of the power
of deep thought with versatile talents was the chief characteristic
of Leihnitz, who was a philosopher, a mathematician, and a
statesman. His life was a contrast to that of a lonelj student ; he
travelled often, maintained an extensive correspondence, and was
engaged in important diplomatic services, especially with a view
to the prevention of war between Germany and France. During
a visit to London he became acquainted with Sir Isaac Newton,
with whom he was afterwards involved in a long controversy
respecting the discovery of the differential calculus. It appears
clear that both Newton and Leibnitz arrived independently and
by distinct processes at the same result. After his return to Ger-
many he lived mostly in Hanover, but frequently visited the Court
of Prussia, and founded, in 1700, the Academy of Sciences at
Berlin. His religious opinions were conciliatory, and he corre-
sponded with Bossnet, vnth a view to mitigate the severity of con-
troversy. Leibnit2 was a man of middle stature, active in body and
mind, and remarkably healthy. He was a courtier, and has been
accused of avarice and vanity; was very careless of his own
domestic afiBnirs, and was never married. His philosophy cannot
be (airly analysed^ if seen out of its connection with the systems
of other thinkers ; but two or three of its. leading thoughts may
be. here indicated. Leibnitz, in opposition to the doctrine of
Spinosa, regarded power, instead of substance, as the basis of all
phenomena. Numerous forces (monads), ever active in their
combinations and oppositions, but all serving for the accomplish-
ment of one design, form the substantial, ideal world. The whole
universe is a collection of forces always acting, and no inert sub-
stance exists. In opposition to Locke*s rejection of innate ideas,
Leibnitz asserts that the mind has innate ideas, but these, he says,
are, when viewed apart from experience, 'virtual' andnot 'explicit'
In other words, thoughts contain elements not derived from the
senses, but developed by means of sensation. In his Tkiodic^e
— an essay on Optimism — Leibnitz asserts that the actuaL world
is the best possible world ; that physical evil may be viewed as a
stimulus for the development of power, and that moral evil is in-
separable from the freedom of intellectual beings. This freedom
is overruled, however, by a pre-established harmony ; so that, in
the end, all the powers that can deploy themselves are made to
u2
164 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
' work together for good.' In one of Ms German essays Leibnitz
indicated a comprehensive thought that was, long afterwards, more
distinctly asserted bj Fichte : that all the ideas expressed bj
such words as * power/ ' freedom/ * harmony/ ' beauty/ ' love/ tind
* happiness ' may be developments ^firom one idea — ^that of union,
or of the subordination of many inferior powers to one higher '
power. In other parts of his writings Leibnitz expresses a belief ^
that all philosophy may ultimately be reduced to one system ;
having all its parts as closely united as the several branches of
mathematics -, but his own method — or rather, want of a method
— could never lead to such a result. The best systematic view of
his speculations has been given by Ktjvo Fischer in his ' History
of Modem Philosophy.' The German writings of Leibnitz were
edited by Guhrauer in 1838-40. We append a passage from the
essay above referred to : —
The greatness of any power moat be measured by the extent to which it
displays itself, as an evolution of many from one, and as a subordination of
many to one. . . . This union in variety is harmony. A subordination of
parts one to another, and of all to the whole, produces order ; whence arises
beaaty, and beanty awakens love. Thus we find a close connection beiwten
all the ideas which we represent by such words as happiness, joy, love, per-
feetion, power, freedom, harmony, and beanty, as they all imply unity in
variety. Now when the facolties of the human soul are developed in ac-
cordance with this law, there is a feeling of consistency, order, freedom,
power, and completeness, which produces an abiding happiness, distinct
from all sensuous pleasures, and as it is constant, does not deceive us, and
cannot produce future unhappiness, as partial pleasures may. It is always
attended by an enlightened reason, and an impulse towud all goodn^
and virtue. Sensuous, transitory, or partial pleasures may be mistaken for
happiness ; but they may be clearly distinguished by this mark, that while
they gratify the senses, they do not satisfy reason. An unwise indulgence
in such pleasures introduces discord in our nature, and thus produces many
evils. Pleasure, therefore, must not be regarded as an end, but may be em-
ployed as one of the means of happiness. It should be viewed as a delicious
cate, with a suspicion that it may contain something poisonous. In short,
pleasures, like our daily diet, must be regulated by reason. But rational
enjoyment arising out of a general harmonious wellbeing of our nature has
in itself an evidence that it is purely good, and can produce no evil in the ^
future. The chief means of promoting such joy must be the enlighten-
ment of reason, and the ezerdse of the will in acting in accordance with
reason.*. . .
If external advantages and pleamures could produce the happiness I have
described, it would certainly be found in the possession of great and rich
men. But Christ himself has said, it is very difficult for rich men * to enter
the Kingdom of Heav^,* or, in other words, to attain true happiness.
Having around them an abundance of sensuous luxuries, they are disposed
to seek satiafacticA in joys which must be txansitory ; or, when they rise j
xn.] WOLF. 165
above physical pleasareis they generally depend on an ambition to gam
honour and applause. But sickness and age will surely take away all
sensuous delights^ and misfortunes may ruin all the objects of ambitiou.
Thus all external pleasures fail, and those who have depended upon them
find that they have been deceived.
The .devotion of a lifetime would Iiave been demanded to
reduce the hypotheses of Leibnitz to a system, but he never
undertook such a task. One of his more important works — ^the
'New Essays on the Human Understanding' — was first pub-
lished fifty years after bis death. His doctrines were partly reduced
to a systematic form by his follower Christian Wole (1679-1746),
who threw aside such parts as he could not understaud. Wolf was
a man of great industry, and wrote an extensive series of works in
Latin, and several shorter and clearer expositions of his system in
German. In all his works he showed a love of order and clearness^
which had a Tery important educational efieT5t in his times, while
his use of his own Icmguage greatly developed its resources. His
systematic writings in German and Latin fill twenty-two quarto
volumes. In 1707, and for fifteen years afterwards, he lectured
with great success on mathematics and natural philosophy at
Halle, until he was accused of heresy by some of his colleagues
who were Pietists. The King, Priedrich Wilhelm I., willingly
listened fb the accusation; for he hated philosophers, and had
military notions of orthodpxy. It is true he kept at his court (me
professor, Paul Gundling — ^the brother of the writer whose
German-Latin style has been noticed — but he was kept only as a
court-fool to entertain the King; was introduced, when intoxicated,
to amuse the King's friends in their evening smoking-club, and
was, at last, buried in a wine-cask. Wolf was driven as a
criminal from Prussia in 1723, and did not return imtil 1740,
when Friedrich called the Great mounted the throne. The phi-
losopher was then re-appointed professor at Halle, where he
enjoyed, for some years, a high reputation as a teacher.
Method and a clear arrangement of his thoughts were the most
prominent merits of Wolfs writings ; but his method was dog-
matic, and his system was an aggregate, not an organism. He dis-
tinctly labelled his categories, but arranged them without regard
to their logical union, and did not investigate their origin. He
wrote down such predicates as ' finite ' and ' infinite,* ' simple ' and
^eomplez,' as if their meaning were self-eTident and well understood
166 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEllATURE. [Cii.
hy everybody. Wolf knew notbingof sucli doubts as were afterwards
iuti'oduced into metapbysicfi by Hume and Kant, and bis writings,
consequently, seryed to encourage a self-complacent dogmatism
wbicb, in a later time, disguised itself under tbe name of 'enligbten-
ment.' In other respects his teaching had very good results, and
tbe example of his clear style aiid methodical arrangement was
followed by the popular philosophers of tbe eighteenth century.
Without these notices of the writings of Leibnitz and Wolf a
transition from the literature of the seventeenth to that of tbe
eighteenth century would seem abrupt. In the period now briefly
surveyed (1G25-1725) but little improvement has been noticed,
save in tbe art of writing verse; in the next period — 1725-70 —
are found prose-writings that, with regard to style, may challenge
a comparison with the literature of the nineteenth century.
We have arrived at the close of a long time of intellectual dul-
ness, extending from the later Middle Ages to the end of the
seventeenth century. Tbe songs and ballads, the satires, tbe
})opular sermons, and the people^s jest-books of those times have
much historical interest ; but, if we had noticed books- merely for
their literary merits, almost four centuries might have been de-
scribed as comparatively barren. Ijstin writers in theology and
philology, too numerous to be mentioned, flourished during these
ages, and many works of considerable learning were produced ;
but such labours had no influence on tbe progress of a national,
and especially a poetical literature, of the German people. While
Hans Sachs, the writer of homely fables in verse, &irly represented
the character of German poetry in tbe sixteenth century, the
Elizabethan era of poetical genius was in its lustre in England.
Shakspeare wrote his dramas only a few years after tbe death of
Sachs. No fact can more strikingly show how fiEur Germany
remained behind England in the cultivation of poetry. If we turn
our attention to prose-writers, the contrast is equally remarkable.
Not long after Fischart wrote his satires, Richard Hooker
wrote his 'Ecclesiastical Polity' and Lord Bacon produced
bis philosophical essays. In the seventeenth century we still
find, a contrast between the vigour of English and tbe feeble-
ness of German literature. Martin Opitz, and the imitators who
regarded him as the ' Horace of his times/ represented German
poetry during the age which produced such writers as Milton,
Pryden, Barrow, and Tillotson.
XniJ CHAEA.CTERISTICJS OF THE TIME, 167
CHAPTER XnL
SIXTH PERIOD. 1726-70.
CaABACrBBimCS of THB TIUB — ^LTTBKABT XTKIOirS — THB SWISS-
UnraO CONTBOTBRST — GOTTSCHED BODKBB — BRBITINQER — THB
FABUB-'WBITBBS — HAT.T.KR — HAOEDOBK — THB ftlXON SCHOOL — OLBUC
AlCD HIS FBIBXDS — ^HnDr-WBTrBBS — ^PBOSB FICTION.
■
The times wlien WiNomLMANN, Elopstook, liESsrsot^ and Wie-
LAND wrote seem far removed from the days of Opitz. So great
was the progress that had been made during the lifetime of Wolf
(1679-1764), that centuries seemed to have passed away when
Lessing appeared as the reformer of the literature of the German
people. The title of reformer is^ indeed, hardly high enough for
Lessing. He gave to literature far more than improvements in
form ; he breathed into it a new spirit and inspired it with a new
will. It remains no longer imitative, but asserts its own cha-
racter. No longer does it make a pile of learning for the sake of
leamiDg, but subordinates aH studies to one — that of life and
progress. While maintaining its individuality, it becomes com-
prehensive and sympathetic in its recognition of the world^s
literature. These ideas were expanded by later writers, but they
belong especially to Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. He was the
foremost man of Us time, but he was also the child of the age.
His work had been prepared for him, and to explain his success
some circumstances of the times favourable to literary culture
must be named. Among them we can hardly include any patron-
age of literature by the State. Several of the best authors who
wrote during the forty-five years 1726-70 belonged to Prussia,
and the great historical fact of the time was the marvellous growth
of the political power of that State imder its two great rulers
Friedrich Wilhelm I. and his son ; but no direct connection can be
traced between political and literary progress. The latter was
168 OUTLINES OF OERAIAN LITEBATURE. [Cfl.
ignored by the Court of Berlin. Friedrich Wilhelm I., ^hose
economy and prevision founded his country's power, scorned both
philosophy and poetry, and classified literary men and professors
with 'the foreign singers, dancers, and fiddlers,' for whom he
entertained a hearty contempt. As before stated, he kept at his
court one professor and historiographer, whom he treated as a
buffoon. Friedrich II., a great king, and a man of power in both
intellect and will, would not take the trouble to write his own
language. In an ' Essay on German literature/ which he wrote
in French (1780), he mentioned neither Elopstock nor Lessing,
and when an edition of the Nibehmgenlied was presented to him,
he declared it was ' not worth a shot,' and if found in his library,
would have been swept out by his orders. Yet the King oould
bestow praise liberally, at Umes, for he styled an insignificant
versifier — Canitz — 'The Pope of Germany.' In literature the
King was as truly French as his friend Voltaire. The latter,
writing at the Court of Berlin (1750), says : — ' I am here still in
France. We all talk in our own language, and men educated at
Konig^erg know many of my poems by heart. German is left
for soldiers and horses, and we have no need of it except when
we are travelling.' The King's own tastes were represented in
these words. Yet he Indirectly aided the growth of a national
literature \ for he infused his own ener|py into the character of his
people, and gave them something to be proud o£ Think as they
might of his opinions, his tastes, and some parts of his policy, they
were compelled to honour the nlan who regarded himself as
'the Servant of the State,' and ' who thought, lived, and died like .
a king.'
The revival of national literature in the eighteenth century was
a continuation of the work begun and carried on. by Opitz, Tho-
masius, Schupp, Leibnitz, and Wolfi Political and social circum-
ifttances were more favourable to literary culture than they had
been. Seventy-five years had passed since the close of the Thirty
Years' War, and though the conditions of the Peace of West-
phalia were imsatisfiactory, with regard to their ultimate tendencies,
the minds of men now enjoyed a comparative repose. The rancour
of religious strife had considerably abated; for the three con-
fessions were placed on an equal footing with regard to their rela-
tions with the State. Men, left without any great interest in
general politics, and excluded from political power in the several
Xni.] LITEBARY UNIONS. 1^9
minor States, found in literary culture tlie occupation and Ibe free-
dom which they could not elsewhere enjoy. Literary unions, with
their journalism, correspondence, and coatroversies, supplied means
of intercourse between students living in Saxony and Prussia;
while Switzerland was reunited with Germany by means of
literature.
The literary unionp of the preceding century had not been al-
together useless, for they had weeded French words out of
German Terse ; but poetry was still a copy made from a copy ; for
its French models were imitations of the antique. Oue of the
literaiy societies of the seventeenth century still survived at
Leipzig, and Gotischsd, in 1727, gave it a new lease of existence,
and partly changed its character for the better. About six years
earlier Bodhsb, a professor of history at Ziirich, and his friend
Brsitin&es, a pastor there, had started a literary journal, chiefly
with a view to an improved culture of poetry. This formed the
nucleus of the Swiss School. A literary union existing at Ilalle,
in 1784-87, had only two active members — Sahuel Lanor and
Jazob PrBA — and when they left Halle 'the Society for the
Culture of Poetry and Rhetoric' seems to have suddenly dis-
appeared. A more important association, however, was formed at
Leipzig in 1744 by several young men, afterwards known as the
Saxon School. They at first obeyed the rules stated by Gott-
sched, but soon went over to the side of Bodmer. The latter
had hardly any consistent theory of poetry; but he pleaded for a
free exercise of the imagination, in opposition to Gottsched's
tyrannical common sense, and preferred English to French poets.
These two schools of Leipzig and Ziirich were the highest
authorities in poetry and criticism ; but other unions of literary
men were soon formed — especially at Berlin and Halberstadt
Gleim, afterwards well known as the Maecenas of his times,
formed, while he was a student at Halle, a coterie consisting at
first of the trio Gleih, Uz, and Goxz ; and, when two other
young poets — ^Klsist and Hauler — had entered this miniature
union, it became known as ' the Prussian School.' Kamler went
to reside in Berlin, where, with, the aid of several friends, he
founded a literary association, which included Lessing, Mend els- '
sohn, and Nicolai, the publisher of the * Literary Letters,' to which
Lessing contributed.
. Meanwhile Glboc maintained a very eztensive coxrespondence
170 OUTLINES OF GEB.MAN LITORATUBE. [Ch.
with his literary friends in all the schools, and, morecTer, had in
his own houses at Halberstadt a select college of young versifiers
— Jacobi, Michaelis, Schmidt, and Heinse — all destined, as
Father Gleim fondly believed, to become great poets in tiie course
of time.
These outlines of the history of several literary unions may
serve to expltdn their relations with each other and their compa-
rative importance. Their chief representatives may now be
noticed.
JoHAVN Chbistoph Gottscsed, bom in 1700, near Konigsberg,
came to Leipzig in 1724, and there founded ' the German Society '
for the culture of a national literature. He began his work well,
by criticism directed chiefly against the affectation and bombast of
the Second Silesian School. Havingsuccessfully ended this negative
process, Gottsched proceeded to lay down strict laws for the culti-
vation of poetry. He maintained the three propositions : that poetry
must be founded on an imitation of nature ; that the understanding
must prevail over the imagination ; and that the best models must
be found» in French literature. At this time several translations
from English poetry had appeared, and Milton had many admirers
in Germany. Among his admirers no one was so enthusiastic
as JoHANN Jaeob Bodmeb, bom near Zurich in 1698, who trans-
lated the ' Paradise Lost' In an essay ' On the Marvellous in
Poetry' (1740) he defended Milton from certain charges brought
against him by Gottsched, and so began a controversy that served
to give animation to criticism, and had other good results. It was
in the midst of this controversy that the new literature of the
eighteenth century arose. For a time the critic of Leipzig had
the advantage on his side, especially with regard. to dramatic
literature. Here he found two powerful allies to assist endeavours
to preserve the stage from all innovations on French models. The
iii-st of his allies was a popular actress, named Caroline Neuber,
who refused to appear in any plays in which 'Jack Puddings,' or
other low characters condemned by Gottsched, were introduced.
The other ally was his wife, Lvisb Victobia Gottsched, who
had talents superior to any possessed by the dictator himself.
She translated Pope's 'Eape of the Lock,' as well as several
French dramas.; she was the author, too, of comedies and poems
in her native tongue. Yet she was one of the best of household
managers, and while she regulated her husband's domestic afifaiiB
Xm.] THE 5WISS-LEIPZIG CONTEOVERSY. 171
assisted bim not a little in his literary labour. With these
and inferior allies, Gottsched maintained well, for some time, bis
contest with the Swiss literary heretics; but his dominion was
OTerthrown at last by himself when, in the pride of his power, he
went 80 far as to condemn Klopstock, then rising into popularity.
The Leipzig critic declared that the Memos was a very irregular
and worthless poem, and could not for a moment be compared with
' Hermann,* a new epic by Christoph Otto Schokaich ; but the
public, as well as many critics, condemned the latter as intolerably
dull and unreadable. In dramatic literature the critic found a
formidable opponent in Christian Fblix Weisk (1726-1804),
who endeavoured to make innovations on the stage, especially
by iutroducing light comic operas and melodramas, to supersede
such heavy tragedies as Gottsched*s own * Dying Cato.* The dic-
tator was so seriously offended by the performance of one of
Weise's operas — * The Devil is loose ' — that he regarded it as a
personal insult offered to himself. Nor was this the last of hia
sad reverses of fortune. Hie wife — once his faithful literary
assistant — went over to the side of the innovators, and the popular
actress, Caroline Neuber, having also joined the new party, was
an accomplice in the shameful act of representing a caricature of
the dictator himself on the Leipzig stage f When Gottsched was
thus prostrated, everyone, of course, was ready to strike him. One
Host, the author of some licentious poems, wrote an abusive
letter — 'From the Devil to Gottsched '—and distributed copies so
that, wherever the critic went, he found the odious epistle.
' ^len from his high estate,' deprived of all his literacy authority,
derided by the actress who had once been his loyal subject, and —
worse than all — censured by his wife, as if he had lived beyond
his time, the great criticof Leipzig finally retired into deep shades.
He had done good service in his day, if it was nothing more than
putting down Lohenstein. This one fact ought to save Gottsched's
name from contempt. His * Critical Theory of Poetry * (1730)
says nothing true of poetry itself, but contains some good remarks
on diction and versification. He was a reformer of the eztemals
of literature, and was a respectable writer when contrasted with
the leading men of the Second Silesian School.
BoDUEB and his friends were — like their enemy, Gottsched —
more successful on the negative than on the poBitive side, when
they wrote on their own theory of poetry. They declared, ^^7$
172 OUTLINES OP GEBMAN LITERATURE. [Ca,
that French models were not final, and that a contempt of Milton
was no proof of a critic's good judgment ; but when thej went on
further, to assert their own theory of poetry, they were but a
little less narrow than Gottsched. They agreed that poetry must
be an imitation of nature — must be, in fact, 'a kind of painting in
words' — and that its purport must be usefuL Still they con-
tended that the wonderful, and even the impossible, must be
admitted as elements of poetry. These two latter conditions
might seem to be irreooncileable ; but they were found united in
^sop's Fables, which ^ were, indeed, 'marvellous' in their in-
cidents, but ' useful ' in their moral purport. Hence the .^Esopian
fable must be estimated as holding a very high place in |>oetical
literature. In obedience to this odd dictum of the Swiss critics,
several men of respectable talents — Gellert, Lichtwer, and Pfeffel
— wrote many fistbles in verse, and sincerely endeavoured to be
instructive.
Chbistian Fubchtbgott Gsllbbt (1716-69), a veiy amiable
man, had great success as a writer of fkbles, hymns, and a few
other poems. His language was clear and correct, though popu-
lar, and his didactic purport was always good ; but he had no high
imaginative powers. The people accepted his writings with an
enthusiastic approval, and their feeHngs were shared oy the higher
classes. Gellert, who was modest and retiring, found himself
celebrated, while he was trying mostly to be useful. His fame
must have been' great, for it reached the Court of Berlin. Fried-
rich II. sought an interview with the writer of popular fables, and
was well pljeased with his conversation. ^ He is one of the n^ost
rational of German professors,' said the King, But the fabulist's
admirers were found among men of all classes. A story is told of
a peasant who brought to the poet's house a cart-load of fire-
wood, as a thanksgiving for pleasure received in reading Gellert's
fables. Good morals and piety were more noticeable than genius
in Gellert; but he had humour, and his piety was not narrow. In
one of his fables a man afflicted with rheumatism endeavours to
cure it by an odd charm, recommended by a superstitious woman :
he must wash his hands in morning dew found on the grave of
some good and holy man. Guided by fine epitaphs, the patient
first tries dew from the grave of one. ' who lived a perfect model
of faith and good works,' and who died * lamented by Church and
State.* No cars follows, and the patient next tries an obscure
XHL] THE FABLE-WBITEES. 173
grave without a name. 'When hie rheumatic pains have abated,
he makes some enquiry respecting the tenant of the grave. * Sir/
replies the sexton, ' they would hardly give him Christian burial.
He was a heretic — a writer of poems and comedies — a good-for-
nothing.' It is obvious that the satire here intended is ambiguous ;
for either the piety of the saint or the virtue of the charm might
be unreal.
Another vmter of £able8, Magntts Gottpbibd Lichtwsb (1719-
83), followed the example of Qellert in making imagination sub-
servient to didactic utility, and hardly more can be said in favour
of 'the &bles and poetical narratives' vmtten by Qottfbisd
EoNBAD Ffeffel (1736-1809), who was afflicted with a total loss
of eyesight during the greater part of his long life. This was not
allowed to interrupt his literary and other labours. He was a
successful schoolmaster, and discharged faithfully the duties of
several public offices. His satirical and didactic verses are very
mild, excepting when he refers to the outbreak of the French
Revolution, of which he always speaks bitterly. This will be
excused when it is added that the Revolution compelled the
blind man to shut up his school at Colmar in Klsass. The ex-
ample of his industrious life is more valuable than all the morals
appended to his fables.
The writers of fables had more success than Bodmer either
enjoyed or deserved, when he turned away from critidam and
SBsthetic controversy to write epics. It is endugh to mention
one, ' The Noachide/ which tells the story of Noah and the Deluge.
Bodmer's attempted sublimity is sometimes ridiculous, as when
he ascribes the flood to the collision of a watery comet with the
earth. His best services to literature consisted in his opposition
to Gottsched's bigotry, and in his attempts to revive the study oi
okl German literature. He edited a part of the Nihelungerdied
(1757) and a collection of MinneUeder (1768). These services
attracted little attention until some years after his death, which
took place in 1783. His friend Johanit Jakob Bb^itikoeb
(1701-76) published, in 1740, ' A Critical Study of the Poetic
Art,* vmtten correctly, but too closely limited in its definition of
poetry. The author was a respectable, well-educated man, less
controversial than Bodmer and Gottsched, and caring more for
truth than for conquest. Some of his remarks — especially those
given near the close of his book — go beyond his own theory. He
174 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
expresses doubtA whether a mere descriptiye piece in verse ought
to be called a poem, and suggests that the true object of poetry
—narrative, lyrical, or dramatic-should he to represent human
life in all its diversities of characters and passions.
The Swiss- Leipzig controversy served to awaken an interest in
poetical literature, and called forth the high critical powers of
Lessing. Both Klopstock and VVieland were partly indehted to
Bodnier, who found delight in encouraging the development. of
talents greater than his own. Ilence it is easy to trace a connec-
tion hetween a controversy of which the details are now mostly
forgotten and the rise of a new literature, of which Lessing
was the founder. This fact alone gives importance to the names
of Gottsched and Bodmer.
Two verse- writers, who had hardly any interest in the contro-
versy above noticed, wrote in the earlier part of this period, and con-
tributed to the improvement of style that followed. AiiBRECHT von
Haller (1708-77), an accomplished scholar, whose studies were
mostly devoted to anatomy and physiology, wrote several odes, and
other lyrical poems, characterised by dignity aad thoughtfulness j
several didactic poems and satires, "and a descriptive poem on ' The
Alps ' (1732), which is one of the best of its class. That Haller
did not admit the more advanced doctrine of Breitinger is shown
in a didactic romance — ' Fabius and Oato * (1744) — which is, in
fact, a disquisition on the respective merit of several forms of
government. In one of his odes — ' An Address to Eternity ' — he
shows great vigour and dignity of language ; but the subject is
abstract, and the sublimity of the thoughts is not of the highest
order, if we except one line, noticed by Hegel as better than all
the rest It is the last line of the following passage :—
Eternity ! — o'er numbers vast,
0*er millions upon millions cast •
And multiplied a thousandth time ;
O'er worlds on worlds I still must climb, *
In vain, to reach the boundless thought ;
For still I am no nearer brought ;
The highest {towers of numbers make no part
Of thine infinitude : at last,
I sweep them all away — and there Thou art
A lighter and more graceful tone of lyrical poetry was introduced
by Feiedbich von Hagedorn (1708-54), a native of Hamburg,
who was for some time secretary to the Banish embaasy in Lon-
Xm.] THE SAXON SCHOOL. 175
don. The topics of liis songs are wine, fnendship, and prac-
tical wisdom as understood by Horace. In his fables and his
narratiye poems Hagedom partly followed Lafontaine and other
French writers. But English authors were now taking the
place of French, as models for imitative writers. Abxou) Ebebt
(1723-95), who translated Young's < Night Thoughts/ some of
Bichardson's novels, and Macpherson's * Ossian,' helped to spread
a literary epidemic styled 'Anglomania.' It is amusing to read
that the * Night Thoughts ' of Young cherished, in Germany, a
disposition to melancholy and sentimental verse-writing. Some
good influence must be ascribed to translations from Milton,
Pope, and Thomson. Pope's best work, * The Rape of the Lock,'
suggested some mock-heroic epics written by Wilhelh ZachabiS.
(1726-77)^ and Thomson's 'Seasons' encouraged several writers
of descriptive poems. One of the beet of these was Ewald Chris-
TIAK voir Eleist (1716-69), a major in the Prussian army, who
fell in the campaign of 1768-69. His poem on ' Spring,' which
was once remarkably popular, has partly an epic character, and is
made interesting by the expression of true feelings arising from
the writer's experience of the miseries of war.
With the exception of Haller, Hagedom, and Eleist, it will,
perhaps, be sufficient to notice most of the minor poets of the
period in groups, ratl^r than individually ; for though not destitute
of merit with regard to their diction, they had little distinctive
genius. The schools, or coteries, to which they belonged were
not imaginary — not like ' the Lake School,' invented by reviewers
who could not see the difference between Wordsworth and
Southey. Members of Qerman literary societies in the eighteenth
century were really united, though not always formally. Versi-
fiers of the Saxon School, for example, wex;p mostly associated not
only as members of the literary union founded by Easl Gabtnes
(1712-91), but also as students sent out from the best classical
schools of Saxony — the JFuretenschulen, which had been endowed
out of the revenues of several suppressed convents. A literary
journal entitled Die Bremer Beitrdge was the organ of this Saxon
School, which included among its members — besides Gartner,
Gellert, Zacharia, and Ebert, already named — such men as Elias
ScHLEOEL (1718-49), a dramatist, who was opposed to artificial
rules; his brother, Adolf Sohlegsl, the father of two sons
whose names eclipsed his own ; Cbakxb, a pastor, who wrote
176 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Cr.
Tenion of tlie Psalms ; KAsnrBR, the satirist ; and the dramatists
Croneok and Ayreneoff. One of the more noticeahle men of
the Saxon School was Gottlieb Rabxner (1714-71), a mild
satirist, who was described by Qoethe as a man of remarkable
good humour. Rabener held an inferior office under government,
and, during the siege of Dresden (1760), his house was burned
down. In a letter to » Mend he describes his own misfortunes
thus:—
My servant came nnd informed me that my house wiu baraed down,
that part of my property had been destroyed by bombshells, and that the
remaining portion had been plundered by soldiers wb« had been sent to
quench the fire. Sad news ! All my property , furniture, clothing, books,
manuscripts — all the pleasant letters firom yourself and other firiends which
I had preserved so carefully— all destroyed I Of property worth, as I
counted it, some three thousand dollars, scarcely the vidue of ten doUars
remaining I My wardrobe is thus suddenly reduced to an old stuff ftt>ck
and an obsolete peruke — item, a bedgown ! All my witty manuscripts,
which, as I once expected, would make such a teusation after my decease —
all turned to smoke ! Really, I have now no motive for dying, and shall
therefore live as long and at well as I can I
In one instance, at least, Rabener's satire is well directed ; for
it caricatures the tedious style of certain historical books. He
gives a review of a supposed voluminous history of an obscure
hamlet called ' Querlequit8ch.' Its historian^egins thus :— ' If we
qurry bsck our researches to the beginning of the world, we shall
find that it was at first inhabited by only one roairied couple,
named respectively Adam and Eve.' He then goes on, with in'
sufferable tediousness, through the history of the Chaldeans, tha
Assyrians, the Egyptians, the Jews, the Greeks, and the Romans —
not forgetting the Longobards — and at last expresses his thankful-
ness that he has f(mnd his way back to his subject, the obscure
hamlet of Querlequitsch.
The self-complacency, often characteristic of men of small
capacity, is found nowhere more complete than in the versifying
coterie over which 'Father Gleim' presided at Halberstadt*
JoHA2<n<r WiLHELH Gleim (1719-1803), a good-natui-ed man
and a bachelor in easy circumstances, kept in his own house a
nursery* for young poets. He first formed, as has been said, a
little coterie at Halle, of which Johakn Peteb Uz (1720-96)
and JoHAim NnoLAVS Gotz (1721-81), were members — both
versifiers whose merits consisted mostly in their diction. The
Xm.] GLEDf AKD HIS FBDENDS. 177
best of Gleim's own poeniB are bis patriotio aongfs. He wrote,
beside many lyrical pieces, a didactic poem — ' Halladat/ or ^ The
Red Book.' * From my early days/ say^ the author, ' I have had
the thought of writing a book like the Bible.* (!) The result of
this presumptuous design was a book full of common-places on
virtue, and containing hardly one original thought. Gleim must
be kindly remembered as a friend of literary men, though not as a
poet. The society of small versifiers — with, here* and there, a
man of higher powers — cheered the bachelor*s house at Ilalber-
stadt, where, in one large room, he kept one hundred and eighteen
portraits of relatives and literary friends. No great poet ever had,
in' this world, a life as happy as that of * father Gleim.' He never
found faults in any poems written by his friends or dependents.
All their works were beautiful I He would patronise anybody
who would write a few verses, either daily or weekly. One of
the least fortunate of the objects of his patronage was Anita LinsB
Eassch, the daughter of a peasant She married unhappily when
she was sixteen years old, and her second husband was an intem-
perate tailor, whose thirst consumed all that the poetess could
earn by making verses. Having escaped from his tyranny, she
went to Berlin and thence to Halberstadt, where father Gleim
assisted her in publishing he% poems, which produced for her a
little fortune of about three hundred pounds. This was soon
consumed by her rapacious relatives, and then the poor woman
made an application for help to the king. Friedrich U. gave her
six shillings, which she contemptuously returned to him. His
successor patronised the poetess, whose misfortunes had now
gained for her a name at Berlin. A nobleman granted her a small
annuity, and the king gave her a newly-built house. She was so
delighted with this change of fortune, that she would not wait
imtil the walls were dry, and, soon after taking possession of her
new abode, she fell ill, and died in 1791. Her verses give some
proofs of imaginative energy ; but her genius was injured, rather
than improved, by the patronage she received. — Father Gleim had
a better reward for the services he rendered to two or three young
poets, already named. JouAnnsr Gsobo Jacobi (1740-1814),
wrote, at first, on very trivial themes, but made great improve-
ment afterwards, when he imitated the style of a junior ootem-
porary — Goethe. The versification of Jacobi's lyrical poems is
iitelodioii& — Another of Gleim's more sucoesaful frienda was Karl
178 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
WiLHELH Bavlbb (1725-98), who chose Horace for his model,
and wrote odes and other lyrical poems which were praised by
Goethe. Hamler was, for some years, a teacher in the Cadets'
School at Berlin, and there wrote odes to celebrate the military
successes of the Idng, who, however, took no notice of the poet
These odes, and some other poems by Hamler have now but
little interest apart from their versification. His imitations of
antique metres were carefully studied, and served as models for
Voss and other translators. Lessing sometimes submitted his own
verses to Kamler^s criticism.
Several writers of odes and hymns, who were mostly imitators,
may be left unnamed here. A translation of the Psalms by
JoHAi7V Akdbsas Cbaxeb (1723-88), one of the members of the
Saxon School, has greater merit than his original hymns. Other
hymn-writers belonged mostly to two schools ; — the didactic, in
which Gellert*s example prevailed, and the Pietistic, including the
vmters of hymns for the services of the United Brethren. A ten-
dency to give prominence to natural theology is found in the
hymns, a^in tlie prose writings, of Christoph Sturm (1740-86),
a pastor at Hamburg, who might, perhaps, be classed with Klop-
stock's imitators. His best work >n prose, entitled ' Meditations
on the Works of God ' (1779), w|s translated into English, and
other languages, and enjoyed remarkable popularity. The most
productive of all the Pietistic hymn- writers, was Nikola us Lud-
WIG, Graf voir Zujzendorf (1700-60), who founded the
societies of the United Brethren, otherwise called Moravians.
He gave to the Moravian brethren, who, to escape from persecution
had left their native land, a settlement on his own estate, at a
place afterwards called Hermhut. Here he presided over his
* little church in the great church,' as he called it, which became
a centre from which missionary companies went forth into many
parts of the world. Many of the hymns written by Zinzendorf
are marked by extreme simplicity ; others have a quasi-amatoiy
character, of which the writer, in his later years, expressed his own
. disapprobation.
Several other names of minor poets might be mentioned vnth-
out serving to indicate any progress, either in thought or* in
diction. When we turn from verse to fictions written in prose,.
Wieland's romances are almost the only productions deserving
notice. Johakit Timoxhsus Hebxbs (1738-1821), an imitator
Xm.] PROSE FICTION. 179
of Richardson, wrote the first German story — ' Sophia's Journey
— giving descriptions of the life of the middle classes. In other
respects the hook is insignificant. Salomon Gessner (1730-86)^
a landscape-painter, endeavoured to do with his pen work that
would have heen better done with a brush. He found delight in
writing descriptions, of which his stories mostly consist. His
' Death of Abel ' gained great popularity in England as well as
in Germany. A shdrt passage from one of his essays may indicate
his style : —
If Heaven would fulfil the wish long cherished in my heart, I would
escape into the country and live far away from towns. You should find me
hidden from the world, and contented, in a little cottage embowered among
hazels and other trees, with a trellised vine in the front,- aod a cool spring
bubbling near my door. On the little grass-plot my doves would often
alight and please me with their graceful movements, or receive from my
hand the crumbs left on my table. There chanticleer too should proudly
strut at the head of his family. And in a sheltered comer I would have
my hives ctf bees, that the sweetness of my flowers might be treasured up,
and that I might be often reminded that even in solitude I must be indus-
trious. Behind the cottage you should find my garden for f^uit and flowers,
surrounded with a hedge of hazels, and with a bower at each comer. Here
I would employ art, not to cut nature into grotesque forms, but gently to
co-operate ivith her workings, and to unfold her beauty. Here would be
my place in pleasant weather, where I could enjoy alternately exercise and
meditation. Then imagine a little green pasture near the garden, and a
gentle rill flowing beside my plantation, and spreading at one point in its
course into a miniature lake^ having an island and a pleasant bower in the
middle ; and add to this rural inventory a little vineyard, and one little
field of yellow com ; and then what king would be richer than I ?
tt is only in accordance with the most popular definition
of poetry, that several versifiers of the schools of Leipzig, Halle
and Halberstadt can be called poets. Some diminutive, rather
less abusive than poetaster, would be a better name for them.
Having little or nothing to say, they often said it neatly; but too
many of their poems were mere exercises in versification on worn
topics and sentiments derived from French or English sources.
All the forms of poetry were tried — ^the lyrical, the epic, and the
dramatic — and some forms that should hardly be tolerated ; such
as didactic and prosaic treatises in verse, on such themes as ' The
Irrigation of Meadows,' and ^ The Bights of Beason.' Common-
place is too often made the theme of lyrical -poetry, of which the
true element should be individuality; here we find, again and
again, trite sayings on friendship, wine, and the beauties of
n2
180 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN UTEEATUBE. [Gs.
Natu]»; with little true variety in all their Yariatioiu. In
narrative poetry many fables are good, as fiir as they go,
and^ having sou^e meaning, are better than the idylls in which
inane shepherds and shepherdesses appear. Pope*8 fine work of
fancy, 'The Rape of tbe Lock/ made imitative mock-heroie
poems fashionable for a time. Some improvements — among them
the iMe ot iambic verse—^were introduced into the drama by
Weisse, Nicolai, and one of the Schlegels, before the time when
Lesaing introduced a national drama. The rules of 'versification
laid down by Opitz were mostly obeyed and partly extended, and
in their search for variety of forms, versifiers attempted imitations
of antique classical metres, and introduced a prosody partly
founded on quantity. These services rendered to the culture of
language are valuable ; but they cannot claim for imitative versi-
fiers a place among the poets who have united artistic forms of
expression with great thoughts or important actions and paasiona.
xivj iiiepebicb: n. of Prussia. 181
CHAPTER XIV.
81XTH PERIOD, 1726-70.
TBSDSBTCS: H. OF PBUSSIA — ^HISTORIANS — ^POFUIAB PaiLOSOFBBBS—
BATIOKALLSTS — ^ITBITB&S Olf .BSTHBTICS— WINOKBLMANN.
Thb pToee-writen of the reign of Frixbrich II. of Prussia had
mostly something to say, while too many of their Terdfying
cotemporaries were putting trifiea into rhyme ; but few historians
or publicists were found capable of writing worthily of such
events as were then taking place. Many good essays on morals
and dn social life, were written by authors belonging to the
school ot popular philosophy, and, in the department of art-
criticism, two of the most important works in the worid's Uterature
— ^the 'History of Ancient Art,' and 'The Laokoon,' — were
written during this period. Moral philosophy and aesthetics are
the departments in which the best prose writings of the time are
found.
One of the more valuable historical works written in German,
was a history of the petty state of OsnabrUck — a bishopric which
ceased to exist in 1803. It seems strange that German historians
and writers on politics wrote hardly anything noticeable of the
greatest events that had taken place since 'the Eeformation. But
literary men knew very little of the importance ot such movements
as the Silesian wars, and to find any worthy account of them we
must refer to the king's own writings ; — his ' Contributions to a
History of Brandenburg,' the ' History of the Seven Years' War,*
and the History of his own Times. These works, written by
the great king and military commander, who saved Germany from
destruction, are written in French I They are, however, so far
connected with national literature, that they may serve as some
apology for the king's neglect of literary men; With such
work aa he had imposed upon him, he might, with good reason,
182 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ce.
have neglected far greater men. While authors were discnssing
eesthetical questions, Austria and France — one power as foreign as
the other— were plotting in order that ' the German hody/ as they
called it, xnight never have a soul ; or might never be guided
by a head. Meanwhile, some of the pstty princes — as they might
be styled, without regard to the areas of their domains — were
ready to sacrifice nationality to their meanest personal interests.
It had been resolved, at Versailles and Vienna, that the power of
Prussia must be first destroyed, and that then * the body ' should
be dissected, according to a plan of which all the details had been
concerted. To give the highest sanction to the work of destroying
Prussia and all Germany, the warfare against Friedbich II. was
to be waged as a holy crusade against an infidel. It was to be a
strictly religious war, and directed by immediate inspiration
received from such an odd source as Madame de Pompadour I
When Friedrich II. marched into Saxony to defeat this conspi-
racy, he was acting strictly on the defensive and in favour of the
establishment of peace. That 'he gave no aid to German
literature/ has been made a grave topic of complaint ; but it may
be added that, without the hard work of his life, neither the Ger-
man people nor their literature would have had much to boast of
in 1870.
When compared with the king's writings, other historical and
political works of his linies have but a meagre interest An ex-
ception must be noticed, however, in the history of a petty state
already named. Justus Moser, the author,- was bom at Osna-
briick in 1720. He studied law at Gottingen, and practised, for
some years, as an advocate, in his native place. For about twenty
years after 17(33, when the see of Osnabriick belonged to Friedricb,
the infant son of George III. of England, Moser acted as prime
minister in all the political affairs of the bishopric His personal
character was singularly well expressed in his stately figure, and
his grave l>ut amiable aspect. Literature for Moser was an im-
plement to be used in the service of the state. His chief work,
the 'Osnabriick History* (1765-80), is full of proofs of the
writer's intelligence, research and patriotism. He seizes every'
opportunity of exposing the errors of centralization. The maxim
of all maxims for Moser is that political institutions must grow up
out of the history of a people. He will hear nothing in favour of
abstjract theories;, or of governments made upon paper, and imposed
XIVJ HISTORIANS. 183
on a people by some external power. All such schemes h«
denounces again and again as mechanical and despotic, while he
advocates self-goTomment, carried out as far as possible, and based
on histoiy and old custom. Moser would have all laws developed
from ancient facts. He often writes with genial humour and
effective satire; for example in the essay against the use of money
' Throw it into the sea,' he says, * or give it to your enemies, as a
means of.puniahiug them. It can never be introduced into any
state without bringing incalculable evils with it ! ' .A reader who
stops before he comes to the end of the essay, may imagine the
writer to be a fanatic ; but Moser briefly explains his purport by
saying; ^such are the arguments that maybe used by sophists
against the principles of religion.'
With reference to his moral aims, the range of his topics and
the independent character impressed on every page of his writings,
Justus Moser may be described as the model of a writer for the
people. It is impossible to read many passages of the * 0<<nabriick
History,' or of the ' Patriotic Fantasies,' without understanding
why Goethe spoke of Moser as 'an incomparable man.' The last-
named of his works is a miscellany of articles published at first in
a newspaper, and contains many short essays and tales mostly de-
voted to utilitarian purposes. He was a decided enemy of all the
French fashions which were gaining ground in his time, as may
be seen in the outline of one of his stories. Selinde, the heroine,
is an industrious German maiden, educated in the ancient homely
fashion. Her evenings are passed in the spinning-room, where
all her father's family ai\4 servants are assembled, while constant
occupation leaves no room for such a word as ennui. But a
young neighbour, Arist, who pays his addresses to Selinde, is an
admirer of refinement and fashion, and loves to indulge in ridi-
cule against the antiquated spinning-room. He marries Selinde,
and improves her taste. The yonng couple become very fashion-
able, neglect the concerns of their household, and endeavour to
amuse themselves with meaningless trifles. But time passes
now more tediously than in the spinning-rcom. Arist sees
that his wife is unhappy, though she will not confess it. At
last he confesses that there is more happiness in useful occupation
than in frivolity. Selinde hears this confession with c^elight:
the spinning-room is restored ; and the old style triumphs over
the new.
184 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE, [Ca
It is merely with respect for his patriotic character that
Fbiedbich CablMoseb (1723>98), can be named here. He was
a yery industrious publicist, but the style of his works has no
attractions. He would insert anything in any place, and in this
way he rambled through more than aliundred books and pamphlets
on such topics as ' German Nationality/ ' Political Truths/ and
'Master and Servant' Moser, whose knowledge of courts was
partly founded on his own observations, described a cotemporary
political writer, as * the good, gentle, amiable, republican Iselik,
who knows princes only by engravings of their portraits.' This is
one of the livelier examples of Moser's satirical vein. The histo-
rical writer thus censured, Isaao Iselin (1728-82), wrote a series
of * Conjectures on the History of Mankind/ and a ' Discourse on
Patriotism,' which have been commended as indicating a philoso-
phical treatment of history, such as was afterwards suggested and
partly carried out by Herder. Iselin was not afraid of extensive
problems; for he attempted to explain the true causes of the
decline of Greek and Roman civilisation. His argument may be
called tautological ; for he tells us little more than that ancient
civilisation was not permanent because it was not founded on
permanent virtues.
Several prose-writers who wrote on history and politics in
these times, were associated by their common tendency towards
utilitarian doctrines. Thomas Abbt (1738-66), especially de-
manded that all literature should be devoted to utility. * Write
for the people,' was his rule, and it was obeyed by Johank Hir-
ZEL (1725-1803), who wrote a book entitled * The Economy of
a Philosophical Peasant,' partly founded *on the true personal his-
tory of a Bauer, or small farmer, of whom the writer made a rural
Socrates. Though his writings were partly historical, Hirzel
might be classed with the so-called 'popular philosophers' of his
times. They were mostly men of talent, without genius, who wrote
with clearness and sobriety, and generally with some useful pui'port.
Their views on religion and on the foundations of morals, were
generally such as at a rather later time were called rationalistic ',
but they hardly understood all the results of their own principles.
In this respect they were like the earlier rationalists of the
eighteenth century.
Gne bf the best of the popular philosophers was Mobes Menbels-
SOHN (1729-66), an Israelite, already named aa Lessing's friend.
XIV.] POPULAB PHILOSOPHEES. 185
He wrote seyeral didactic works, including ' Fbaedon/ a dialogue
on the immortality of the soul, which was partly a free translation
from Plato, hut gave some expansion to the original argument.
When Lavater, tbe Pietist, rudely endeavoured to convert Mendels-
sohn to'Christianity, there were not a few who suspected that the
Israelite was capable of giving lessons on true religion to Lavater.
The author of ' Phaedon ' contended, that the highest utility must
be found in moral philosophy. ' I cannoi read,' he says, ' without
pity the opinion of a French writer that '' the efforts of Reaumur
to .preserve carpets and tapestry from the ravages of moths, were
more worthy of admiration than all the moral speculations of
Leibnitz ! " Is not this saying that the vain luxuries of our houses
are of more importance than our own souls, or even than the
honour of the DiTine' character, which may be misrepresented by
a false philosophy ? On the other side, I would assert that, even
if the alchymists had succeeded in their eiforts, and had turned
every stone on the earth's surface into gold, they would have
made an absurd mistake if they had regarded such a feat as the .
completion and final triumph of philosophy.'
Ghbishan Gabvb (1742-98), another of the popular philoso-
phersy was, with regard to his style, one of the best of all the
prose-writers of the eighteenth century. He wrote mostly short
essays on morals and on literary culture — especially on style — and
was employed by Fbisdbich II. to translate Cicero's treatise on
the ' Duties of Life.' The king gave some suggestions for the
annotations appended to the work, and bestowed on Garve -a small
pension of two hundred dollars. Garve was remarkable for the
patience with which he endured a long affliction, and for his
modesty. With reference to Kant's writings, he said; — *I do
not find myself at home in the higher regions of philosophy ; I
must have some practical object in view.'' He would write
only on such subjects as he could clearly understand. In a
pleasant essay on the ' Scenery of Mountainous Countries,' he says
nothing of Kant's new cesthetic doctrines ; nothing of the sublime
effect of vast physical objects in exciting a consciousness of ' a
moral power stronger than all nature.' One of the chief causes of
the impressive character of mountain scenery, says Garve, is that
we see more objects on the side of a mountain than could be seen
on a plain of the same extent
One of the best rivals of Garve, in the use of a clear and popular
186 OUTLINES OF GERMAN IITERATUBE. [Cb.
style, was Jakob Eno^ (1741-1802), the author of 'Lorenz
Stark/ a domestic novel, and of other stories, all intended to con-
vey moral instruction. Ho published, in 1775-77, his ' Philosopher
for the World,' a series of essays, sketches aild stories, to which
Mendelssohn, Garve, and Eberhard contributed. Though the
dates of his works extend a few years beyond 1770, Engel be-
longed to the school of popular philosophers, and ably represented
their practical purport, their sobriety, and their self-complacency.
En gel's prose rises to an eloquent strain in his Eulogium of
Friedrich II.
It is rather difficult to define the school of popular philosophy ;
for it might include such theologians as Gboro Joachim Zolliko-
TER (1730-88), an excellent preacher and writer on practical religion ;
JoHANN Ebbrhabd (1739-1809), who, in his 'Apology of So-
crates' (1772), opposed the doctrine that the souls of heathen
men must be excluded from heaven ; and JoHAinr SPALBiKe
(1714-1804), who might be also classed with the earlier rational-
ists, as he wrote against Pietism and described ethics as the basis
of religion. Gellebt, already noticed as a poet, wrote in a popu-
lar style on moral philosophy, and may therefore be named here.
Another aatbor, sometimes classed with this school, Johaitit
ZiKUERMAKir (1728-95), was a physician at the court of Hanover.
He gained his popularity by a book ' On Solitude,' and disgraced
himself by writing to display his own egotism and vanity under a
pretence of giving some account of the last days of Friedrich II.
of Prussia. Zimmermann was one of the physicians in attendance
on the king, during his last illness, and seized the opportunity of
making a bad book ! Such men as Zimmermann and Lavater could
know nothing of the king's latest thoughts. He has been com-
monly described as an atheist ; but some expressions found in his
later letters might support the assertion, that his belief respecting
a First Cause was not altogether unlike Kant's doctrine ; — ^Where
reason fails, the voice of conscience alone must be accepted as a
revelation.
The assertion of the rights of free inquiry and the rise of the
earlier rationalistic theology of these times can hardly be described
as taking place in any well-defined period. They had been pre-
ceded by the study of French and English writings on natural
religion (so-called) when HERXAinir Sahttel Reix abits (1694-
1768), author of < The Wolfenbiittel FragmentB>' edited by Lea-
XrVJ EATIONAUSTS. • 187
sing, wrote (1754) his * Principles of Natural ReKgion/ which was
followed, in 1760, by a more interesting work on ' The Instincts
of Animals.' In the latter, he reations in favour of the immor-
tality of the soul, and evidently places great trust in his arguments
founded on analogy. Having noticed a harmony between the
instincts of animals and their destinies, he continues thus ] —
It is as natural in us to look forward beyond this world, as it is in the
lower animals to remain satisfied with their present life. Their nature is
confined within certain bounds ; our own is distinguished by its capacity of
continual development ; and a desire for such development has been planted
in us by our Creator.
Now where do we find instincts falsified- in the plan of nature ? Where
do we see an instance of a creature endowed with an instinct craving a
certain kind of food in a world where no snch food can be found ? Are the
swallows deceived bv their instinct when they iiy away from clouds and
storms to find a wanner country? Do they not find a milder climate
beyond the water? When the May-flies and other aquatic insects leave
their husks, expand their wings, and soar from the water into the air, do
they not find an atmosphere fitted to sustain them in a new stage of life ?
Certainly. The voice of nature does not utter false prophecies. It is the
call, the invitation of the Creator addressed to his creatures. And if this ia
true with regard to the impulses of physicxil life, why should it not be true
with regard to the superior instincts of the human soid ?
Confidence in such reasonings as are expressed in the above
paragraphs was a characteristic of both the popular philosophers
and the rationalists of the eighteenth century. For them history,
or any other external authority, could hardly be more than an
echo of a verdict pronounced by reason, ^hey were not altogether
negative in their aims ; the tenets which they held as true — such
as the existence of God and the immortality of the soul — ^were
held firmly, while the lurguments used to support them were
mostly dogmatic. Several of their expositions of natural theology
were shallow and optimistic; they neither looked on the dark
side of nature, nor tested the logic on which their physico-theo-
logical arguments were founded. That such a thinker as Kani
might come, some day, and demolish their proofs for the three
chief tenets of natural religion was a possibility hardly dreamed
of by the earlier rationalists. Their general negative tendency
was to reject, or to explain away, all statements of miraculous
events, and their attempts to explain, rather than reject, such
statements were, in several instances, ridiculous in the extreme.
In their zeal for enlightenment^ they separated light fircm warmth,
188 OUTLINES OE GERMAN LITEBATUBE. [Ck.
and their cold intellectual and ethical system— devised as a sub-
stitute for religion — excluded both feeling and imagination. The
common intuitions found in the highest poetry, as well as in
the superstitions of all peoples, were treated as empty fictions.
Philosophical speculation was ridiculed if it contained anything
better than commonplace. Truth that did not seem obvious to
NiGOLAi, the enlightened bookseller at Berlin, or to Db. Bahrdt
(1741-92), was set at nought.
These and other charges may be justly preferred against several
of the more negative writers on theology. But the earlier ration-
alists must, by no means, be described as writers who strictly
belonged to one school. The last-named author stood almost
alone as an iudecent, burlesque polemic It was with reference
to men who only remotely resembled Bahrdt, that Leasing said of
Berlin, ' all the liberty you enjoy there is that of publishing stupid
jokes against religion.' This may suffice to indicate the fact,
that there was an upper and a lower school' of rationalism. To
the former belonged such men as Wilhklm Abrahaic Telleb
(1734-1804), who published, in 1764, a < Manual of Bational
Christianity/ and another representative of the upper school might
be found in Johaitk Fbibdbich Jerusalem (1709-89), a man of
high culture and one of the best preachers of his time. The
affliction by which his old age was overshadowed — ^his son's suicide
— gave rise to the publication of Goethe's ^ Sorrows of Werther.'
Apart from their negative criticism and from their special tenets,
the more thoughtful men among the earlier rationalists kept
in view, nM>re or less distinctly, a common object It was to assert,
that the essentials of practical religion may be distinguished from
all the traditional forms through which they have been conveyed,
and may be maintained and promulgated without any aid derived
from a systematic orthodoxy, or from an infisdlible church.
In Ecclesiastical history a very extensive work was partly issued
in this period — ' The History of the Christian Church,' by Johaitn
Matthias Sohrockh (1783-1808). The whole work, in thirty-
five volumes, was completed in 1803. The name of JoHAmr
LoREKZ MosHSDC (1694-1755), reminds us that, in his times, the
old prejudices of learned men against ther use of their native
tongue had not disappeared. He was an excellent preacher, and .
could write well in German ; but his chief work— a * History of
the Christian Church'— was written in Latin. In the same
i
XIV.] WETTEBS ON -aESTHETICS. 189
language Jaxob Bbugebb (1696-1770), wrote 'A Critical
Histoiy of Philosopliy/ which is chiefly remarkable for the extent
of its erudition. It appeared in an English translation by Enfield
in 1791.
The historical and didactic worhs already noticed are mostly
characterised by the reformatory tendency of the timee. A dis-
content with the pasty like that then growing formidable in
France, existed also in Germany, near the dose of the eighteenth
century, but here found more subdued forms of utterance in at-
tempts to renovate the style of German Literature. Of all these
endeavours the most suceasful, on the whole, are found in works
belonging to the department of ^Esthetics, including the theory
and the criticism of poetry and art. One of the earliest critics of
the eighteenth century, CHRiSTUiir Lxtdwio Liscow (1701-60),
wrote satires on several of the obscure writers of his times. His
own prose-style was pure and vigorous. — The objects of lesthetic
studies were defined in a Latin treatise entitled '^sthetica'
(1750), written by Alexander Gottlieb BAinceABTEN (1714-
62). His disciple Friedkioh Meier (1718-77), wrote, about the
same time, a German treatise on * The First Principles of the FLue
Arts.' Several years later, Johaw Gbobg Sitlzeb (1720-79),
published ' A Theory of the Fine Arts ; ' but made hardly any
innovation on the doctrines already asserted by Bodmer and his
friend Breitinger. These theoretical works were mostly both
formal and arbitrary. Tbeir theory did not include any true
analysis of the best works of art, and their rules were not derived
from any extensive survey of art and literature.
Lessing*s writings must be noticed apart from those of the
minor critics above named ; but his friend Christoph Feiedrigh
NicoLAi (1733-1811), may be classed with minor writers on
.^thetics. In the capacity of a bookseller and as the friend of
Lessing, Nicolai rendered to literature services &r more important
than any to be found in his own writings. His * Library of Belles
Lettres * (1767), the ' Literary Letters,' to which Lessing contri-
buted (1769-66), and the new * General German Library,* ex-
tending to fifty-six volumes — all contributed to the literary pro-
gress made in his times ; but in his own books, Nicolai made him-
self ridiculous as an intolerant and shallow dedaimer against
philosophy. He wrote scornfully of everything that he could not
easily understand — ^Kant's works for ezample^and set up his own
• 190 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Oh.
notions as the final standai'd of common sense. It must be allowed
that he did not write severely without some provocation, caused
by the literary reyolntiou that took place during his later years.
When * The Sorrows of Werther ' had appeared and had spread a
sentimental epidemic, the sarcastic bookseller issued his ' Joys of
Werther ' — not to ridicule Goethe, but to suggest a cure for the
monomania of the times. It was Nicolai*s misfortune that he
lived beyond his own period into the times when wild young poets,
with Goethe at their head^ were asserting unheard-of claims to
original genius. To ridicule their extravagHnce, Nicolai wrote
his absurd * Story of a Fat Man.' Ela best work, the description
of * A Journey through Germany imd Switzerland/ contains his
own opinions on literature and politics. In his Sebaldtu Noihanker
(1773-76), he wrote mostly against orthodoxy and Pietism. On
the whole, Nicolai was fairly described as a shallow burlesque or
caricature of Lessing. At the close of the eighteenth and in the
opening of the nineteenth century, when such men as Hamann,
Herder, and Goethe were looking onwards for the dawn of a new
epoch, a critic like the Berlin Bookseller was as obsolete as an old
fossil His extinction was not so sudden as that of Gottsched, the
great Leipzig critic ; but it was equally complete.
None of the critics aboye named-:>always excepting Lessing —
had either the genius or the learning required for writing on the
theory of Art and Poetry. Their definitions and their criticisms
were formal, narrow and arbitrary, and they judged works of
genius before they had learned to read them. But there was
living in their times, an obscure man who, while struggling with
extreme poverty, was preparing himself to establish a new school
of (esthetic criticism; nay, to do far more than that — to give life
to the dry bones that had been labelled ' archaeology ' and ' philo-
logy.' He wrote, at first, of ancient sculptures ; but his works
introduced a new epoch in eesthetic theory and criticism, and have
still a living interest in connection with the study of philology.
JoHANir Joachim Winckelmann, the son of a poor shoemaker,
was bom at Stendal in the Altmark in 1717. He educated him-
self, in the midst of great privations and hardships, and, during
his youth, could scarcely gain the means of subsistence. When
thirty-one years old, he was engaged as secretary and assistant
librarian at Dresden, where the treasures of the Art Gallery aided
his studies, but did not satisfy his desire to explore the history of
XIV.] WINCKEl.MANN. 191
ancient art This was the one great object of his ambition, and he
was ready to make almost any sacrifice in order to attain it For him
Home was the centre of the world^ because the richest stores of
art were there collected. Willing not only to leave home but to for-
sake the fatherland where he had suffered so much privation, he e]> •
deavoured to gain an appointment as librarian to Cardinal Pas-
sionei, the owner of tlie most extensive private library in Rome*
One condition indispensable for his success was that Winckelmann
should change his creed. It may be fairly^doubted, whether he ever
had any creed^ except his firm belief in the beauty of ancient
Greek sculptures. He had been formally a Protestant, but his
friends had commonly regarded him as a free-thinker. However,
after some years of hesitation and * with a heavy heart ' (as he
said), he fulfilled the condition, went over to the Roman Church,
and made himself an Italian, in order that he might study ancient
works of art By this conversion he gained the patronage of the
great cardinal, Alexander Albani, one of the wealthiest collectors
of works of art in Rome, who was then busy in enriching the
galleries of his fine villa at Porta Solara. Winckelmann lived in
the cardinal's palace, and was treated as a friend ; but received no
great salary. He, however, had abundant leisure for collecting
materials for his great work on ancient art. In 1763 he was
appointed prssfect of antiquities and, in this capacity, he often
acted as Cicerone to distinguished visitors in Rome. His learning
had widely extended his reputation among Italian and German
students of archaeology, and he received many invitations to visit
friends in the cold northern dime where he had suffered so many
hardships in his youth. He hesitated; but at last, was seized
with a longing to see his native land once more. Accordingly he
left Romo in 1768 and, accompanied by an Italian sculptor named
Cavaceppi, travelled towlirds the north. When they reached the
Tyrolese mountains, Winckelmann seemed oppressed by melan-
choly forebodings, and expressed his earnest desire to return to
Italy. With difficulty he was induced to continue his jom-ney.
He seemed to be, for a time, almost deprived of reason* and
possessed by one fixed thought, that he must return to Rome.
When furUier persuasion was foimd useless, his fellow-traveller
left him in Vienna where he was introduced to the Empress Maria
Theresia, from whom he received a present in gold coins of con-
.fiiderable value. He then travelled towards Trieste^ intending to
192 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEEATUBE. [Gh.
embark there for Venice. On his way to Trieste^ as some accomits
Bay, or in en hotel there, he became acquainted with an Italian
convict named Arcangeli recently discharged from a prison. The
cupidity of this miscreant was excited, it seems, by a sight of
• the gold coins brought from Vienna. On June 8, 1768, Winckel-
mann, stabbed in five places, was found dying in his chamber.
The criminal, Arcangeli, was so soon detected that he failed to
carry off his booty. He was executed a fortnight afterwards.
Winckelmann's first 4^ork, his ' Thoughts on the Imitation of
Grecian Paintings and Sculptures ' (1765), contained the germs
of the ideas that were at last developed in his ' History of Ancient
Art,' written during his residence in Rome and printed at Dresden
in 1764. Its publication was the beginning of a new epoch in the
history and criticism of ancient art. The work soon acquired a
European reputation, and was accepted as a theory as well as a
histoiy of Grecian sculpture. Its erudition and its graceful style
were generally admired, and its disquisitions on the union of an-
cient art with social, political, and religious institutions, suggested
a new style of treating general archaeology. The treatise is
divided into four sections, of which the first is introductory and
explains several circumstances that were favourable to the culture
of Grecian art. Its essential characteristiop are described in the
second part, and its growth and decline in the third. The fourth
section is devoted to the mechanism of art, and is followed by an
accotlnt of ancient painting. Among external causes of the excel-
lence of Greek artists, the influence of a fine climate is noticed ;
but more attention is bestowed on the moral and intellectual
qualities of the Hellenic people and on their forms of govemme;it.
Winckelmann was an enthusiast in his admiration of the ancient
Greeks, and, in describing their character and their institutions^
lie hardly throws any shade into the picture. He tells, with
apparent delight, how they harmonised their physical veith their
mental culture ; how every noble power was developed in their
system of education and especially in their public festivals ; how
men of genius contended for the palm in athletic exercises, and
knew nothing of that contempt of physical life which was intro-
duced in monastic times. Plato was once a wrestler in the
Isthmian games ; Pythagoras gained a prize at Elis, and acted as
the trainer of Eurymenes; homage was paid to the statue of
Eathymus, one of the greatest of all the victon at i^Jis; the
^
XIV.] ANCIENT AET. 193
faculties of men were not confined by minute diyisions of labour ;
a sculptor migbt rise to command an army ; the emperor Marcus
Aurelius received lessons in moral philosophy from a painter ; —
these are some of the facts of which the historian of ancient art
writes with enthusiasm. The following brief passages may serve
to suggest some contrasts between ancient and modem times : —
One great consequence of the general appreciation of beauty among the
Greeks, was that the artiat was not condemned to work to gratify the pride,
vanity, or caprice of any one noble patron ; bat was supported and en-
couraged in the efforts of genius by the general voice of the people. And
this people was not a rude, untaught democracy, but was under the direc-
tion of the wisest minds. The honours which were awarded by public as-
semblies to competitors in art, were in general fairly and intelligently
distributed. In the time of Phidias, there w&s at Corinth, as also at Delphi,
a public exhibition of paintings, over which the most competent judges
presided. Here Panaenus, the rdative of Phidias, contended for a prize
with Timagoras of Chalcis, when the latter proved victorious. Before such
competent adjudicators Aetion produced his painting of * Alexander's
Marriage with Roxana,* and Proxenides, the judge who pronounced the
decision, was so well pleased with the work, that he gave Iiis daughter in
marriage to the painter. Universal fame did not unfairly prevail over
rising merit. At Samoa, in the exhibition, of several paintings of the
' Weapons of Achilles,' the renowned Parrhasius was defeated by a com-
petitor named Timanthes. . . .
Art was chiefly devoted to its highest objects — the exposition of religious
ideas, or of the nobler developments of human life — and did not stoop to
make trivial playthings, or to furnish the private houses of rich men with
ostentatious luxuries ; for rich citizens in the best days of Athens lived in
houses modestly and sparingly furnished, while they subscribed munificently
to raise costly and beautiful statues in the public temples. Miltiades,
Themistocles, Aristides, and Gimon, the chieftains and deliverers of their
country, did not distinguish themselves from their feUow-dtizens by dwell-
ing in grand and expensive houses.
Winckelmann's theory of ancient Greek sculpture is ideal.
He maintains that the artiist studied the intention as well aa the
individual expressions of nature, and that his aim was to make aU
real forms and actions subordinate to a general idea of beauty.
Thus the critic explains the repose and the simplicity of the
finest ancient sculptures; their flowing line of contour, to which
all minor features are made subservient^ and their quiet dignity
when action is represented.
The effects of TVinckelmann's theoiyand critidsm have not
been confined to th« department of sculpture. He gave a new
life to the study of archasology. Some of the beat thoughts in
Lessing's essay^ *The Laokoon/ were suggested by the first
0
194 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEBATTTBE. [Oh.
historian of art. His observations on the union of art with the
Social institutions of ancient Greece are partly applicable to
literature, as well as to art, and suggest an ideal towards which
modem culture should direct its endeavours. Grecian literature
was a Hteratuie of life : it was intimately blended with the life,
the progress, the actual interests of the people. Poets sung, and
historians wrote, as 8culptx)rs and painters worked, not for a few
student., but for the people. Even the highest philosophy as ex-
pounded by Plato, was not purely abstract ; but was interwoven
with human sympathies and social interests. The physical and
the intellectual powers of human nature were harmoniously culti-
vated. The man, in his full and complete definition, was not
sacriBced in order to make a poet, or a musician, or an historian ;
but poetry, philosophy, history, and all the fine arts were em-
ployed to produce the most complete and beautiful development
of human nature. This was the aim which prevailed through the
whole of Grecian culture ; and it is a noble object to restore such
a purpose to modem cultivation.
The writings of Klopstock, Lessing and Wieland unite the lite-
rature of the eighteenth with that of the nineteenth century. Klop-
BTOCE expressed one great idea ; that of a union of Christianity
with a national poetry, and if he failed to realise it, the failure
was nobler than any commonplace success. hisssrsQ developed
the ideal of a national literature, founded on a union of poetry and
speculation, and expressed in artistic forms. Wieland, by the
variety of his subjects and the clearness and fluency of his diction,
distinguished hiniself from the crowd of minor authors who lived
in his times. His succe^., in extending among the higher classes
of society — especially in the south of Germany — a taste for imagi-
native literature, gives to his writings some historical importance.
It is only with a regard to the extent of their power and influenpe,
that Klopstocki Lessing and Wieland^ are classed together in tiie
next chapter*
XYJ KLOPSTOCK. • 195
CHAPTER XV.
BIXTH PERIOD. 1726-1770.
KLOPSTOCK — jaasoxQ — "msLksxn.
Friedrich Gottlibb Elopstoce^ bom at Quedlinburg in 1724,
studied at Schulpforte (one of the best clasdcal schools in Saxony),
where he read not only Greek and Boman authors, but also
Tasso and Milton. In 1745 he went to Jena to complete his edu-
cation, and there made a sketch in prose of some part of his epic,
'The Messias.' In the course of the next year he went to Leipzig,
where he enjoyed the friendship of several of the contributors to
the Bremer Beitrdge, In 1748 there appeared in that literary
journal the first three cantos of * The Messiaa,' a poem in hexa-
meter Terse. The author's name was not given ; but it was soon
known. Bodmer, the Swiss critic, hailed the work, as a realisa^
tion of his own notions of what poetry ought to be, and invited
the writer to come and stay at Zurich. After staying some
months in Switzerland, Klopstock was looking out for a situation
as a teacher, when he received a small pension from Friedrich V.
king of Denmark, and went to live at Copenhagen, with nothing
to do there but to complete his epic. On his journey, he stayed
a few days at Hamburg, and there became acquainted with Meta
Moller, a yoiing woman of considerable literary attainments, whom
he soon afterwards married. Their union was remarkably £appy,
and her death, in 1758, was the greatest sorrow in all the expe-
rience of Klopstock. His pension helped him to live free from
cares and to devote his thoughts to poetry ; yet his progress in
writing the twenty-one cantos of his epic was very slow. He
began his work when he was only twenty-one years old, but did
not finish it until he was forty-six. • The fourth and fifth cantos
appeared in 1761 ; six more were published after an interval of
seven years and the last five cantos were coldly received by the
o2 •
196 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cfl.
public in 1773. It had become more and more apparent, that the
author bad written without a preconceived plan. The sufferings
and the death of the Messias occupied hardly more than half the
work; and in this par6 a want of continuous' narrative interest was
ill supplied by long speeches and conversations. The author
gained a European reputation ; but his poem was not read as a
whole. Goethe tells us, that one of his father's friends used to
read through the first ten cantos of * The Messias ' once in every year,
in the week preceding Easter ; but the wonder is lessened when
it is known that he read hardly any other author, and could
therefore concentrate his attention and patience in that week.
Moreover, these ten cantos are the best haJf of the epic.
In 1792 Klopstock married a widow lady, who had long been
numbered among his best friends. His later years were passed in
comfortable retirement at Hamburg where he died in 1803. He
was buried, with an imposing ceremonial, under a fine linden tree,
and close to the remains of his first wife—' Meta ' — in the village
chilrchyard of Ottensen, near Altona. No German poet had ever
before received such funeral honours. All the bells of Hamburg
and Altona were tolling, and 126 carriages followed the hearse.
A second Shakspere would hardly now receive like honours.
His piety and virtue, as well as his genius and heart-felt
enthusiasm, conspired with the circumstances of his times to cast
a halo round the name of Klopstock. He was like a star, bright
in itself, and having the advantage of rising in the darkest hour
before daybreak. True ; German poetry had already greatly im-
proved in style, but it wanted significance, and Klopstock came to
make it at once national and Christian, as well as to give more
variety to its forms. From his youth he. had felt confidence in
his own genius ; hence his bold choice of so high a theme as
' The- Messias.' His ambition seems to have had an elevating
effect on his own character, for he generally maintained a dignity
becoming the author ol an epic on the greatest of all possible
themes ; yet he was neither a severe pedant nor an ascetic His
work was the result of true enthusiasm , its prevailing spirit was
religious, and had a deep effect on the character of German
literature. In his employn^ent of hexameter verse Klopstock
developed the resources of the German language, especially with
regard to its middle quantities and its secondary accents, and he
must be named ^th Hamler as having introduced a new style for
XV.] KLOPSTOCK. 197
translations and imitations of Greek and Koman poets. But the
genius of Klopstock was lyrical and not epic. Neither the men
nor the angels whom he introduces in the ^ Messias/ have any
true individuality, and, to supply their want of action, they talk,
argue and indulge in long monologues, yet without telling any-
thing of their own characters. Some of the best parts of the poem —
or rather the series of poems — are found in descriptions and similes,
but these, too often, have a life of their own, and are not duly
suboixiinated to the general narration. For example, it is said
that Satan, when he comes to tempt Judas, approaches like a pes*
tilence : —
So at the midnight honr a fatal plagae
Comes down on cities lying all asleep ;
Their people are at rest ; thoogh, here and theie^
A student reads beside his burning lamp
And, here and there, where ruddy wine is glowing,
Good fHends are waking ; some in shadowy boworsi
Talk of their hopes of an immortal life—
None dreaming of a coming day of grief
When brides, too soon made widows, will be wuling
And mothers weeping over orphan babei^—
Here the simile is so far extended that both Judas and Satan
are forgotten. In many passages that might be selected from the
earlier cantos, descriptive sketches, aud similes occur, remarkable
for power and originality of conception. Judas is tempted by
a spirit who, appearing to him in a dream, presents to him a
vision of some fair earthly domains to be divided among the chief
followers of the ' Messias.' Then the portion of land allotted to
the traitor is described as —
A narrow desolate tract of hills and crags.
Wild and unpeopled, overgrown with briars ;
Night, veiled in chilly ever-weeping clouds,
Hangs o er the land, and in its barren clefts •
The drifted snows of winter linger long ;
There birds of night, condemned for aye to share
That solitude with thee, flit through the gloom
And wail among the trees by thunders riven.
That desert, Judas, is to be thine own I
When the traitor has conceived his plan, and has resolved
to execute it, the triumph of his tempter is thus described :^»
With a silent pride^
Satan looked down upon him. O'er the flood
198 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEBATTTBE. [Gb..
So towers some dreadM cliff, and from the eloada,
Looks down upon the waves, all strewn with wrecks
And corpses.
But if isolated passages of interesting Darrative or impassioiied
conversation -were far more numerous than they are^ they could not
make the ^Mesaias/ — viewed in its completeness as an epic poem
— worthy of its theme. Klopstock failed where every poet must
fail. Poetic genius is one of the highest powers of the mind ; but
it is not the highest No imagination^ however exalted and
powerful^ can do justice to such a theme as was chosen by Klop-
stock. For poetical uses better materials may be found in histo-
ries of comparatively trivial purport When viewed historically
and externally, the evangelical narrative is a story of rather more
than a year spent in travelling and preaching on the shores of the
Sea of Galilee. Then follow persecutions directed by the doctors
of the Church ; the people at one time hail, at another forsake
their Messias ; he is falsely accused of insurrection, is delivered ■
into the power of the Romans, and is put to death. A poet must
be very presumptuous, if he changes any of these facts, and what
can he add to them that will not seem out of place P The external
facts are too scanty for a poet's use ; but the thought expressed in
them transcends all powers of imagination. Profound humilia-
tion, united with a calm assertion of boundless authority and
power ; predictions that might seem to have been suggested by a
dream fulfilling themselves in the world; then kingdoms, religions,
philosophies, fading away, and the events of nineteen centuries
servini? to fulfil such prophecies ;— here are wonders that can never
be made more marvellous or more interesting by any array of
mythological imagery. They transcend the resources of poetry.
Klopstock's genius was lyrical, and his best poems are found in
his odes and hymns; epecially in those written in his earlier
years, or before he allowed his study of antique metres to lead him
too far in the use of inversions of the common order of words and
sentences. In several of his later odes, written in Sapphic, Alcaic^
and other ancient classic metres, his style is involved and obscure.
The best odes defy translation ; for their poetical value depends,
in a great measure, on their form. The elegies and several of the
odes addressed to friends are too sentimental ; but this was the
prevailing fault of many writers of the poet's time. They tell us
far too much of t]ieir sighfl and of their ^ weeping eyes,' which
XVJ KLOPSTOOK, 199
seem to Haye been leady for 1106 on all occasions^ however inmgni-
ficant.
Klopstock's dramas deserve notice chiefly on aoconnt of his
good intentions. He wished to introduce a national German
drama, to take the place of imitations^ and^ as he would not accept
Friedrich II. for a hero, he went back into the cloudy times of
remote German antiquity, selected Hermann as a hero, and en-
deayoured to make the old Northern serve instead of Greek
mythology. Confusing the fictions of Macpherson's ' Ossian ' with
the statements of Tacitus, Klopstock began to talk about an im-
cient guild of/ bards ' who never existed, and this fancy gave rise
to several odd rhapsodies written by the modem bards; Kajil
FmsBBicH Ebbtschuann (1738-1809), and Johann Michael
Denis (1729-1800). The former, who styled himself ' The bard
Bhingulph,' wrote a ridiculous treatise on 'The Poetry of the
Bards.' He seems to have been well acquainted with them ; but
where he found facts to support his bold assertions remains
still a profound secret. His friend Dsiris, a Jesuit, but a zealous
admirer of Klopstock, was a patriotic man as well as * a bard,' and
rendered valuable services to the culture of national literature m
Austria. He was a libraiian 9^ Vienna, and was allowed to retain
his place after the suppression of his order. When his friends ex-
pressed their surprise that a Jesuit could be the friend of the Pro-
testant Klopstock, Denis replied to the effect^ that he could see
nothing remarkable in the fact.
These ' bards,' as they called themselves, were not the true
followers of Klopstock. To estimate the influence of his life and
his writings, we must study the literature of times later than his
own. His epic ceased to be read ; but his patriotic feelings and
his Christian sentiments remained operative. The poet's own life
agreed well with his* belief, that the practice ot a literary man
should harmonise with his teaching. He endeavoured to abolish
the notion of treating poetry as a plaything. Though his attempt^
to introduce an old national hero and the old German mythology
failed, they afforded proofs of his independence and his patriotism.
No man ever loved his own native language more than did Klop-
stock. He seems almost too proud of it when he says : — ^let no
living tongue venture to enter the lists with the German I As it
was in the oldest times, when Tacitus wrote of us, so it still
remains — solitary, unmixed, and incomparable t ' When the poet^
200 OUTLINES OF GEBHAK UTERATURK [Oh.
in one of his odes, boldly censured t'riedrich II. for bis neglect of
German poetry, tbe king might bave replied, that a national
existence must precede a national literature. Klopstock could
bave no adequate notion of tbe studies that occupied the attention
of the king. With France and Austria plotting against him, he
might well be excused if be did not rend German poetry. Klop-
8tock*s indignation was more justly directed against 'the idle
luxurious princes,' whom be describes as * obscure in their own
day and, afterwards, still more obscure.' Tbe poet's love of
freedom led him to bail tbe American War of Independence and
the early proclamations of tbe French Revolution.. 'Forgive me,
O ye Franks,' be says, in one of bis odes, ' if I ever cautioned my
countrymen against following your example ; for now I am urging
them to imitate you.' He was about sixty years old when be
wrote in this vein, but be lived long enough to find bis hopes dis-
appointed, and seems to bave been deeply grieved. The verses in
which be gives expressions to bis feelings on the failure of bis
hopes of liberty are earnest but rather prosaic.
Among tbe odes devoted to friendship and love, there may be
found, besides a few weak and sentimental specimens already
referred to, several of a higher character ; but their merits are so
far formal as to defy translation. Tbe following attempt to trans-
late one of the shorter of the odes — 'Early Graves' — written in
antique metres and without rhyme, can give only tbe sentiment of
tbe original stanzas : —
"Welcome, 0 moon, with silver light,
Fair, still companion of the night !
O, fkiend of lonely meditation, stay I
While doads drift o'er thy face, and pasa away.
Still fairer than this summer night
Is young May moming, glad ajid brig^t^
When sparkling dew-drops from his tresses flow.
And all the eastern hills like roses glow.
.
O Friends, whose tombs, with moss o'ergrown.
Remind me, I am left alone,
How sweet for me — ere you were called away —
Were shades of night and gleams of breaking day I
Among tbe best of Klopstock's odes, with regard to their
antique metres^ one in Alcaic stropbesi beginning with the
line:—
Der, wdcher nie fteundschaflUche Bande bracht
XV.] LESSINa. 201
imd ftnother^ in Asclepiadean verse, beginning thus,
SchOn ist. Matter Natnr, deioer Erfindong Pracht,
may be noticed as exAmples of the poet's more studious versifica-
tion. Such odes may, without difficulty, be put into Latin ; foi
the sentiments they express, as well as their metres, have an
antique dignity. In some of his later odes the poet employs con-
structions of words and sentences so intricate that they may afford
practice for advanced students of logical analysis, and may suit
the purpose of examiners who wish to puzzle competitors in trans-
lations from German verse.
^ Elopstock,' says Ilegel; ' was greftt in his thoughts of nation-
ality, freedom, love, friendship and religion. His genius was, in
some respects, limited by the circumstauces of his times ; but, as
an earnest, independent and manly character, he remained without
a rival until the time when Schilleb appeared.' This was said
at the conclusion of a lecture on lyrical poetry, and it is evident
that the great critic confined his attention to writers in that de-
partment of literature. If he had been speaking of the whole of
the German literature of the eighteenth century, he must have
thought of another earnest, mauly, and independent character —
Lessing.
GoTTHOLD EpnBAiu Lessing, the son of a Lutheran pastor
residing at Kamenz in Oberlausitz, was bom there, on January
22, 1720. Ills studies, commenced at the classical school at
Meissen (1741), were continued at Leipzig (1746), and at Berlin
in 1748. During these seven years, his reading was very exten-
sive ; but he found leisure for recreation, and indulged his tast^
for the theatre. In 1753-60 he resided mostly in Leipzig and in
Berlin, where in 1760, he was elected a member of the Academy.
Soon afterwards, he gained an appointment as secretary to the
Governor of Silesia, and went to reside at Breslau. His life there
was so little like that of a book-worm that some plausibility was
given to a false report that he had almost forsaken his studies and
liad turned gambler. But during the five years passed at Breslau,
he produced bis play of Minrui von Bartthelnif and prepared the
materials for other works. In 1767 he went to Hamburg, to assist in
an endeavour to establish a national drama, and there wrote his
Dramaturgies at first published in the form of a theatrical journal.
His project of a reformation of the theatre failed, and he was glad
202 OUTLINES OF OEKMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
to leave Hamburg^ when he leceiyed an appointment as librarian
at Wolfenbiittel. The resources of the great library there gave
full scope to his powers of research) and one of the earlier results
was the publication of a supposed lost treatise on the Eucharist
by Berengor of Tours. In 1776 Lessing married an amiable
widow, with whom he had become acquainted at Hamburg. Her
death in 1778 was one of the greatest sorrows of his life. His
publication of some fragments written by Reimarus, a Rationalist
divine, brought Lessing into the arena of a theological controversy
by which his later years were embittered. To assert his own doc-
trine of toleration he wrote his drama of ' Nathan ' (published in
1779), and his essay <0n the Education of Mankind' (1780),
which still remains the clearest manifesto ever written in favour
6f the principles of a free theology. His latest studies, and
especially his polemical contests had an unfavourable effect on his
health. His cheerfulness and -sociality declined, and, aifter several
severe attacks of illness, he died on February 15, 1781. A statue
of the great critic was placed near the library at Wolfenbiittel in
1706, and another, of colossal size, was erected at Brunswick in
1853 ; but Lessing*s true monument is seen in the best German
Literature of the nineteenth century. It may be safely said, that
the works of other great men belong partly to him. His own col-
lected writings were first published at Berlin in 1771-04, and a
better edition appeared in 1838-40.
Lessing's personal character, which was made the object of
ungenerous censures during his life and after his decease, is shown
clearly enough in his works and in his letters. In the latter are
found evidences that he was a good brother, a kind husband and
a faithful friend. As a literary reformer, he stood alone in his
times, and lived in the world of his own thoughts, remote from
the nan*ow interests of the book-worms and the abstract and
specialist professora of his day. That he was, sometimes, too
severe in his polemical writings, may be freely admitted ; but he
was a disinterested inquirer for truth, and his criticism was mostly
directed against errors and not against persons.
Lessing's best works may be classified as dramatic, critical and
didactic The first of his more important dramas, 'Miss Sara
Sampson' (1755), is chiefly noticeable for the introduction of
scenes from real life in the middle classes. Minna von Bam^
Jidm (1763), was the first truly national drama that appeared on
X7.] LESSIKa'S DBAHAB. 203
tlie Genxian stage. Its background is supplied by the events of
the Seyen Fears' War^ and its purport is generous and conciliatory.
Of a narrow provincial patriotism Lessing would know nothing ;
bis tone throughout the drama is iriendly towards both Saxons
and Prussians. Tellheim, the hero, is a Prussian officer who is
engaged in levying war contributions in a poor district of Saxony,
and who pities and spares the people, for whom he pays money
out of his own resources. After the conclusion of peace^ he Js ac-
(ftised of dishonest dealings with the enemy, is prosecuted and falls
into poverty and military disgrace. His conduct has, however,
won more than the admiration of Minna, a Saxon lady, to whom
he has been betrothed during the war. She now comes forward
to aid him ; but he will not allow her to share in his disgrace and
poverty. Minna endeavours to change his resolution, at first by
reasonings, but, afterwards, by the stratagem of pretending to be in
needy drcumstanoes and in want of a defender. It is hardly necessary
to add, that her plot has a successful conclusion. The exposition of
the drama is clear, and its action— thougb too much retarded in
the tbird act — ^moves on well in other parts; while several .mipor
incidents are skilfully made useful in leading to the result. It
must be regretted that the author did not write more dramas of
this class. His next important work 1b of another type. He had
planned, before 1760, a tragedy on the old Roman story of Vir-
ginia, and thiB work, modernised and otherwise changed, so as to
serve a concealed purpose, appeared as the tragedy of ^ Emilia
Qalotti/ in 1772. Its scenes are laid in Italy ; but the purport is
an exposure of the vices and the tyranny of a corrupted aristocracy,
wherever found. The style is laconic, realistic, and often made
very powerful by condensation. Nothing can be more painful
than the conclusion ; but the exposition and the development of
the crisis make the catastrophe inevitable. The innocent victim
is first made to appear guilty of a crime of which she never
dreamed ; she is deprived of liberty, and is artfully surrounded by
deadly intrigues planned by a creature — ^Marinelli — for the licen-
tious Prince who employs him. At this moment, Odoardo, the
father of the heroine, gains a brief interview with his daughter,
Emilia, for whom there is now only one way of escape : —
Odoardo. The thoaght that under a show .of law and justice — 0 the
infernal mocker}* I— theywill tear you from my bosom — carry you away
to the house of Grimaldi t
201 • OUTLINES OP GEKMAN LITERATURE. fCM.
EmUia, They will tear me away, yon say — ^to carry m^ thither ? They
will, vou say, as if, father, tre had no will I
Odoardo, It made me mad ; I seized this (Ae »how9 a dagger) to piense one
of the two ! . . .
Emilia. Give the steel to me father.
Odoardo. Child, this is no hair-pin to play with
Emilia. Give it to me father. Now give it me I
Odoardo. There I — I give it — there I
iShe U about to Hab her$el/t when he tnat^et
awaif the dagger, . . .
She pluekt a rote from her head-dreit a§d
tears it to pieee*, while she tpeaJu in a bU-
ter tone.}
Emilia, In the old times, there lived a father who, to save his child, buried
the steel in her bosom, and so gave her liftB a second time. It is an old story 1 .
Such fathers once lived ; but there are none like them now ! *
Odoardo, Tea, yes, there is, at least, one— {he ttabe Emilia)— GiA I what
have I done ? {ShefalU into his arms.)
EmUia. Broken off the rose before it waa blighted. Let me kiss that
father's hand.
[The Prince and MarineUi titter the room."]
Prince, What is here t Emilia — ^what has hart her ?
Odoardo. She is well— quite well.
Prince, {stepping nearer to Odoardo,)
Terrible 1 what is this I
Marinem. Oh I
Prince, Horrible father I what is this youVe done ?
Odoardo. I've culled a rose before the storm could blight it. Is it not so
my daughter ?
Emilia. Not you, father — I myself—
Odoardo. Not so, daughter — say not that as you leave this world. Twaa
your father ! — 'Twas your own miserable father I
{She diesj he gentlf taps her corpse on the Jloor.}
Now Prince, step hither ! Look there ! . . . Tou expect that 1 shall con-
clude this, like a common trl^;edy, by burying this sted in my own heart.
You mistake me. — ^There I {He Jiings down the weapon.) There Ilea the red-
dened witness of the crime. And now to the dungeon — and then to my
trial, with you, Prince, for my judge ! and then — ^yonder ! — I summon you
to appear before the Judge of aU mankind. . . .
The attack on bad princes and a corrapt aristocracy was partly
concealed in the tragedy of ' Emilia GalottL' The purport of
Leesing's last drama, * Nathan the Wise' (1779), was s6 evident
and attracted so much attention that it served to cast into the
shade the artistic merits of the plot. Among the leading charac-
ters, Saladin, the Mussulman, Nathan the Jew, and a Christian
Templar — all separated by their creeds — are bound together by
mutual good services. ' The interest of the drama concentrates
itself in the story of < The Three Rings '^borrowed from a novel
XV.] NATHAN. 205
by Boccaccio — whicli is made to serve aa a text from whicb to
preach the duty of univeTsal religious toleration. * Nathan ' was
the result of Lessing's own experience of tlieological controversy,
and this explains the fact that its purport is too manifest. It may
be doubted whether, apart from such experience, his own critical
judgment would have commended such a prevalence of the
didactic element as is found in this drama. He was so earnest in
his wishes for its success that he wrote : — ' health and happiness
for the place where " Nathan " shall, first, be represented I '
Nothing more can be said here of the doctrine Implied in
'Nathan; ' bnt a quotation may show somethin<ip of its dramatic
power. In the fifth scene of the third act, Nathan, a liberal
Israelite, Tamous for his wisdom, is summoned to appear before the
Sultan, Saladin, in his palace. The Israelite expects that some
loan of money will be demanded, and is, therefore, surprised, when
he finds that the Sultan wishes to talk of the three creeds pro-
fessed in Palestine. ' Of these three only one can be true/ sajs
Saladin, who now commands Nathan to state, in confidence, his
own sincere belief. The Israelite, requests that, before he gives
a direct answer, he may be allowed to recite a parable^ and when
permission has been given, he thus proceeds : —
In the oldest times, and in an eastern land.
There lived a man who had a predous rhig.
This gem — an opal of a hundred tints —
Had such a virtae as would make the wearer
Who trusted it, beloved by God and man.
What wonder, if the man who had this ring
Preserved it well, and, by his will, declared
It should for ever in his house remain ?
At last when death came near, he called the son
Whom he loved best, and gave to him the ring,
With one strict chaige ; — * My son, when yon must die^
Let this be given to jour own darling child —
The son whom yon love best — without refi^rd
To any rights of birth.* — Twas thus the ring
Was always passed on to the best-beloved.
Sultaim t you understand me ? —
Saladin. Yea. Goon!—
Nathan. A father, who, at last possessed this ring
Had three dear sons—all dutiful and true —
All three alike bcloved.^But, at one time.
This son, and then another, seemed most
Most worthy of the ring ; and it was given.
By promLje, ilrst to Uiis you, then to that,
206 OUTLINES OF GERSIAN LITEKATUBE. [Os.-
Until it migbt be cUiimed by aH tbe tbree.
At last, when death drew nigh, the father felt
His heart distracted bj the doubt to whom
The ring was due. He could not favour one
And leave two sonn in grief ! How did he aet ?
He called a goldsmith in, gave him the gem.
And bade him make ezactlj of that form,
Two other rings, and spare nor cost nor pains
To make all three alike. And this was done
So well, the owner of the first, true ring
Could find no shade of difiference in the thieet
And now he called his sons— one at a tim^«
He gave to each a blessing and a ring —
One of the three — and died —
SiUadin, Well, well. Go on.
. Nathan, My tale is ended. Yon may guess the sequel :-—
The father dies ; immediately each son
Gomes forward with his ring, and asks to be
Proclaimed as head and ruler of the house ;
All three assert one claim, and show their rings-
All made alike. To find the first — the true —
It was as great a puzzle as for us —
To find the one true faith.
Saladm. Is that, then, all the answer I must have ?
• Nathan. 'Tis my apology, if I decline
To act as judge, or to select the ring —
The one, true gem, of three all made alike ;
All given by one —
Saladin, There 1 talk no more of ' rings.'—
The three religions that, at first, were named
Are all distinct — aye, down to dress — ^food — drink —
Nathan. Just so ! and yet their claims are all alike^
As founded upon history, on facts
Believed, and handed down from sire to son,
Uniting them in faith. Can we— the Jews-
Distrust the testimony of our race ?
Distrust the men who gave us birth, whose love
Did ne'er deceive us ; but, when we were babea^
Taught ua, by means of fables, for our good?
Must you distrust your own trwe ancestors.
To flatter mine ?-H)r must a Christian doubt
His father's words, and so agree with ours ? —
Saladm, Allah ! — the Israelite is speaking truth,
And I am silenced—
Naihan, Let me name the rings
Once more t— The sons at la<tt, in bitter strife,
Appeared before a judge, and each declared
He had the one true gem, given by his father ;
All said the same, and all three spoke the trutiii
Each, rather than suspect his father's word.
Accused his brethren of a fraud —
XV.] " NATHAK. 207
Saladin, What then ?^
What sentence conld the judge prononnce ? — Go on.
NcUhan, Thus said the judge ;— 'go, bring your father here;
Let him come forth ! or I dismiss the case.
Must I dt guessing riddles ! — must I wait
Till the true ring shall speak out for itself? —
Bnt stay t — 'twas said that the authentic gem
Had virtue that could make its wearer loved
By God and man. That shall decide the case.
Tell me who of the three is best beloved
By his two brethren. SilentV — Then the ring
liath lost iU charm !— Each claimant loves himself
But wins no love. The rings arc forgeries ;
'TIS plain, the first, authentic ^em was lost ;
To keep his word with you, and hide his loss,
Your father had these three rings made — these threes
Instead of one — *
Salfidin, Well spoken, judge, at last I
NcOhan, * But stay,* the judge continued ;— * hear one woid— •
The best advice I have to give ; then go. —
Let each still trust the ring given by his father ! —
It might be, he would show no partial love ;
He loved all three, and, therefore, would not give
The ring to one and grieve the other two.
Go, emulate ;our father's equal love.
Let ear'h first test bis ring and show its power ;
But aid it, while you test ; be merciful.
Forbearing} kind to all men, and submit
Your will to God. Such virtues shall increase
Whatever powers the ring^i themselves may have ;
When these, among your late posterity,
Have shown their virtue— in some future time,
A thousand thousand years away from now—
Then hither come again ! — A wiser man
Than one now sitting here will hear you then.
And will pronounce the sentence — *
ScUadin, Allah tAUahl
Nathan, Now, Saladin, art thou that * wiser man t
Art thou the Judge who will, at last, pronoonoe
The sentence ? —
iSaladin greup* Jfathan*$ hand, and hoUtt
to the end qf the convereationj]
Saladin, 1 the judge ? — I'm dust t I'm notjiing I
rris Allah I — Nathan, now I understand ;
The thousand thousand years have not yet passed |
The Judge is not yet come ; I must not place
Myself upon His throne I I understand —
Farewell, dear Nathan I Go.— Be still my friend.
. Lxssnre was one of the greatest of critics and and polemical
imtexB. He had the power of placing himself fairly in the
208 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
position of his antagonist, and could make a true analysis of an
antithesis serve as a development, of his own thesis. The style of
his critical writings is not a dress put upon his thoughts, but a
medium so transparent, that we never think of it It is dialectic
and dramatic ; thoughts arise one after another, in an inevitable
order, and converse together, or contend, until the strongest gains
the mastery, and asserts itself clearly as the victor. The opposites
of all the faults commonly found in writers on metaphysics and
(esthetics are found in Lessing's prose.
Of the contents of his critical works it is hard to give, within
our limits) any fair summary. He began with an exposure of the
errors of critics who had confounded poetry with descriptive and
didactic writings, and be assigned to such fables as Bodmer and
others had praised too highly their proper, subordinate place.
Lessing's own fables are remarkably concise, and so clear that tbey
want no appendices. Here, for example, is one of the shortest,
which he addressed to imitative writers : —
' Name any animal so clever that I cannot imitate him/ said the ape to
the fox. ' Tell me/ said the fox, ' wbere is there any animal so contempti*
ble, that he would think of imitating you.'
In Virgil's story of the Priest Laokoon and his sous, the father,
while he wrestles with the python, utters loud cries ; but in the
well-known work of sculpture representing the dreadful crisis, the
central figure has no distortion of the face. Leasing, in his
Laokoon^ makes use of these facts to show the difference between
poetry on one side, and sculpture and painting on the other. Epic
poetry, he contends, must narrate events ; painting and sculpture
represent co-existent objects. In poetry the expression of extreme
pain may be allowed, for it passes away ; in sculpture, where it
would be fixed for ever, it is out of place. Hence repose is the
' essential characteristic of ancient sculpture, as Winckelmann had
already contended. Painting may indicate action, when the artist,
though representing one moment in a series of events, suggests its
antecedent and its result So far painting may resemble poetry.
Again, as the poet speaks of bodies as well as of actions, he may
touch on the province of painting, when he applies to objects
"their descriptive epithets; but he must not dwell on descriptions.
Jn other words, he must not try to do in words and tones what the ^
painter can do, far more successfully, in outlines, shades and
XV.J POETEY AND PAINTINa. 209
colours. The two arts are sisters ; but thay mast erer be dedrly
distinguiabed. * I should have no fai th in my theory/ says Lessing,
'if I did not find it confirmed by Homer's practice/ The critic
then analyses the epic style of the Hind, and especially notices
that while events are fully narrated no long descriptions are given
of the objects connected with the story .... A ship, for ex-
ample, is mentioned as ' the black ship/ the ' hollow/ or ' the
well-rowed black ship.' Of the stationary object Homer says no
more ; but when he speaks of an action, or of a series of actions,
connected with a ship— such as rowing, embarking, or landing-
he tells its story so fully that, if a paints would represent the
whole, he must divide it into ^tq or six pictures. When the
poet would give us a notion of Agamemnon's dress, he makes the
king clothe himself, putting on one garment after another and, at
last, grasping his sceptre ; and how is the sceptre introduced P —
Does Homer try to paint, in words, its golden studs and its
carvings ? No ; he gives its history, and tells us how it first came
from the forge of Vulcan ; how it then shone in the hand of Zeus,
and was handed down by Hermes to the warlike Pelops, and so,
at last, came into the possession of Atreus, the shepherd of his
people.
Such notes as the above, may indicate the character of Lessing's
theory of epic poetry. His contributions to the criticism of. the
drama are not less valuable. In his Hamburgiscke Dramaturgie
(1767-68), which was started as a theatrical journal and review,
Lesdng exposes the errors of theorists who had misconceived
Aristotle's doctrine of tlie three unities. He shows that the unities
of time and place were not alv^ys observed by the best Greek
dramatists, while he establishes his own doctrines on the authority
of Aristotle and on examples taken from the Greek dramatists, and
from Shakspere and Calderon. He denounces imitations of
French models ; but by no means speaks altogether contemptuously
of the French theatre. Its best writers might have attained the
highest honours in tragedy, he says, if they had not regarded them
as already attained. Of French comedy Leasing writes with a
full appreciation of its excellence.
These outlines give no adequate notion of the grasp of thought,
the wide research and the extensive reading found in the critical
works on which Lessinpfs reputation is founded. He denounced
the poetry of adjectives cultivated by descriptive versifiers; he
p
210 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
exposed the dogmatic character of Gottsched's theory ; the decla-
mation issued as criticism by Bodmer ; the sentimentalism and
want of artistic form in Klopstock's epic, and the prosing of the
fabulists, who wished to make a pulpit of poetry ; but in all this
apparently negative work, his purport was neither satirical nor
destructive : he was building while he was pulling down, he at-
attracted the attention of readers to the surpassing genius of
Shakspere and, while denouncing slavish imitation, he demanded
a profound respect for the great works of antiquity. In a word,
he. gave to literature an inspiring idea which has been already
partly developed, and is still going on towards its full realisation.
* Every great work that has been done in the world,' says Hegel,
'has been done through the might of'an idea.'' The labours of
Lessing supply strong proofs of that doctrine.
Soon after the Laokoon was published (1766), it was reviewed
by Prof. Klotz, a man of extensive uttainments in history, who
had written a treatise on 'The Uses of Antique Gems.' Lessing,
in his reply to the reviewer, attacked — unjustly, as erudite
specialists have said — the reviewer's bool^ on antique gems, and
wrote several polemical lectures addressed to Klotz, which Were
afterwards collected as * Antiquarian Letters ' (1768-69). Their
tone is, sometimes, very severe ; but it should be remembered that
Klotz was an abusive critic. In reviewing a book, he had
described the author as a fraudulent and intemperate wine-
merchant, who bad run away from his creditors, and had been
reduced to starvation.
«
Shut out from the discussion of politics, German professors in
Lessing's day too often expressed in their literary controversies
such angry feelings as now find a vent in the strife of factions. It
has been regretted that Lessing expended his energy on unworthy
topics and was not allowed to write freely on political affairs.
Some indications of what he might have done in this way may be
found in the interesting conversations which appeared under the
title, ' Ernst and Falk ' (1778). Falk is a freemason, and pleads
for the formation of an Litemational Union, intended to supply
the defects of all local forms of government and to prevent war.
States, he argues, must have their boundaries and their several
tendencies to make themselves insular. Their relations with each
other ai*e, therefore, constantiy in danger of assuming a hostile
character. What is wanted, to lessen the harshness of their
XV.] LESSINO. 211
divisions, is a union of catholic men^ whose sympathies have no
local bounds^ and whose good will embraces the world. It might
be thought, that religion should supply such a bond of nations ;
but instead of religion, says Falk, we have religions, and it is too
well-known, that they have made wider the separation of one .
people from another. Hence the want of a free union of men,
meeting, not as German, French and English, but as men, and
united, not by sympathy alone — ^ as in an invisible Church * — but
also by an organifiation founded on catholic ideas. This argu-
ment is very skilfully conducted by Falk ; especially in the second
dialogue in which Ernst is unconsciously led round to assert^
at last, the doctrine which he denied when the discussion was
commenced.
The controversy in which Lessing was engaged during the
later years of his life, excited him to write the series of eleven
letters entitled ' Anti-Goetze ' (addressed to a pastor named Goetz,
residing at Hamburg), and the philosophical essay ^On the Edu-
cation of Mankind.' The claim of Lessing to the authorship
of this work has been recently disputed; but no ground has
been shewn for believing that any other man of the eighteenth
century could have written it. If it is briefly noticed here, it is
because, though the style is concise, the speculatiye purport is far
too extensive to be fairly treated within any narrow limits. The
hundred paragraphs of which the essay consists contain thoughts
that might be beaten out into as many volumes. Indeed, this
work has been done by the German writers who represent the •
school of free theology; but the' original essay may still be viewed
as the best aad clearest manifesto of their school. All the reli-
gious controversies of Germany appear to be reducing themselves
to one; between the principles of toleration maintained in this
essay and the claims of a personal infallibility asserted by the
Jesuits.
When viewed apart from its advocacy of religious toleration,
Lessing's brief treatise is still important; for it contains the
germs of several far more extensive, but not more luminous, works
on the philosophy of history. The honour ascribed to Herder, of
having first opened that field of research must be restored to
Lessing. His pi'actical purport is to contend for a toleration
of all differences of opinions, to recommend the exercise of patience
in the midst of religious and other eiTors, and, lastly^ to assert
p2
212 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATTJIIE. [Ch,
his own trust in a slow but sure progression of the human race,
in both knowledge and Tirtue. A. gradual revelation of truth,
he argues, is the best possible education for mankind. The pro-
cess may be slow; but the straight line, says Leasing, is not
always pwtctically th.e shortest. How do we know all that Provi-
dence has to do with men besides leading them onwards P How
do we know, that seeming deviations from the direct line of pro- |
gress, and even some retrogressions, may not be necessary P Then
arises the question ; for the men whose lot it has been to live in
the darker times of a progressive revelation, what consolation can
there be found in the belief that, for others, the daylight will, at
last, appear P To this Lessing replies by a bold suggestion, that
men may possibly be allowed to return to this world, in order to
amend their errors and to fulfil their best aspirations. To console
those who deplore the time apparently lost by mankind, in their
purauit of errors, Lessing — speaking as a representative of the
human race — declares finally, that the time so lost can be well
afforded; 'for,' says he, 'is not the whole of eternity still
ours?'
In this, his last work, Lessing stands on his own ground, and
must not be vaguely clirssed with the Rationalists of the
eighteenth century. When he refers to three of the doctrines of
orthodoxy which have often been described as opposed to reason,
he suggests that these may, some day, be made clear. He speaks
with respect even of the mystics of the fourteenth century, and of
some visionaries who have looked for a speedy Millennium, he
has nothing more severe to say than that they had a propbetib-
dream, and expected, too impatiently, its fulfilment.
Lessing had not entered the arena of controversy with impunity.
' * Candide ' and other works by Voltaire hardly brought on their
writer such reprobation as fell on the author of ' Nathan ' in the
last two years of his life. Gossips went from house to house
among his friends, and warned them to shun his errors, and after his
death, his friends had to suffer for their respect to his memory.
Fbisbbich HiOKBiOH Jaoobi, who had a taste for polemical
excitement, though he wrote in a sentimental style, founded en
some words ascribed to Lessing a charge of ' pantheism.' Los-
sing's friend Mendelssohn,- whose character suggested that of
' Nathan,' was an invalid at the time ; but he came forward to
repel the charge, exhausted his strength in the controversy, and
XV.] WIELAOT). 213
sacrificed his life to his respect for the memory of LESsora.
Amongp the prose-writers and moralists of his times, there was
hardly a character more amiable than that of Mendelssohn. The
gratitude of his Israelite friends for his efforts in their behalf —
especially in favour of a more liberal education — ^was rather ex-
travagantly expressed when they said; 'from Moses to Moses
there was none like Moses.' Three of his sons were eminent men,
and one of his grandsons was the accomplished and amiable
musician Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy.
Elopstock was a poet, but he knew little of the rules of poetic
art. Leasing was not a poet, in the higher sense of the name ;
but he was a true and genial critic. If the genius of Klopstock
had been always guided by Lessing's judgment, a greater poem
than ' The Messias/ might have been produced in the eighteenth
century. Klopstock and Leasing were literary reformers. The
writer of 'The Messias' kindled enthusiasm; the author of the
Laokoon, wrote to unite deep thought with artistic beauty. These
men represented the kindred powers of warmth and light ; of life
and order. Klopstock suggested that poets should employ their
powers on worthy themes, and Lessing taught them how to
write. The insjaration of the poet and the enlightenment of the
critic were derived from one source and employed to one end.
They were idea] men, and had thoughts that united their labours
with the interests of a future literature.
No such ideas inspired Webland. The chief duty of a literary
man, as he understood it, was to amuse his readers, and to fulfil it
he must be, in the first place, conciliatory ; he must adapt both
his subject and his style toT'the fashion of his times. The taste of
many readers in the higher classes of society was still French
when Wieland began to write fictions. German literature had
been cultivated, and its style had been improved, but its topics
must be changed, in order that it might be introduced to courts
and to the higher circles. Wieland saw the necessity of this
change, and while he wrote with gracefulness and vivacity in
verse and prose, he extended greatly the range of topics found in
light literature. He borrowed his materials from ancient and
medisBval times, and from modem European fiction, and treated
them in a style adapted to the tastes of the upper classes. For
them the enthusiasm and the Christian sentiment of Klopstock
wefe tiresome, and they complained^ not without a cause, of his
214 OUTLINES OF GEHMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
pompons and flometimes intricate style. No faults could be found
in Lessing's style ; but the great critic was a close thinker and
-wished to make bis readers think. This was in itself intolerable,
and, moreover; he had the fault of refusing to write on such topics
as the aristocracy cared for. A restoration of the ancient cha-
racter of the theatre, as a national institution, and a union of old
and true forms of art with the growth of modem literature ; —
these were not subjects to attract the attention of many among
the refined classes. Wieland understood their prejudices, and he
wrote to suit them^ He had been educated partly under the
influence of pietism ; but he had liberated himself from its re-
straints, and had become as free in the treatment as in the choice
of subjects. This change in both style and purport took place,
apparently, so suddenly that it excited some surprise among
literary men. Bevere critics even called the new writer a Pari»an
of the time of Louis XV.
Ohristoph Martin Wielawd, the son of a Lutheran pastor,
was bom near Biberach in 1783. During his course of studies,
at a school near Magdeburg and at the University of Tubingen, he
read extensively in French and English, as well as in ancient
literature, and wrote verses. His love of poetry gained for him
an introduction to Bodmer of Ziirich, in whose house he lived two
years, devoting his time mostly to verse-writing on serious themes.
He began one epic on ' Cyrus,' and completed another on ' The
Trial of Abraham.' At this time, he was, formally, Pietistic, an^
wrote, in a work called 'The Sentiments of a Christian,' some
severe criticisms on light literature. But, after leaving Ziirich,
Wieland seemed to forget all the teachings of Bodmer and other
serious advisers. The society to which the young poet gained
access, when he went to live at Biberach, included several friends
whose tastes in literature were opposed to everything severe or
Pietistic. Wieland now read French romances, became more conr
versant with English literature, translated fluently several ot
Shakspere's plays, and began to write fiction in a style that was new
in German literature. In his tale of 'Don Sylvio' (1764), he
cast ridicule on professors of Pietism, which he now called fana-
ticism. He still had a didactic purport ; but it was no longer
serious, for he pleaded in favour of a well-regulated Epicurean
practice, founded on such philosophy as might be stated In a few
Horatian stanzas. He wrote playfully against severity tnd dog-
XV.] WIELANFS "WOEKS. 215
matism and, especially, exposed tbe danger o( extremes in
opinions or in practice. In his 'Aspasia' lie suggested that
ascetic piety might lead to sensuality. These yiews were ex-
pressed in a style so new and lively that it was said, | Wieland's
muse had cast off her nun^s attire and had dressed herself as a
fashionable dame.' • Lessing jocosely said that ' she had forsaken
heaven.'
In 1772 Wieland went to Weimar, where he was engaged as
tutor to the sons of the Duchess. He established there his
literary joiymal, ' The German Mercury/ which was soon regarded
as an authority and had a long success In his later years Wie-
land still wrote on industriously, though his popularity was
opposed by the poets of the Hainbtmd, and by the (so-called)
' men of original genius.' The tendencies already indicated in his
poems ' Musarion ' and ' The New Amadis/ weie continued in the
prose romances written during his long residence in and near
Weimar. Here, surroimded by literary friends and placed in
easy circumstances, he. maintained his literary activity to an ad-
vanced age, and died in 1813. Goethe, as a member of the
Amelia Lodge, pronounced a masonic eulogium on the character
of Wieland, who had been generally respected for his kindly
temper, his tact and his conciliatory address. Friedrich Jacobi
asserted that, of all the literary men of the time, * Wieland was
the only one who was not envious of Goethe's superiority.'
This statement could hardly be true in its full extent ; but it in-
dicated one of the best traits in Wieland's personal character.
His literary industry was extraordinary, and the quantity of work
he performed made the care in polishing his style remarkable. To
say nothing of his earlier works, he wrote, after 1772, his best
poem ' Oberon,' his * Stories and Fairy Tales,' the WvUermdrcha%
and the Sommermarchenf and several other productions in fluent
verse, besides his prose romances 'Agathon,' 'The Abderites,'
' Aristippus,' and two others which, though written when he was
seventy years old, are good specimens of his style. In 1793 and
later, he phblished his collected works in forty-two volumes. He
translated the epistles and satires of Horace, .the whole of the
works of Lucian, Cicero's Letters and several of the comedies of
Aristophanes.
* Thoughts may be characterised by an inane depth as well as
by an inane expansion,' says Hegel. From the first of these de-
216 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
fecta Wieland is comparatively free, for he seldom attempts to be
profound \ but he is too often verbose. His purport is clear and
so easily understood, that his prolix repetitions of attempts to ex-
plain his meaning are tedious. Though he is seldom severe, he is
didactic, and he too often comes forward to interrupt his own
work as a story-teller. If he. is ever earnest, it is in warning his
readers of the unhappy tendencies of Pietism. He hardly could
forgive the teachers who led him to study in a severe school
during his youth, and the object of several of his works is to ex-
expose the errors of that school. In his poems, ' Musarion,' ' the
Graces ' and ^ Lamented Love,' he repeats, again and again, his
censure of ascetic notions of virtue. In the last-named of these
poems, Cypid is expelled from heaven, and the Graces go with
him ; but the place is found so dull without them, that they are
soon urged to return. ^Musarion' (1768), is less prolix than
some of Wieland's early works. Goethe read it with delight^
when he was hardly twenty years old. It tells the story of a
youth who, by severe early discipline, is led to retire from
society, but soon £nds out that he is not well qualified for a
hermit's life. In ' The New Amadis ' — another work in verse —
the difficulty of finding wisdom and beauty united in one person
is playfully described, and the hero, after a vain search for such
perfection, marries a plain and intelligent wife. This condusioo,
however dull, is the most edifying part of the story, of which some
details are treated with great licence.
The tendency of ' Agathon,'ji romance in prose, is polemical as
well as didactic, and the style is in some parts tiresomely verbose.
The writer is severe, but only against severity, and again d^
nounces the stem doctrines which had been impressed on his
memory in early life. These are now represented by the teachings
of an antique philosophy. Agathon, a Greek youth, is educated at
Delphi and, afterwards, lives at the court of Dionysius, where he
learns to regard as impracticable all the moral theories of his early
teachers. The lessons conveyed by the story are often given in a
direct form, so as to interrupt the narrative.
Wieland's best and most artistic work — ' Oberon,' a romantic
poem — ^has its scenes in the East and in Fairy Land. Three dis-
tinct stories are well united so as to form a whole ; for each
depends on the others. The adventures of the hero and the.
beroine — ^Huon and Bezia — are sMlfuUy blended with the story of
XV.] WIELANDS WORKa 217
the quarrel and the reconciliation of Oberon tzid Titania, and th'?
whole ploty though complicated, is made clear. Goethe said ; 'as
long as gold is gold, and crystal is crystal, Oberon will be admired.'
On the other side, severer critics have described the poem as
merely fantastic and destitute of strong interest in its motives.
The author, it is said, treated medisBval and romantic legends and
fairy tales in a superficial and ironical manner, and gained his
popularity by assuming a light, mock-heroic style.
In his antique romance 'The Abderites' (1774), Wieland
chose a subject in harmony with his playful style. He made
here no pretence of truly describing life in ancient Greece, but em-
ployed an assumed antiquity as a mere yell for light satire on the
petty interests and the foibles of provincial life. In his account
of Abdera he made use, probably, of his own recollections of
Biberach, his native place. The Abderites ase people ironically
styled wise ; they erect a fountain, with costly sculptures, where
there is no water, and place a beautiful statue of Venus, of life-
size, on a pedestal eighty feet high, < so that it may be well seen
by all travellers coming towards the town.' They were not
solitary in this latter absurdity. One of the best p.irts of the
stoTy describes the theatrical tastes of the Abderites. The read ^r
is introduced to their theatre when the ' Andromeda ' of Euri-
pides ii represented as an opera, and with a text reduced and
modified ' to suit the music and the singers.' The composer has
given free tickets to all his relatives, who applaud every part ot
his work. The tenor, who takee the part of Perseus, is cheered
80 loudly that he loses the key, forgets the melody, and wins
mpplause again by substituting an aria from, the ' Cyclops.' The
eoprauo, Eukolpis^ represents Andromeda, and when bound to the
rock and exposed to the anger of the Nereids, repeats her sad
monologue thrice, in order to introduce again and again some
florid passages supposed to be like the notes of a nightingale.
* Whatever she has to express — laughter or weeping, grief or
anger, hope or fear — the nightingale's notes and trills must always
be introduced and they are always sure of winning an encore.'
But the long account of the great law-suit at Abdera is the most
amusing part of the stoxy, and is as good as anything written by
Wieland. He tells us that, in Abdera, there was only one
surgeon-dentist. He had an extensive practice in the neighbour-
hood, and trayeUed, in a lowly fashion, from place to place. On
218 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
one occasion^ he hired an ass and its driver to carry his small bag-
gage across a wide heath. It was a hot and bright summer's day;
there was neither tree nor bush to cast a foot of shade anywhere,
and the weary surgeon-dentist was glad to sit down and rest a
while in the shadow cast from the figure of the ass. Against this
appropriation of a shade the driver, who was also the owner of the
ass, made a protest, to the effect, that he had sold the services of the
ass and his own ; but that nothing had been said in the bargain
about any such use of the shadow ! The dentist must^ therefore,
either come out of the shade, or pay something extra for its use.
As he refused to do so, a law-suit followed ; the best lawyers of
Abdera were employed on each side ; both the claimant and the
defendant were strongly supported by theilr respective friends, and
the whole population of the town was soon divided into two
parties, styled respectively, * Asses * and ' Shadows,' So bitter
was their enmity, that an * Ass ' would not sit down at the same
table with a 'Shadow.' The conclusion may be •found in the
twentieth volume of Wieland's collected works. His account of
the process occupies half the volume ; but prolixity may here be
excused; for the humour of the report connsts partly in its length,
and a satire on the tediousneas ' of law-suits can hardly be
exaggerated.
Wieland's opinions on society and government are expressed
most fully in his 'Qolden Mirror' (1772). Its politics are bor-
rowed from Bousseau and Voltaire, and its form is partly an imi-
tation of one of Crebillon's works. The French Revolution made
an end of Wieland's notions of easily establishing an Utopia on a
negative basis. All the evils of society, he says, ' have arisen
from tyranny and superstition ; ' but of the origin of these parent
evils he has little to tell. In ^ Peregrinus Proteus,' he ridiculed
fanatics and had, it is said, an especial reference to Lavater, whose
odd and difficult character he does not fairly describe. The tale
is narrated in the form of a dialogue between Peregrinus and
Lucian, who meet in Hades. The fanatic tells the adventures of
his life, and Lucian listens with ironical interest, or adds, now and
then, a satirical commentary. In ' Aristippus,' a romance written
in the form of letters, Lais is one of the leading characters intro-
duced. The author makes here some attempts to write in an
antique tone, but gives us, once more, his own worn and too
familiar doctrines on the art of enjoying life. He lepresenta utility
XV.] WIELANDS CTJTICS. 219
as the test of truth, and pleasure as the object to be Bought by
virtue. In morals he still dislikes soTeritj, and he especially
censures dogmatism. 'If a man could be found as old as Nestor/
says Wieland, * and seven times as wise as all the seven sages/ he
would deliver his opinions with a tone of caution, ' which might,
perhaps, be condemned as too much like scepticism/
Wieland's writings have been praised by the critics who have
chiefly regarded his fluent and easy style, while his moral pur-
port has been severely censured by writers of another class.
There are German authors who would describe as obsolete such
poems and romances as 'Musarion' -and 'Agathon/ which, how-
ever, have still some historical interest, as they aflbrd evidence of
the taste prevailing at the time when they were admired. The
traits most worthy of reprobation in Wieland's stories are clearly
enough indicated by a critic who, most probably, represents the
opinions of not a few readers : — ' Wieland/ says Dr. Vilmar, ' was
the man of his time, for readers infected with the subtle and
sweet poison of the French literature then current ; especially for
the higher classes, to whom thinking was tedious and enthusiasm
ridiculous. To such people, who had formerly been dependent on
the French, Wieland introduced a German literature well suited
to their taste, and it is merely by their interest in the materials of
his works that we now understand why he received, during his life,
such praises as were hardly bestowed on Klopstock and never on
Lessing.' This is only the lighter part of the critic's reprobation
of Wieland's moral tendencies. A censure almost as severe is
implied in few words by another critic — Prof. Max Miiller. He
observes that ' the severe judgments pronounced by German critics
on Lohenstein are hardly to be reconciled with their praises still
bestowed on the writings of Wieland.' It may be added,* that
some of the works to which these censures are especially appli-
cable have not been named here. Their tendency was made too
evident in the licentious writings of such men as Scheflher and
Heinse, who greatly annoyed Wieland by professing to be his
followers.
Wieland's important contributions to the culture of the German
language will not be forgotten. Goethe wae partly indebted to
the writer of * Oberon,* and the Komantic School borrowed some
suggestions from his niediseval fictions. It may be pleaded, that
some of his (^ffsnces against good taste arose from a rather vague
220 OUTLINES OP GBBMAN UTERATURE. [Ch,
notion of the extent to which plaTfolneflB might be indulged in
fiction. He extended the culture of German literature in the
southern states, and enlarged, for many readers, the boundaries of
their imaginatiye world. Though he borrowed his fables from
many sources, he was not a slavish imitator of any foreign litera^
ture. The censure that he misrepresented life in ancient times —
especially in Greece— is hardly called for, as he never professed to
write fictions correct in their aiduBological details. He used
antique places and names, as he employed old tales of fairy-lai\d,
in order to gain freedom for the exercise of imagination and for
the expression of such light and playful satire as is found in his
story of the wise people of Abdera.
A transition from the himiour and playfulness of Wieland to the
rhapsodies of the times of 'Sturm imd Drang,' would seem
abrupt, if it were not noticed tliat Wieland continued writing and
translating for some years after he had lost his popularity. Like
other authors who have lived eighty years, he found himself, in bis
old age, surrounded by young men who had no sympathy with
him. The poets of the Hambund wished to be patriotic, and were
partly followers of Klopstock, while the wild 'men of original
genius,' despised Wieland's poetry as tame, imitative and obsolete.
He reciprocated their contempt, and not altogether without
reason, as the following chapter may perhaps ahow*
^
XVI.] GOETHFS rOOTH. 221
CHAPTER XVL
SEVENTH PERIOD, 1770-1830.
THB ran OF OOETHB*S TOUTH— RELIGION, POLITICS AKD LITBBATUBS
^'STUBX UMD DBAKO' — HAHAMM — JAOOBI — HBBOEB.
Thb Sevbnth Period of Germftn literature including sixty
yean — almost the whole time of Goethe's literary activity — is so
full of important movements and interests that it must be sub-
divided. In this and in the following chapter we shall attempt to
describe the more important circumstances of the times in which
Goethe passed his youth. These notices may serve to explain
not a few of the most remarkable traits in his imaginative
' writings ; for they are all, more or less, autobiographical and are
fuUjif references to the times of which we have now to tell.
^^^OHANK WoLFGAKa GoBTHE was bom at Frankfurt am Main
on August 28, 1749. His ancestry on the father's side has been
clearly traced to Hans Christian Goethe^ a shoeing-emith who
lived at Artem in Thuringia. Friedrich George, the son of
Hans, was a tailor and went to live at Frankfurt. There he soon
rose in the world and especially improved his circumstances in
1705, when he married the almost wealthy limdlady of the hotel
' Zum Weidenhol' His son, Johann Kaspar, the poet's father, a
man of respectable education, gained the titles of Rath and
Doctor of Laws, but was content to live in easy circumstances and
without the cares of office. He was a lover of order, a man of
firm will, and conservative — or old-fashioned, as irreverence might
say — in his tastes and prejudices. He would not hear of Klop-
stock as a poet, because the ' Messias ' was not written in rhyme.
The boy Wol%ang was, however, one of the enthusiasts who not
only read the 'Mesnas' but learned by heart some of its long
222 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUEE. [Ck.
speeches, and bis sister Cornelia helped him in getting up the
furious dialogue of 'Satan and Adramelecb.' 'We were de-
lighted ' — says the poet^ in his recollections of boyhood — ' with
the violent reproaches and retorts which we thus learned to burl
against each other, and whenever we had an opportunity we ex-
changed such compliments as '' monster " and '' traitor/' ' His
visits to -the theatre and his intercourse with several French
officers, during the occupation of Frankfurt in the course of the
Seven Years' War, were circumstances of some importance in
GoetheV early education. In 1765, when sixteen years old, he
went to Leipzig to study law at the university ; but paid more at-
tention to poetiy and light literature than to law. He read the
pedantic critical treatises of Qottsched and Bodmer : and failing
to find in them any guidance for a genius, he followed the instinct
of his own heart. At this early age he began to put into verse
bis own thoughts and feelings suggested by real circumstances and,
long afterwards, he faithfully adhered to his principle of finding in
realities the motives of bis poems. ' I have never been guilty of
aifectation in my poetry,' he once said to his friend, Eckermanu ; —
' for example, I have not written songs of hatred against the
French, simply because I did not hate them How could I
bate the people to whom I owed a great part of my education ?
But I was thankful to God when we were rid of them I ' At
another time he described his numerous occasional poems aa all
forming parts of 'one long confession.' 'These remarks may
partly serve to explain the levity of two dramatic sketches — Die
Laune das VerUebten and Die Mitsckuldigen — written by the poet
when he was about nineteen years old. They were the results of
a youth's observation of society, and were expressed in a style
suggested by readings in French literature.
The influence of Klopstock was still felt in German literature,
the critical power of Leasing was respected, and Wieland — now
writing industriously — ^found many readers in the higher classes of
society ; but admiration of Shakspere's genius was, at the com-
mencement of this period, the chief source of inspiration for am-
bitious young poets. They wanted new and stirring themes.
Leasing could tell them well how to construct dramas; but
of what subject should they write was the question to which
they wanted a reply. A general discontent with the past and
a vague and restless ambition with regard to the future, character-
XVI.] RATIONALISM. 223
ised the class of young students to which Goethe at this time
belonged.
Beligious^ political and social circumstances were all closely
connected with the changes taking place in literature; espe-
cially in poetry. The preceding period had been, on the whole,
a time of reformation ; this was a time of revolution. A move-
ment that might be fairly called a literary revolution took place
in Germany some years before the time when attempts to realise
abstract principles destroyed social order and led to a military
despotism in France. It would be a long task to tell why revo-
lutionaiy axioms that had such formidable results in France were
mostly confined to literature in Germany ; but that the same
essential principles were prevalent in Prussia and in Paris
in the latter part of the eighteenth century is a fact.
The first of these principles was a general contempt of the past,
with its history, its church authority and all its moral and theo-
logical definitions. For all their views respecting the character
and the destiny of mankind, ' the popular philosophers * and the
nationalists in Germany — like the politicians in France— referred
not to history, but to their own reasonings. What they thought
of the claims of any historical and authoritative institutions of
morals or religion can hardly be stated clearly ; for they
regarded all such claims as hardly worthy of consideration. They
did not deeply inquire how it had ever come to pass that men had
been so long misguided by priestcraft It was enough to know
that this had been done in 'the dark ages,' which included the
whole of the past.
Another characteristic of these enlightened men was their
enormous belief in the moral power of education. Their theory
was that men are bom with minds like blank paper, and to write
good axioms on this paper was all that was required to make a new
world. Henoe the bold hopes expressed in the eloquent books of
Kousseau and copied in the writings of his humble German imi-
tators, Basedow and Pestalozzi. The faith of the popular philo-
sophers, though Tery narrow, was as energetic as their denial of all
assertions except their own. They had not the least doubt that
they were able to demonstrate to all the world such truths as the
existence of God and the immortality of the soul, and they were,
consequently, astounded when Kakt told them that their argu-
menta on these points were good for nothiog. They had never
224 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
dreamed that any one would be aadacious enough to treat them
as disrespectfully as they had treated the past. It did not matter
when an obscure mystic — Hahank — spoke contemptuously of
their logic; but il^was to be wondered at when Hume and Kant
destroyed all the positive faith of ' the enlightened men.' How-
ever, Nicokd; the Berlin bookseller^ was by no means daunted,
but declared that Kant hardly knew what he was talking about.
Nicolai's dogmatism was characteristic of the school to which he
belonged, though he was its extreme representative. His friends
could not see that, if all the world had been in absolute error
before their time, it was possible that they — even the men of Ber-
lin— might be in error; or that, if they might despise and over-
throw everything they called obsolete, others might arise who,
with equal authority, would demolish such doctrines as seemed
infallible at Berlin in 1770 and afterwards.
This anti-religious and quasi-philosophical excitement was
more closely connected with the progress of literature, than, at
first sight, might appear probable. The attacks of the men of en-
lightenment, were mostly directed against so-called ' mysticism ; *
but under this term of reproach they included all expressions of
faith or feeling, that could not be understood as easily as ' two
and two make four.' One form of mysticism lurked, it was said,
imder a Protestant disguise; the other had a Romanising
tendency, and both were suspected as means made use of by the
Jesuits. The members of this order were supposed to be still
active everywhere in Germany, although their missions were
suppressed there in 1773. Most probably, more than half the
machinations ascribed to their industry were purely imaginary ;
for the Berlin men of light would not believe that any man could
be religious unless he had been corrupted by Jesuits, or Mystics.
The school of mysticism included such men as Hamann, who
spoke like an oracle, Lavater, the dreamy and credulous writer on
physiognomy, Jacobi, the declamatory philosopher, and the
brothers Stolberg, who were third-rate poets.
The methods employed to defend common sense and rationalism
were remarkably shallow. It was thought advisable to spread
enlightened opinions by the use of such secret means as had been
ascribed to the Jesuits. The order of ' The Illuminati ' was, at
first, openly instituted by Adam Weishaupt, a professor of law at
Ingolstadt^ but hjys followers were accused of making use of secret
XVI.] RELIGION. 225
diplomacy in spreading their prindples ; especially among the
brotherhoods of the freemasons. Their doctrine included little
more than a few abstract assertions respecting the existence
of a Supreme Being, the adrantages of republican govemment, and
the duties of a cosmopolitan philanthropy. A more fantastic
class of dreamers — ' the Rosicrucians ' — also intnided themselves
into the masons' lodges of this time. These ' brethren of the rosy
cross * professed to be the 4>liowers of a mythical sage — Hosen-
kreutz — who had liyed, they said, in the fourteenth century and
had studied the occult sciences in India and in the pyramids of
Egypt! The facts concealed under this Action were these j —
Valentin Andrese, a divine of the seventeenth century, whom we
have named among the versifiers of his time, had sometimes
amused himself by writing religious allegories, or rather sketches
of a Christian Utopia. One of his books, the ' Fama Fratemitatis
B.C.' (1614), seems to have suggested to * the brethren of the rosy
cross ' their scheme of turning a dream into a reality. Their
symbol was a Saint Andrew's cross, above a rose encircled with
thorns ; their tenets it is not so easy to explain. Like others,
they were suspected of being Jesuits in disguise, and many
scandals and controversies took place in the masons' lodges. A
member of the enlightened order, when engaged in conversation
with one of ' the brethren of the rosy cross ' felt by no means sure
that he was not dealing with a Jesuit, or with some alchemical
swindler — perhaps, with Cagliostro himself 1 — ^for the masonic
lodges were at this time overrun by adventurers, visionaries,
'grand templars,' Egyptian necromancers, and disciples of all
kinds of Schwarmerei. That one word — ^for which there is no
English equivalent — expresses, at once, two characteristics of the
times ; a fanatical devotion to mere theories and a love of making
new sects. One of t}ie more noticeable of the ' illuminati,'- Adolf
VON KiriGGS, wrote a book worth reading on ' Social Intercourse,'
giving rules for making friends and for keeping out of the way
of enemies | but he was unfortunate in the practice of his own
maxims, and often involved himself in quarrels. Scandals and
disputes among other enlightened men led to the suppression of
their order and to a reformation of* the masons' lodges. Various
reports of their abuses had been carried to Home, and had called
forth several papal allocutions against masonry. These were
mostly founded on a want of information respecting the true
a
226 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUPwE. [Ch.
origin of the abuses introduced in the eighteenth century.
Goethe, who was a freemason, always retained the notion of
sprending new doctrines — especially on education and general
culture— bv nifans of brotherhoods or secret and benevolent
societies including none but men of high* character and training.
Such brotherhoods are represented in the two didactic romances,
Wilhelm Meister's Lehrjahre and WaTidetyahre.
The revolutionary spirit of the tim^ could hope for no immediate
success in German politics. There were two reasons that made
innovation hopeless. In the first place, the power of the rulers in
the several states had be^n firmly established on the division of the
empire. In the second place, the German liberals were too often
vague and unpractical theorists. Liberty is the exercise of power,
and the result must wholly depend on the character of the power
that is set free. The main cause .of the failure of hopes of
political liberation at the close of the eighteenth century was that
they were borrowed ; the French Vere indebted for them to the
Americans and the German Illuroinati borrowed all their ideas
from French theorists. Goethe's dislike of hasty political changes
was founded on his observation of public events in the yeairs
1770-93. Of the French Revolution he said, ' I see that some-
thing difierent from the past must be the result ; but I cannot be
sure that the change will be an improvement' Of imitative and
artificial revolutions he said — at a later time — ' nothing is good
for a nation save what grows up out of 'its own life and its own
wants and this must be quite distinct from any imitation of
foreign examples. All attempts to import foreign imiovations
when there is no felt want of them in the national life, are therefore
foolish, and all revolutions concerted in that way must be un-
successful; for such bad workmanship as that can never have
God's approbation.'
Political dreamers with whom Goethe was acquainted during
his youth had suggested these conclusions. He remembered that
the emperor Joseph 11. had written in 1789 the words : — * now
we shall have universal peace in Europe,' and the failure of that
prophecy made a profound impression. But we must refer to
some specimen of the dreamy patriots of thQ times in order to
understand fully the poet's so-called political indifference.'
Among his earlier friends he numbered the two brothers Von
Stolberg— already named as writers of vene — ^with whom he made
XVI.] POLITICS. 227
a tour in Switzerland in 1776. Christian, the elder brother, wrs
a weak imitator of the younger, Frtbdbtch Leopold Graf von
Stolbeko (1750- 1819), who deserves to be noticed because his
writings tlirow some light on the characteristics of his times.
He -was the most energetic of all the singers of liberty ; but his
enthusiasm was as unreal as it was violent. Nothing could
exceed the extravagant ravings of his odes on freedom and
freethinking. They were like 'tales told by an idiot,* 'full of
sound and fury/ and they signified nothing. In the song of a
freethinker be calls on a tempest to come and be his companion,
and next invites ' a whirlpool ' to his embraces t Then he ascends
into the sky and beyond the orbit of Arcturus, whence he look?
forth upon ' torrents of annihilation rushing down upon globes and
suns shivered to atoms.' Finally, the poet — ^laughing with a
bitter scorn — flings himself down from Arcturus upon the frag-
ments of the universe and there lies ' covered with midnight^ ruins
and horror ! ' This surely rivals Bottom's specimen of ' Ercles'
vein ',y but, incredible as it may seem, Von Stolberg could write
even worse nonsense than this. His climax is found in a ' Song
of Freedom * which contains passages too absurd and extravagant
to be quoted. The worst still remains to be told ; for this violent
declamation about liberty and drinking 'the blood of tyrants'
was, after all, a mere dreamery and affectation. When divine
freedom for which Von Stolberg had been calling, seemed likely
to come and to take away from him his title and his estate, he
declined, at once, the embraces of \he g^ddess^ sought shelter in
the Romish Church and thence hurled forth an anathema on all
Jacobins, Illnminati and levellers. He had .never dreamed that
the men beyond the Rhine had some practical meaning in their
talk about equality^ and as soon as he discovered his error, he
hastened, with the zeal of a convert, to make an apology to the
t3rrants whom he had denounced.
To return from politics to literature — ^here also revolutionary
notions prevailed, and were asserted as claims of men possessing
original genius too powerful to be shackled by authority or
criticism. The original geniuses of the age — including Goethe —
who were loud in their declaration of independence and bold in
their defiance of criticism, had some passable logic on their side.
If the Berlin men of light might base their teaching on a
tHorough contempt for ail the past^ then surely inspired young
228 OUTLINES OF aERMAN IJTERATURE. [Ch.
poets — sach men as Heinse, Goethe/ Miiller, Elinger and Lenz,
who were then all classed together as equals — ^might be allowed
to invent even a new kind of poetry^ without paying respect
either to the example of a Klopstock or the theory of a Lessing.
Innovation, excluded from political life, had already attacked
morals, manners, and religion, and might now be allowed to
invade the realm of imaginative literature. So it was decreed,
that the poetry of the past must be cast aside as a wom«out sort of
manufacture. 'It was made, not inspired j' said Mauvillon and
Unzer, two of the critics of the times, and their judgment was
confirmed by Merck and Schlosser — ^both friends of Goethe. All
the young men of genius were agreed, that what was now wanted
was. a something new— >wonderful — ^never dreamed of before in
the world 1 Such men as Lenz, Miiller and Elinger undertook to
supply the poetry wanted for the future, and wrote quite enough
of it. In 1776 Elinger — who afterwards became rational — ^wrote
a wild play called 'Sturm und Drang,' and these two words,
(meaning Storm and Pressure), were accepted as the name* of the
period — also known as ' the time of the original geniuses.' One of
its odd features was the familiarity with which poetasters spoke of
^ their brother-genius — Shakspere 1 ' If his true ghost had ap-
peared to tbem — as Wieland suggested — ^they might possibly have
been frightened into modesty. When they said that the poetry of
the old times, ' was made, and not inspired,' they, seemed to for-
get that their own was for the most part neither inspired nor
made. In several instftices their lives were as wild as their
notions of genius and poetry. Abstinence from reading and study
and a disregard for the decencies of life were proofs of original
genius. Some of the wildest of the poets rambled about, half-
dressed, refused to comb their hair and— as Jean Paul said —
' thought it a disgrace to be seen in a library.' They were, in their
own estimate, sound, healthy children of nature, and * as free as
nature first made man.'
It is difficult now — in Germany, wliere ' the stem realities of
life ' are talked of as seriously as in England — to revive, even in
imagination, the characteristics of that time of * Sturm und Drang,'
when writing wild poetry was regarded as the object of life.
Imaginative literature, which now supplies an occasional recreation
for the student, then formed the chief bond of social intercoui'se
for many young dreameia living in the neighbourhood of Weimar
XVI.] 'STUUM UND DRANG/ 229
and Jena. How they were supported, while wasting their time
in dreams, we are left to guess ; for of realities their poetrj tells
little. In what practical results their reTeries ended we know too
well in some cases of tragic failure of all the promises of youth.
Hardships and misfortunes are everywhere ready to find Tictims
among men who study the ideal before they have fought with the
real, and it has been said of true poets, who, in their youth, ' begin
with gladness,' that ' the end tHereof is oft despondency and mad-
ness ; ' but the history of the time of ' Sturm und Drang ' was
espedally gloomy.
Several instances of failure in practical life, among young men
who began their career with literary ambition, might be ascribed
to the character of the mental excitement that prevailed. That
influence did not soon pass away, but remained in the days of the
Romantic School. If we named here all the imaginative writers
of the period 1770-1820 who died in their youth, or were especially
unhappy in their lives ; those who fell into deep melancholy, and
those who perished by suicide; the number would be dismally
large. The reflections suggested by this hist<»rv of a literature
out of harmcmy with practical life, having hardly any basis in
religion, and uncontrolled by a patient study of art, are too im-
portant to be dwelt upon here. It required a strong man, like
Qoethe, to come out, but slightly injured, from the excitement of
that time of rash innovation. As we have said, he was then
known only as one wild young poet among others, and such writers
as the painter Muller, Lenz, Wagner, and Klinger were his friends
or his rivals. A solitary tragedy written by Leisewitz, and a
work by Wezel — one of the most miserable of the geniuses — were
both ascribed to Goethe, and he was classified with Heinse, the
licentious and weak follower of Wieland. In his drama of ' Gotz
von Berlichingen ' and in his ' Sorrows of Werther ' Goethe made
himself responsible for some of the literary and moral errors of his
times ; but his genius, even theti, raised him far above his young
cotemporaries. He had another advantage; he was teachable,
and when he went to Strassburg in 1770, he found a teacher in
Herder who, with regard to some of his progressive but rather
vague notions of the destiny of literature, might be classed with
the men of the stormy time. Herder was not original in
poetry, and for the germs of his philosophy he was indebted to
Hamann* In order to trace to its source the new intellectual
230 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cil.
movement of tbe period we must refer to Goethe's * Dichtung und
Wahrheitf especially to his account of the teaching he received
from Herder at the university of Strassburg.
Here, we find, in 1770, the most teachable of the young poets of
the day, receiving instruction from an inferior mind — one whose
genius is receptive rather than creative. The teacher is a man with
rounded features, a bold forehead, dark eyes and a mouth of
pleasant expression, when he smilek He would be, on the whole,
good-looking, but he is suffering from a fistula in one of his eyes,
for which he is expecting to undergo an operation. He wears a
clerical dress, and too often speaks in the dictatorial tone of a
schoolmaster, though he is only five years older than his pupil
— a young Apollo, with fine features and eyes of remarkable
power, as may be seen even in the shade of the invalid's chamber.
The teacher now twenty^six years old, has had a hard struggle
with poverty during youth. His father, a very poor schoolmaster,
could not afibrd to send him to a university; but he studied
surgery and then went to Eonigsberg, where he attended Kant's
lectures. Since then, he has been engaged as a schoolmaster and
as a preacher ; but his favourite studies are poetry, literary history,
and the history of culture. He is an enthusiastic believer in
progress, and loves to preach about cosmopolitan philanthropy.
It is one of his characteristics that, in his earnestness, he assumes
an oracular tone which he does not put aside, though talking
now, to no ordinary student, but to Johann Wolfgang Goethe,
one of the original geniuses of the age. The latter is studying -
. law at Strasdburg ; but what is there that he has not studied P
Besides Latin and Greek, he reads French, knows something
of Hebrew, and has read many books on pietism, mysticism,
chemistry, alchemy, and the fine arts. Not long ago, he injured
his health by his efforts to master the art of etching on copper.
His genius requires concentration, and Herder advises him to
devote himself to the study of the popular poetry of all nations !
• ' What we want,* says Herder, * is a poetry in harmony with ** the
voices of the peoples " and with the whole heart of mankin'd.
Our studies must be cosmopolitan, and must include the popular
poetry of the Hebrews, the Arabs, the medieval Franks, Germans,
Italians and Spaniards, and even the songs and ballads of half
savage races. We must go back to the earliest times to educate
ourselves, so that we may write poetry, not for a school, nor for a
XVL] HAMANN. 231
certain period, but for all men and for all time.' We see,
in these ideas, that Herder belongs to the time of ' Sturm und
Drang.' There must be a putting away of old things, and all
things must be made new.
Such teaching is rather vague, though Goethe listens to it with
deep interest ; but when he asks for clear details he is not satisfied.
Herder wishes to stimulate rather than to instruct his pupil.
Several tracts, dingily printed on bad paper, are lying on the
table; they have odd titles, such bs JSsthetica in Nuce (1762),
and Socratic Memorabilia (1769). But who, among the young
poetical readers of the day, ever heard of the author's name —
Johann George Hamann P When Goethe has opened one of these
odd tracts, and has tried to read it, he finds something that
attracts attention, but he cannot understand it, and begs his
friend to act as intei-preter. Herder only laughs and says: —
'you must read on, and you will come to the meaning.' Goethe -is
teachable ; so he carries away Hamann's rhapsodies and studies
them. He soon finds in them some of Herder's own vague
thoughts, but still more Vaguely expressed. If they contain
the elements of a future poetry, it is only as the mists and
clouds of February may be said to enfold the germs of a latent
summer. But Goethe reads on through the rhapsody on aesthetics,
and is not seriously discouraged even by such passages as the
following : —
Poetry is the mother tongue of the human race, and is older than prose, as
gardening is older than agriculture, and painting older than writing ; or as
song, parable, and barter are older than declamation, syllogism, and com-
merce. A deep sleep was the rest of our primeval ancestors, and their
exercise was a wild bacchanal dance. Seven days they would sit in the
silence of thought or wonder, and then they opened their mouths and uttered
inspired words Let the blame lie where it may— outside or inside of us
— we find now in nature nothing more than sybilline leaves scattered, here
and there — * dutjecti membra poeteeJ To coUect them is the work of the
scientific man ; the philosopher has to interpret them ; the poet must imitate
them or — a bolder aim I — ^must try to reduce them to harmony. . . . The
book of creation contains examples of universal thoughts revealed from God
to his creatures by means of creatures, and the books of the covenant con-
tain examples of the deeper wisdom which God is pleased to reveal to men
by men. The unity of the Author is reflected in the several dialects of his
works ; in all, what a tone of unmeasured height and depth !
Through other passages even more obscure than these Goethe
must read patiently, in order to find out Hamann's meaning. But
c jir-
■i •».* ^.^
I
232 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cir. >
somethiDg more must be sud here of a writer to wliom Herder
and Goethe were indebted.
JoHANK QxoBe Hamann, bom in 1730 at Eohigsberg, was for
some years engaged as a clerk, as a private tutor and as a com-
mercial agent. He was unfortunate in the last-named capacity,
and, after long enduring poverty, he gained a subordinate office ■
under government and a small pension. His life was marked by
strong contnwts. He was deeply religious \ but was not always
correct in his morals. His principles were by no means ascetic.
His taithy though strangely expressed, was orthodox, and he was a
firm believer in the doctrine of the forgiveness of sins. While he
was engaged as a commercial traveller, he visited London, where '
vexation on account of some unfortunate transactions led him into :
dissipated habits. He recovered his moral strength by reading
the Bible ; or as he says (in a letter to his friend Jaco'bi), he was ,
lifted out of despair by means of a few despised texts, ' as the \
prophet Jeremiah was raised firom his dungeon by the aid of some ,
cords and old rags.' Hamann's subsequent misfortunes were partly
the result of his own imprudence ; for he was privately married to
a poor village girl, while he was still in very needy circumstances, f
and he was heavily afflicted by the cares of his family. In his
later years, several good friends — ^including Jacob! and the
princess Galitzin — assisted him ; but their aid came late, when he
was worn out by the adversities of his life. He died in 1788, at
the house of the princess Galitzin, near Munster, and was buried
in her garden, where a stone was erected to his memory. His
friends and disciples styled him ' the Magus of the North.' Though
he vnrote mostly in an oracular style, such men as Herder, Goethe,
Jacobi and Jean Paul Ilichter were numbered among his readers,
and he was respected by Leasing, Moses Mendelssohn, and Kant.
The main purport of his teaching may be briefly stated : — Ha-
mann was an enemy to the cold rationalism that prevailed in his "^
day ; but he did not attempt to refute it by logic. He appealed ^
to his own feelings and intuitions, and, therefore, must be classed
with mystics. For him nature, the written word, and history, were
the three forms of one revelation, and must be all studied in their
concords. Hamann respected £jmt, but rejected his exposition
of religion as rationalistic or merely ethical, and on the. same
ground, he denounced the Berlin philosophy which, in fact, was
nothing more than the deism of Voltaire put into German. The
XVI.] HAMANN. 233
'eolightened ' had opposed and ridiculed e^erytliing that was not
commonplace. They disliked all such men as Ilamann, Herder,
and Jacobi, who talked of sentiments and inspiration. For
JjesHmrr^ tbe^ Berlin men were compelled to feel some respect ; but
in his later vcflrs, ho cared very little for their good opinion, and
was by no means satisfied with their negatire notions about reli-
gion. Hamann was the boldest opponent of the Berlin school, and
though he uttered bis protests in a rhapsodical style^ his words
had a good purport. He denounced self-conceit, negation and
abstraction, and would haye neither old traditions nor intuitions
sacrificed to a logic based upon dogmatism. His views of the
origin and the purport of poetry found an interpreter in Herder, and
some of his religious principles may be seen reflected in the works of
his friend, Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi, a writer who has been
classed with German philosophers, though he had neither a system
nor a method. His chief works — the letters ' on Spinoza's Theory,'
and the Essays on * David Hume ' and ' on Divine Things and their
Revelation ' — are mostly controversial, but may be reduced to the
assertion, that the truths of morals and religion <u'e known only by
intuition, or faith. Jacobi wrote also two imaginative works —
'Edward AUwill's Letters' and * Woldemar ' — both rather didactic
and sentimental than narrative. The purport of the latter is to
show that a high and pure friendship may exist between persons of
opposite sexes. As one of the early friends of Goethe and of other
young literary men of the age, Jacobi exerted some important
influence in his day. The respectful reserve and caution for which
Goethe was remarkable in hier references to the religious questions
and interests of his times, and his dislike of theological and meta-
physical controversies, may be partly ascribed to his acquaintance
with Jacobi. It is, however, far clearer that Goethe, during his
youth, was indebted to Herder, of whose theories and writings
some further account must be given here.
JoiULSTSf GoTiTBiED Hbbdeb, bom in 1744, passed his youth in
the needy circumstances already mentioned ; but gained a
favourable position in 1776, when Goethe recommended him to
the Duke Karl August of Weimar, by whom he was appointed^
chaplain to the court and superintendent of the church district of
Weimar. Here he mostly resided until his death, which took
place in 1808. Some years afterwards the Duke erected, in
memory, of Herder, a monumental tablet with the inscription^
t
i
284 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUKE. [Ch.
'Light, Love, Life.' During the years when Goethe and Herder
lived as neighbours in the metropolis of German literature, tlieir
friendship gradually declined; for throughout his life. Herder
never succeeded in laying aside the schoolmaster-like tone that
'had sometimjBS made his conversation di^greeable at Strassburg.
His later years were overshadowed by melancholy, and afler all
his studies and his contributions to literature, he often sighed,
* Ah, my wasted life I '
Herder's was a receptive genius and his sympathies were
catholic. If any proof were wanted of Wordsworth's theory —
that a great poet differs from other imaginative men chiefly in the
degree of his energy of imagination — it might be found in Herder.
He was a poet who required considerable aids from other minds,
and his original poems are inferior to his versions of poems from
many sources. By bis * Voices of the Peoples ' — a series of free
translations of the popular songs and ballads of several nations —
and by his 'Spirit of Hebrew Poetry' (1782) he awakened a
cosmopolitan taste in imaginative literature. In theology he was
liberal, but less negative than the rationalists. His so-called
philosophy, like that of his friends Hamann and Jacobi, was
founded on faith and feeling, but it had no method, and he was
quite out of his depth when he attempted to refute Kant. In his
unfinished work, ' Ideas for a Philosophy of the History of Man-
kind ' (1784-01) he suggested the aims and the outlines of that
compreliensive study ; but his knowledge, though very extensive in
some departments, was not equal to the task of filling up the out-
lines of such a philosophy. His best work — ^the popular songs
nnd ballads of many nations — is divided into six books, containing
respectively, scmgs from the North, from the South, and from the
North-west, Scandinavian lyrics, old German songs and some
specimens of the poetry of half-savage tribes. It was characteristic
of Herder that he accepted as genuine the poems ascribed to
Ossian. In other translations and imitations he directed the
attention of his readers to oriental poetry. The whole aim of his
(literary labours seemed to be to make the Germans forget the
{distinctive character of their own land and recognise themselves as
I citizens of the world. Such teaching was too readily accepted by
'Goethe. * National literature,' said he, 'is of little importance :
the age of a world-literature is at hand, and every one ought to
work in order to accelerate the coming of this new era.' There is
XVI.] HERDEB. 235
some truth in this; but it may be maintained also tbat distinct
national literatures are wanted to make a true world-literature,
just as distinct outlines and colours are required for a painting,
however harmonious. A whole in which all the parts are absorbed
and lost can have no life. Lessingi it is said, reformed style and
made German poetry artistic ; but Herder inspired it with a new
spirit and purport This does not fiurly and fully describe the
difference between the two men. Lessing endeayoured — at least
in his 'Minna yon Bamhelm '—to make poetic literature national,
and it would haye been well if that example had been followed.
Whatever may be the advantages of cosmopolitan studies for the
historian or the philosopher, they have a subordinate value in
poetry. Who is there that would sacrifice one of Wordsworth's
local poems closely attached for ever to one of his haunts in West-
morelaad and Cumberland, for the sake of any versions that he
might have given us of oriental legends P Why should not every
nation, while cultivating an acquaintance with foreign literature,
preserve its own distinct character ; or why should the expressions
of poetic genius in vaiioua countries be less diversified than their
climates and their vegetation P We do not go to India to see the
trees and the grasses of English valleys. ' A man who would do
anything good in art,' says Goethe, ' must Jiold himself within
his proper bounds ; ' and so must a nation. These are consider-
ations that may, perhaps, tend to limit praises bestowed on the
vague universalism of Herder. In hid times German poetry had a
wide enough field to wander in without travelling into aU the
four quarters of the globe in search of topics. For how little had
been told of a land where the enthusiasm of the crusades, the
contests of Rome vTith the Empire, the struggle of the towns with
the barons, and such events as occupied the centuries from the
thirteenth to the seventeenth, had been hardly described, save by
dry chroniclers. From all this life and reality Herder turned
attention away to meditations on universal history, and his ex-
ample had a considerable effect on his cotemporaries and his
followers.
With regard to' his style. Herder cannot, for a moment, be com-
pared with Lessing. It must be allowed, that in treating of such
themes as the spirit and purport of poetry, he was more exposed
to the danger of falling into vagueness than Lessing could be
when writing of form and construction; but, even when he
r
286 OUTLINES OF GBBMAH UTERATUKE. [Cic.
pidldflsee to be critioal, Herder is too often declamatory. He is a
preacher who appeak to hia own feelings for a proof that he
rightly interprets the scriptures. His sentiments will not allow
his thoughts to develope themselves dearly. His views are very
wide, but, like pictures cast on a screen by a niagie lantern, they
lose in light and definition as muoh as they gain in extent. Her*
dor was chiefly remarkable for the animating influence he exerted
on the minds of several of his eotemporaries.
zvn.] ^aOrz yon BBBucHiKaEN.' 287
CHAPTER XVH
SEVENTH P£S/OD.— 1770-1830.
'GOTI TOir BBBIICHIMOaN' — '"WBRTHEB's UEIDBN' — THB MSN OV
'BTDBM tJKD DBAKO* — ^THB BAINBUin) — PBOfltf W1UTEB8.
Ik 1778, the drama of ' Gotz von Berlichingen ' was published
without the author's nanie, and was generally received with
enthusiastic admiration. In several respects it realised the ideal
desiderated by * the originals,' or the literary men of revolutionary
tendencies. It was a national drama, and the character of its
hero, Qotz of the iron hand, one of the latest survivors of the
old Sitterihum (knighthood), was not too remote from popular
sympathies. He had supported the Reformation, and had given
proofs of manly generosity during the Peasants' War. In his
biography written by himself, he describes in a tone of childlike
innocence such exploits as would now be called robberies, and the
frank and kind expression of the author's portrait can leave no
doubt of his sincerity. He lived in the days when the princes were
making use of the Reformation as a pretext for exsJting them-
selves on the ruins of the EiUerthumy and he fought^ as he
believed, for the right Goethe departed rather widely from the
&cts of his hero's autobiography, and gave expression in Gotz to
some of the revolutionary notions prevalent when the drama ap-
peared. The play was written in defiance of the rules, of the
French drama, and therefore was hailed as being in accordance
with Lessing's theoiy and Klopstock's patriotism; while 'the
originals' — the men who would derive all their morality from
crude nature — were charmed by the scene in which 'brother
Martin ' declaims against monasticism. On the other hand, Gotz
gave offence to aU admirers of the French theatre, including the
king, who spoke of the new national drama as ' a detestable imita-
238 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
tion of bad English plays/ and 'fuU of disgusting platitudes/
This critique might have been fairly applied, in all its severity,
to a series of wild, shapeless ' Hitter dramas/ called into existence
by the success of Qotz. Nothing indeed can be said in favour of
the model itself as a work of ait ; for it is only a series of scenes,
each having a separate life and interest * Its greatest and most
permanent merit is found in its truly popular style.
A still greater success followed the publication of the senti-
mental romance, ^ The Sorrows of Werther,' which first appeared,
without the author's name, in 1774, and being soon translated
into several languages was circulated throughout Europe. Some
parts of the work were, doubtless, founded on the writer's own
experience ; but it must be remembered that he was a Proteus in
his sympathies. The fate of Jerusalem, a young man with whom
Goethe had had but a slight acquaintance, was described in con-
nection with several fictitious circumstances. The heroine Char-
lotte— one of Goethe's friends when he lived at Wetzlar — ^waa
afterwards married to a man whose character was falsely supposed
to be represented by that of * Albert,' the weak husband iu the
romance. The public accepted the 'Sorrows of Werther' as a
faithful biography of Jerusalem, and for a time, the incidents of
the story were talked of as well-known, facts that hnd taken place
nt Wetzlar. 'Lotte' — afterwords, Frau Kestner— became cele-
brated OS a heroine, while her husband felt annoyed because it
was imi^ined that be had been described under the disguise of
Albert. Travellers came to Wetzlar to find some relics of the
melancholy man who died for love, and the landlord of an inn
there, to please, hb visitors, raised a small mound of earth in his
garden, and, for a trifling gratuity, exhibited it as ' the grave of
the unfortunate Werther.' All the blame of this extravagance
must not be cast on Goethe. His sentimental romance was the
eflect of a literary epidemic that might be traced back at least aa
far as to the English novels of Hichardson, whose influence had
been very extensive in Germany. Even such a recluse meta-
physician as Kant had loved to read of the sorrows of ' Pamela '
and ' Clarissa Harlowe.' Many of the enthusiastic admirers of
< Werther ' were readers who thought Ossian a greater poet than
Homer. A dreamy sentimentality prevailed, and Goethe sympa-
thised with the feeling. The epidemic was spread, but was not
created, by Goethe's romance. It was a dream of his youth —
XVII.] ' WERTHEB.* 289
a morbid dream. ScHopenhauer, tHe arch cynic^ regrets that
Goethe employed his genius so often to write of love^ but admits
that the topic is hardly to be avoided ; for, says he gravely, ' it
will intrude itself everywhere^ disturbing th* plans of statesmen,
and the meditations of philosophers.' Wolfram von Eschenbach,
in his ' Titurel/ had long before made the same apology, but in a
far more poetical style.
It must be admitted, however, that the tendency of Goethe's
earliest romance was enervating, and he was soon convinced of
his error. He then wrote bis 'Triumph of Sentimentality' as
a satirical antidote to ' Werther ; ' but the medicine had no great
effect The romance had been recommended, not only by its
purport, but also by its excellent style, of which one proof is the
facility with which it may be translated into French.
It is hardly necessary to add that ' Werther ' was followed by
a crowd of imitations barely worth mentioning. Among them the
tedious romance of 'Siegwart* by ZoRiLsrs Mahtin Millee,
might be referred to as one that enjoyed a remarkable popularity.
We notice a few other inferior writers of fiction in these times,
because their productions serve to show by contrast the merits of
Goethe and Schiller, whose best works were written in defiance*
of the degraded taste that prevailed in their days. We cannot
fairly estimate such works as ' Iphigenia ' and * Wilhelm Tell,' if
we know little or nothing of the lower poetical literature that
found numerous admirers, fiom the days of Klinger and Lenz to
the times when Iffland and Kotzebue had possession of the German
stage.
Goethe's young cotemporaries belonged to two classes — the meni
of the Gottingen School (the 'Hainbund'), and 'the originals,!
already generally described. It is among the latter that we finer
the more prominent characteristics of the imaginative literature of
the age. Its worst errors may be sufficiently indicated by a brief
reference to the writings of Wilhelm Hed^se (1749-1803), who
in his youth was patronised by father Gleim, and afterwards was
an imitator of Wieland. It is enough to mention his roipance of
' Ardinghello and the Fortunate Islands ' as a specimen of debased
fiction, of which the contents are as impure as the treatment is
unartistic The less ofiensive parts of the book consist of some
dreamy attempts to describe works of art To pass over all the
worst parts of the story— its sentimentality on the subject of
240 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ok,
friendship may be noticed as one of the errors from which even
the early writings of Goethe are comparatively free. There is
nothing real and manly in Heinse's notions of friendship, and his
language is so full of bad taste that it can hardly be quoted. This
is the style in which he represents the sudden formation of ^an
everlasting bond of friendship ' — ^ he sprang up from his chair so
violently that the glasses were knocked off the table, as he ex-
claimed ; '^ Oh happy, singular, wonderful coincidence I so young,
80 handsome, and so full of good sense and experience I we must
be friends for evermore 1 nothing shall part ua — darling of my
"soul I "' •
When we turn to notice another prevalent fault — the taste for
such violent, unartistic writing as is now called ' sensational '^-
we see at once, the distance existing between Goethe and his
young cotemporaries, the dramatic authors, Lenz and Klinger.
About the time when he was writing ' Gotz von Berlichingen/
Goethe became acquainted with these sensational playwrights.
They had. read Shakspere, and had been carried away by the
vehemence of his dramatic power, but had learned nothing of the
art b^ which that power was controlled. The result was that they
wrote some deplorable dramas, which, however, found ad-
mirers.
.ToHAKir REnrHOLD Lknz, bom in 1750, studied at Konigsberg.
and was for some time employed as a private tutor before he came
to Weimar. There he made himself noticeable for his defiance of
the conventions of polite society, and was soon compelled to leave
the town. He afterwards lived at Ziirich and in Russia, was
afflicted with insanity, and died in very miserable circumstances
in 1792. In his dramas — such as * Der Hofmeister,' and ' Die
Soldaten' (1774-70) — he mingled comedy with tragedy, and
treated with an equal contempt the rules of art, and those of
decency. His cotemporary Fbisdrich Maximiliait von Klikgeb,
bom in 1752, was a far stronger man in intellect and character, and
bis worst personal eccentricity, during youth, seems to have been
his dislike of a complete suit of clothes. But this is only what
was said by Wie}and who was the enemy of all men of Klinger*s
school. After visiting Weimar, where Goethe treated him
kindly, Klinger was engaged for some time in writing for the
Leipzig theatre. His dramas ^ Sturm und Drang/ ^ Die Zwillinge,'
* Konradin/ ' Der Giinstlin^ ' and others are, with regard to their
XVIJ.] KLINGEE. • 241
offences against good taste, worse than bis didactic romances;
though these are also destitute of moderation and sobriety. Hi^
purport in most of bis prose-fictions is severely moral; but he
thinks it necessary to teach ethics by exposing crimes and miseries
in all their bate deformity, and by the use of unchastened language,
such as we find in * Faust's Life, Actions and Doom/ Klinger^s
best romance — ' the Man of the World, and the Poet ' (1798) — is
morose and misanthropic in its tone, but contains useful Wamiugs
for idle dreamers. In his 'Meditations and Thoughts on the
World and on Literature ' (1802), he gives bis severe notions on
ethics in a style less tedious than that of bis romances. Of these
it will be enough to notice very briefly one — ' Faust '-«-as a
specimen of the taste for demonology prevalent in Klinger*s day.
When Faust is summoned to his doom, he defies the arch enemy
in words so daring that, says Klinger : ' never since Pandemonium
was founded, was there such a silence as now reigned throughout
the abodes of everlasting lamentation t ' In short, Faust frightened
all the demons. In another passage, when the tempter appears in
his true foim before his victim, the scene is thus described : ' Satan
towers up to a gigantic height ; his eyes glow like thunder-clouds
from which the beams of the setting sun are reflected; his
breathings are like the sighings of a tempest through chasms, when
the crust of the earth is burst open ; the earth groans ben^th his
feet, and his hair, through which a storm is raving, floats around
his head like the' tail of a threatening comet t' Another of t]^e
young men clashed wiih ' the originals,' the painter, Frisbbich
MiJLLER (1760-1823) treated the same subject in his 'Faust' but
hardly with such energy as Klinger displayed. In ' Genoveva,' a
drama, and in several of his ballads and idylls, Miiller wrote in a
natural and popular style, and, in some respects, anticipated the
tendencies of the Romantic School in poetical literature.
FsiEDBiCH Daniel Schuba.et, bom in 1739, may be mentioned
here; for though he was not personally associated with the writers
above named, his characteristics belong mostly to the time of
Stttrm und Drang, He was a Suabian schoolmaster, and a man
of versatile abilities. At one time he supported himself as a
teacher of music, then as a public reciter of poetry, and lastly,
as the editor of a newspaper die Deutsche Chrotiik, notorious for its
audacity. Writers of Schubart's biography bave described him,
on one side, as a dissolute man, on the other^ as jk patriot. He had
s
242 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEEATUEE. [Cu.
good talents for music and poetical declamation and was often well
paid for his services^ but lie had everywhere the misfortune of finding
or making enemies. He was expelled from his place as organist
at Ludwigsburg for writing a parody on the litany. After that he
was patronised at Mannheim, but soon made himself unwelcome
there, and his usual bad fortune haunted him when he went to
Munchen. Then he started * the German Chronicle ' at Augsburg,
where he had a brilliant success as a reciter of poetry. Again he
made enemies, and was driven away to Ulm, where he continued
to publish his paper. Having given offence to the Duke of
Wiirtemberg, the editor of the chronicle was enticed into the
domains of that ruler and there was sentenced, without any form
of ti*ial, to suffer ten years* imprisonment. In his own account of
this transaction he wrote, with some pathos, of his separation from
his family ; but he forgot to confess that he had been a careless
husband and father. The imprisonment was a most despotic act ;
but it should be added that Scfaubart's faithful wife and his family
were better cared for while he was kept in confinement than they
had been sometimes when he was at liberty to provide for their
wants. After his release, he returned to his old habits of dissi-
pation, and died in 1791. In literature he partly represents a taste
for the grotesque and horrible, expressed in ballads beginning with
such lines as : —
* See yoa the blood-stain on the wall ? '
or,
* Ha ! here's one bone and here's another ! '
Goethe, in his grotesque ballad, ' the Skeletons' Dance,' showed
that, if he chose, he could excel Schubart in this sensational
style :—
* Then ah ! what a dance in the churchyard lone !
And oh ! what a clatter of bone upon bone,*
Schubart's poem, entitled * the Vault of the Princes ' was gene-
rally admired in his day. A few verses may serve to show another
literary trait of the times, declamation on the wickedness of ruling
families :-~
'And here they lie ! these ashes of proud princes,
Once clad in bright array ;
Here lie their bonea — all in the dismal glimmer
Of the pale dying day.
XVII.] THE 'hainbuxd; 243
And their old coffins in the vault are gleaming
Like rotten timber, side by side ;
And silver family-shields are faintly shining—
Their last display of pride.
Oh, yrake them not — ^the scourges of their race,
Earth has for them no room 1
Soon, soon enough will over them be rattling
The thunders of their doom.*
Though their oifences against good taste, morals and rules of
art were hardly pardonable, the sensational poets, already so
often referred to, were progressive in some of their innovations,
and an excuse may be found for their extravagance when it is
contrasted with the tameness of the so-called poetry of the
' Hainbund.' This union, the latest of formal associations Qf literary
men in the times of Klopstock, was formed by several young
students of Gottingen, and in a manner suited to their sentimental
t^te. They were assembled one evening, near a clump of oak-
trees in a field, while the moon was sbining clearly. Here they
agreed together to form a school for the culture of patriotic poetry^
and pledged themselves to act honestly towards each other in their
exchanges of criticism. Their meeting ended with the ceremony
of crowning themselves with oak-leaves. In nationality they
endeavoured to make themselves worthy followers of Klopsto/k. On.
the anniversary of his birthday (1778) they assembled to/ iionoun
their master, and on the same occasion, they burned M ieland*sj
portrait and some of his writings. Both the ' Hainbund ' men and!
the men ofStierm t<n(fDran^ disliked Wielandj the former, because!
he had introduced a foreign and licentious taste ; the latter, because
he cared for rules of art and bad common-^nse enough to know
that Elinger was not a second Shakspere. On the whole, the
Gottingen men of the 'Hainbund* were conservatives in poetry,
and their representative, Voss, wrote bitterly against all the inno-
vations of the original geniuses and against' those of their successors,
the Romantic School. But the ' Hainbund ' produced no great
poets. Burger, the most powerful of the men associated with the
union, was not, strictly speaking, one of its membera "With
regard to his cultivation of a popular style in ballads, he might be
reckoned among Herder^s disciples, while in other respects, he was
associated with the sensational school.
QoiTfBisD August Bubgeb, bom on the first day of 1748^
b2
244 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
studied at Halle and Gottuigen, and, during his youth, was at-
tracted by the charms of English poetry ; espedally by Shab-
spcre^B plays and Percy's ballads. Of the latter he translated
several, but deviated considerably from their simplicity, in order
to suit a taste for so-called poetic diction. Burger's practical life
was irregular and unhappy. However great his sins might have
been, he was severely punished in his third marriage. A senti-
mental and frivolous woman pretended to be fascinated by some of
his poems, and wrote to him in verse; offering her seiTices as a
mother to his three children. He was weak enough to accept the
offer, but he soon bitterly repented. This third wife made him
wretched for two years and then left hhn, about the time when his
literary reputation was attacked by the severest criticism ever
written by Schiller. There was only one consolation left for
Burger — his death, which took place in 1794. It was a miserable
spectacle to see the woman who had embittered his last four
years, when, after his decease, she travelled about the country and
made small profits by reciting his ballads with affected pathos.
Biirger had great merits of style and yersiffcation. His wild,
spectral ballad of ' Leonora' was rapidly spread through Germany
nod soon translated into several languages. An English version
was Sir Walter Scott's first publication. Other balLids, such as
* Lenardo and Bhmdine ' and ' the Pastor's Daughter of Tauben-
hain ' were generally admired for their graphic and popular style,
though in some respects they were severely criticised. Several of
.Burger's songs are good, and his sonnets are excellent. The
opinions of critics have been divided respecting the poet's general
merits. Those who have praised him highly have spoken chiefly
f f his best ballads and of a few of his lyrical poems, while they
have studied rather the style than the purport of his poetical
works. Others, who have viewed his poems as a whole, and have
had regard to their purport, as well as to their fluent versification,
have censured the poet for his want of refinement, and for such
passages of inflation or bad taste as are found in his Hitter Karl
Von EichenJkordy Frau SchnipSj * the Hape of Europa,' and even in
one of his prettiest lyrical poems, ' the Hamlet.' But however
critics may differ on the general merits of Burger, they must agree
in praising his melodious versification which, though it has the
characteristics of ease and simplicity, was the result of careful
study. Elopstock, in his old age, when talking with Wordsworth,
xrnj VOS& 245
erpredsed his belief that Burger was a more genuine poet than
either Qoethe or Schiller. This strange judgment was pronounced
in 1798, when Schiller had published his finest ballads.
JoHAiw Heinrich Voss (1751-1826) the best scholar among
the men of the ^ Hainbund/ was far more respectable as a trans-
lator of Homer than as an original poet. He wrote in tediaus
hexameter verses a long idjll-epic called ' Luise * (1784), which
suggested to Qoethe the form of his 'Hermann and Dorothea.*
In other respects, these two poems should hardly be named on one
page. It has been absurdly said that the notion of domestic
' comfort * is peculiarly English, but the whole purport of one of
the idylls of Voss is to expatiate on the snug and soothing circum-
stances of a country parson. Voss was a great enemy of all
romance and mysticism, and admired a dear, didactic tendency,
such as is well adapted for catechisms and reading-books in
elementary schools. He was an industrious man of highly respect-
able character and scholarship, but was intensely prosaic, and
avoided, not only everything that could be called fantastic and
unreal, but almost every thought that would rise above the levei
of commonplace. His rural epic 'Luise,' is divided into three
idylls : — in the first, a walk through a wood is described ; then
the pastor of Grunau — the heroine's father — ^joins his family in a
pic-nic party on the bank of a stream, and, when every minute
incident of the excursion has been tediously described, all th&
insipid characters return to the vicarage. The second idyll is
hardly more lively, for here a young man named Walter (of whom
we know nothing more than that he is betrothed to Luise) pays a
visit to the old parson of Grunau and finds Luiee fast asleep. In
the third idyll Walter and Luise are married. No reason what-
ever is assigned why the reader should feel sympathy with any
of the characters introduced, for they are hardly distinguished by
more than their names, and they all talk the same commonplaces.
Voss was proud of this idyll-epic, aud preferred his own creation,
'Luise,' to Goethe's heroine, 'Dorothea.' 'They may say what
they please in favour of Dorothea,' said Voss, ' she is not my
Luise,' a statement ai'terwards universally accepted, though not
in the sense the author intended. Voss was the representative of
a class of versifiers, includiug such names as Neutler, Koseffurten
and' Schmidt, whose chief characteristic was their extreme home-
liness. Take away all the poetry, humour and sentiment from
246 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUEB. [Ck.
some passages of Goldsmith's 'Deserted Yillage' and tlie 'Yicar
of Wakefield/ and leave only some descriptions of homely articles
of furniture, and the result might be something like the idylls
written by Voss. As they must be ranked thus low in art, it is
pleasant to say anything in favour of their moral purport. They
express contentment in circumstances of moderate prosperity, and
such natural piety as is likely to be fostered by a general sense of
comfort
The names of a few other associates of the 'Hainbund' might be
mentioned here, but it is enough to say that they hardly rose above
mediocrity. There might be found one or two exceptions to tliis
statement. Johann Anton Leisewitz (1752-1806) wrote one
tragedy, Jtditts voti Tarenij which was praised by Lessing and
contained some passages of powerful pathos. Matthias Claudiits,
(1740-1816) known also by his pseudonym ' Asmus,' wrote several
good lyrics expres.4ve of simple pious feelings, such as are found
in his ' Evening Hymn ' and his * Peasant's Evening Song.* Ills
JRheinweinlied is national and popular.
Enough has been said of inferior poetical writers to indicate the
literary tendencies of the times when Goeth§ was educating him-
self as a poet. A few years passed away, and the author of ^Gotz'
and * the Sorrows of Werther ' had left far behind him the wild
nature- worship of his youth, and had produced such true works of
art as 'Iphigenia,* ' Egmont,* * Tasso,' as well as some parts 'of
* Faust * and many beautiful lyrical poems and ballads. Before we
attempt to give an account of this second period in Goethe's
literary biography, it may be well to notice the works of a few
prose- writers belonging to the earlier part of the period 1770-1830.
Among writers of harmless and amusing fictions JoHAirarMxrs^rs
(1736-87), the author of many stories founded on old popular
legends may be mentioned with some prfuse of his lively and fiuent
style, though his best work, a series of Fairy Tales, has been cast
into the shade by the later collections of old popular myths, edited,
as Kinder- und Hausmdrchen, by the brothers Grimm. On the
ground that harmless fairy tales are better than misrepresentations
of real life, wfi may leave unnamed many empty novels and wild
romances containing neither truth nor poetry. A romance written
in the form of * Travels in the South of France ' by Moritz Augitst
TON Thummel (1738-1817) was distinguished from the crowd by
its lively style, and by some true observations of life in France,
XVn.l PEOSE WEITBES. 247
but it WBB partly based on Wieland's notions of morals and con-
tuned some imitations of Sterne's ' Sentimental Journey.'
Another imitator of Sterne was Thbodob Gottlieb tok Hippel
(1741-96), the writer of some books partly narrati?e and auto-
biographical but mostly didactic, in which there is no want of
versatile talent, though order and clearness of arrangement are
utterly neglected. If we may trust HippeFs biogmphers, bis life
was a series of contradictions and in its want of logical sequence
was like his writings. To gain the means of supporting himself
and a wife, he studied law, and with such industry and success
that he gained what might be called wealth in his times, but
instead of marrying, as he had intended, he contented himself with
writing a book * On Matrimony,' in which he laid down rules for
the conduct of husbands and wives. It is noticeable as being one
of the earliest arguments in favour of 'the emancipation of women.'
Imitation of Sterne is found merely in the erratic form of Hippers
works. His best thoughts were borrowed from Kant, whose
lectures he had attended. The eccentricity of Sterne was more
closely imitated in ' Tobias Knaut,'a strange romance, at one time
falsely ascribed to Wieland, who did however write a favourable
review of it The- author, Johakn Ejlbl Wszel, who wrote
several other fictions and some plays, was afflicted, in 1786, with
a delusion of the most extraordinary nature. He placed over a
series of his own works in his library the inscription Opera Dei
Wezelii, retired from society into profound solitude, and remained
in this state of mind until his death, which took place in 1819.
It was characteristic of the times that one of Wezel's works was
ascribed to Goethe.
Many examples might be quoted from the novelists and romance
writers, of morbid thought and sentiment^ of license supposing
itself to be liberty, and of extravagance mistaken for a proof of
genius. The chief characteristic of numerous productions in prose-
fiction was their total want of union with practical life and its
realities. The words sobriety and moderation, when applied to
literature, were in these times regarded as severe terms of reproach.
One of the most extravagant and absurd fictions, * the Adventures
of Baron Miinchhausen,' may be named here, because its authorship
has been falsely ascribed to the poet Burger. The true author,
Rudolf Erich Raspe (1737-94) was a librarian who, after com-
mitting a robbery at Cassel^ escaped in 1775 tp London, where he
248 OUTLINES OF GEEOIAN UTERATUEE. • [Ch.
wrote in Englisb; beside other books, the above-named extrava-
ganza, which was translated into German by Biirger in 1787.
In leaving the department of prose-fiction and passing to that
of didactic prose, we may mention a narrative writer whose works^
though partly imaginative, were doubtless founded on realities.
JoiLAJsrs Heinrioh Jmre, otherwise known as Stilling, the son
of a poor tailor and schoolmaster, was bom in 1740. After
enduring many privations, he went to Strassburg, where he became
acquainted with Goethe, from whom he probably received some
help in the authorship of the book entitled ' Heinrich StilliDg*8
Youth.' It was so successful that it was soon followed by several
other stories of the same class, all mostly founded on the early
experiences of the writer. There may be some doubt where fact
ends and fiction begins in these stories, but the individuality of
several of the characters introduced leaves no doubt of their
reality. The village pastor who studies alchemy, and becomes
melancholy in his old age; his opposite, the surly and proud
parson who keeps a ferocious dog, and calls his parishioners
clodhoppers and boors j Johann Stilling, the genius of the family,
who ponders long on the quadrature of the circle, and grandfather
Stilling, who, in extreme old age, climbs cherry-trees and helps to
thatch cottages ; these are no literary inventions, but true recol-
lections of the author's youthful days. The trust in Divine
Providence so often expressed in the stories of the Stilling Family
was the chipf trait in the author's own character. His misfortunes
served only to confirm his faith. When his failures in some other
endeavours had led him to study ophthalmic surgery and when he
became celebrated for his successes in operating for cataract, he
felt sure that Heaven had led him to his choice of a profession.
Though a Pietist, he was neither narrow nor bigoted. With
regard to both his breadth of sympathy and his childlike crednlityy
he might be classed with another of Goethe's early friends, the
eccentric mystic, pietist, gossip, preacher, patriot and physiogno-
mist, Lavater.
JoHAKN Easpab Lavateb, bom in 1741 at Ziirich, was an
enthusiastic preacher, who gained his literary reputation chiefly
by his treatise on the supposed science of 'Physiognomy.' His
lively and declamatory style and his firm belief in his own skill in
detecting the characters of men made his book amusing. As the
shrewd satirist Liohtenberg said, 'Lavater could, find more eenso
XVII.] LATATEB. 249
in the noses of sereral authors than the public conld find in all
their books.^ He was as hardy in his assertions as in fulfilling his
duties as a pastor and a patriot. When Zurich was occupied bj
French troops, Lavater preached boldly against the tyranny of the
Directory and published the substance of his discourses. He was
engaged in reproving the violence of the soldiery in the streets of
that town, in 1799, when he was shot by a French grenadier.
The patriot^s sufferings were severe, and he was not released by
death until 1801. It was characteristic of the times that Lavater,
on account of his entibusiastic piety, was suspected of being asso-
ciated with the Jesuits. No charge could be more absurd. His
errors belonged to the head and not to the heart He was
exceedingly credulous and was fond of gossip. His religions works,
of which an indescribable treatise called ' Pontius Pilate ' is the
chief, are written in a fluent but incoherent scyle. Perhaps the
most amusing of all his books is his (so-called) * Private Diary,'
published in 1772, full of confessions of such sins as wasting his
time on light literature and in gossiping, followed, here and there,
by such a reflection as, ^ Do you call this living for eternity ? '
Lavater was acquainted with almost all the leading literary men
of his times, except Leasing, and loved to give aid and encourage-
ment to every good movement He was, in short, a fanatic
utterly destitute of the passion of hatred, and, if only on that
account, would deserve to be remembered. This pious man was
blade a butt of ridicule by a clever and humorous writer, already
named, Geoboe Lichteitbebg (1742-99) author of a commentary
on the works of our great painter Hogarth. Lichtenberg's chief
studies were scientific, and his light and fragmentary essays were
merely his recreations. ' I once lived,' he says, * in a house where
one of the windows looked into a narrow shady lane running from
one street to another. Inhere I noticed that passengers, on stepping
out of the strong daylight of the street into the dusky little
thoroughfare, would suddenly change their expression. The man
who had been smiling in the street would look grave when he
stepped into the shade of the lane, or the demure tradesman would
smile slyly, as if he had just gained the advantage in a bargain.
Here was a puzzle for Lavater. Would he trust the face in the
street or the fia^e in the lane P ' This may serve as a specimen of
the satire levelled against Lavater's new science of physiognomy.
He certainly deserved ridicule, for nothing could be more presump-
250 . OUTLINES OP GERMAN UTERATUBB. [Oh.
tuous and arbitrary than many of his assertions ; for example, the
following on the features of Jesuits :— *
Let a Jesuit disguise himself as he may, a skilful ph3r8iognomist will
easily detect him by three signs — ^the forehead, the nose, and the chin.
The first is generally boldy convex and not angular, but rather capacious ;
the nose is commonly large, more or less Boman, and has a strong cartilage ;
the chin is rounded and prominent. ... It is a remarkable fact that
among so many Jesuits who are men of great erudition, you will hardly
find one truly philosophical head.
Among thewriters of criticism who were associated with Herder
and Goethe two may be mentioned, with regard rather to their
personal influence than to the value of their writings. Johank
Gborg SoHLOssBBy bom in 1730, the Mend and brother-in-law of
Goethe, edited a critical journal published at Frankfort (in 1772
and afterwards) to which Herder and Goethe were contributors.
JoHAinr Hbinbich Mebck, bom in 1741, maintained an extensive
correspondence with the chief literary men of his times, and exer-
cised the influence of a teacher over his junior friend Goethe, on
whom he impressed one maxim,. never forgotten — that a man of
genius needs education. Merck was very unfortunate in his
domestic and financial affairs in the later years of his life^ and
perished by his own hand in 1701.
Of the merits of the greatest among didactic authors in these
times, Immanuel Eant, bom in 1724 at Eonigsberg, no adequate
estimate can be given in these outlines of general literature. His
metaphysical doctrines belong to a closely connected system of
reasonings begun by Hume and ended, as some writers have said,
by Hegel. By the publication of his lectures on morals and
cesthetics, Kant made a great impression on the general literature
of the decennium following 1781. In opposition to the doctrine
that would base all morality upon calculations of utility, he
asserted the authoritative character of the moral principle in the
conscience of man. It is, as he contended as superior, to all our
likings and our interests, as the law that rules the solar system is
superior to the masses which it governs. 'Two things,' said Kant,
' flU the soul with wonder and reverence, increasing evermore as I
meditate more closely upon them ; the starry heavens above me,
and the moral law within me.' He goes on to argue, that if the
moral law is authoritative, it implies the existence of a moral
governor, and postulates the immortality of the soul and a future
XVIL] KANT. 251
Btate of rewards and punisbments. Hence religion is inseparably
united with ethics, and in the ratio of his own rise or fall as a moral
agent, a man*s faith in God must rise or fall. The substance of
Kant's ethical doctrine maj be found in the sermons of Joseph ,
Butler, Bishop of Durham. Wordsworth, in his sublime 'Ode to
Duty/ had probably some recollection of the passage above quoted
when he wrote the lines :—
Thou dost preserve the stars from wrong, .
And the most ancient heavens through Thee are fresh and strong.
The didactic writings of Kant served to refute some popular ^
arguments in fayour of natural theology which had ^een employed
by Reimarus and other authors of the rationalistic school. Man \
cannot, either by the logic of his own understanding, or by his
searchings throughout nature, ^find out God,' said Kant, as the
writer of the book of Job had said in old times. This doctrine
was entirely opposite to the teaching of many rationalists and
natural theologians. They had taught that clear, religious know-
ledge might be obtained by a study of nature, and /'jat duty was
only a name for self-interest well understood. Hence Kant's
ethical teaching excited in Berlin and elsewhere the controversy
to which we have already referred. Of his three chief works ;
the * Critique of Pure Reason ' (1781), the ' Critique of Practical
Reason ' (1787), and the * Critique of the Faculty of Judgment '
(1790), the last is, perhaps, the best example of his style. Kant's
life wa0 that of a retired thinker, but his principles were not
ascetic. 'Act so that men might induce from your example a
universal rule of action,' is the summary of his ethics. The teacher
who laid down that law was eminently truthful and honourable
in his own practical life, and was as remarkable for his content-
ment. He was never married, and hardly ever left his native
town, where he possessed a small house and a garden in a quiet
street He had no large library, though he was a very extensive
reader, especially in works of travels and geography. His patience
could grapple with the long noyels of Richardson, and he admired
Rousseau's writings. After a life of almost uninterrupted health
and quietude^ Kant died in his native place, February 12, 1804.
252 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEEATUBE. [Ce.
/
CHAPTER XVm.
SEVENTH PERIOD. 1770-1830.
'eOHONT — 'IPHIGENIA' — 'TAS8O' — 'HEBMAmr AND DOBOTHBA.'
Not soon will the world see agidn sucb a union of poetry and
art with practical life as existed during the half-cent ary of Goethe^s
residence at Weimar. The town and its neighbourhood were
improved and beautified ; abuses in the administration of law were
removed, and several good plans of political reform were converted
into facts ; men of genius and learning were saved fipm their hard
struggle for bread ; the universify of Jena was made great and
celebrated, and the poverty left by war- was relieved. Then art
and literature appeared in their true place^ not as substitutes for
work, but as its reward, and as attendants of hours of leisure
afforded by a faithful fulfilment of duties.
QoETHS had already obtained a wide reputation when he
accepted, in 1775, from the young prince Karl August of Saxe-
Weimar an invitation to his court, where, in the following year^
he was appointed Counsellor of the Embassy, with a seat and a
vote in the privy counciL Thus began a friendship which endured
for fifty years. Weimar, with its pleasant valley of the Ilm, its
park and garden at Belvedere, and its rural retreat at Dmenau, was a
charming residence for a poet who loved both work and repose.
Here, placed in independent circumstances, he could develope his
plan of writing only for his own satisfaction and of waiting patiently
for the world's expression of its judgment How much both
Goethe and Schiller owed to the retreat and quietude they enjoyed
at Weimar can liardly be estimated. The former, though no servile
courtier, valued highly these advantages of his position. ' What has
made Germany great,' he says, ' but the culture which is spread
through the whole country in such a nutrvellous manner and per-
XVniJ • ECatOKT/ 253
Tftdea all parts of the realm P And does not this culture emanate
from the numerous courts which grant it support and patronage? '
There are many Germans who would dissent from Goethe's
conclusions. Thej must, however, admit that the hest works of
Goethe and Schiller were not, at first, patronised by the German
people, but were written in defiance of a popular taste which was
satisfied with the dramatic writings of Kotzebue and Jffiand, to
say nothing of ' Rinaldo Rinaldioi ' and the rest of the deplorable
' robber-rtmanoes ' of the time.
Soon after he had removed to Weimar, Goethe began to write
the drama of ' Egmont,' founded on passages in the history of the
revolt of the Netherlands. It has, in some parts, strong popular
and political interest, but its chief attraction for many readers is
in the scenes where Egmont appears with the heroine Clarchen.
These must be simply described as charming, and were evidently
suggested by the poet's own experience. The defect of the drama
is that Clarchen caUs the attention of the reader away from the
idea of liberty to which the hero's life is sacrificed. A conciliation
of the two chief motives of the play takes place, however, in the
last scene, where Clarchen appears as the Spirit of Liberty and
arrayed in all the charms of youth and beauty ; but the mode in
which this is efiected is, as Schiller observed, more suitable for an
opeia than for a tragedy. Egmont, sentenced to death, falls into
a deep sleep in the dungeon. In his dream, the walls expand, the
place is filled with radiance, and the brave and beautiful maiden
appears, to cheer the prisoner with a prophecy that, by his deatii,
he shall win freedom for his native land. This dream, externally
represented as a vision, is seen by the spectators, at the same time
when it appears to the sleeper. In spite of its operatic conclusion,
' Egmont ' is on9 of the most popular of the poet's dramatic
writings.
In the course of rather more than ten years after he began to
write 'Eginont,' Goethe produced, beside comedies, operettas,
lyrical poems and ballads, the greater part of the didactic romance
Wtlhdm MeUter9 LehrjahrBf and the dramas 'Iphigenia' and
' Tasso.' Among numerous proofs of the poet's breadth of sym-
pathy, hardly any can be found more remarkable, than that he
published * the Sorrows of Werther ' in 1774 and wrote ' Iphigenia '
(in prose), in 1779. It was first acted in the Duke's private
theatre at Weimar ; Goethe took the part of Orestes, and Thoas
/
254 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ok.
and Pylades were re8pectiyely represented by Von Knebel and the
Duke Karl Augiist. The drama was not completed in Terse until
1786/ when the poet was travelling in Italy.
Apart from all confdderations of popularity or fitnem for thea-
trical representation, ' Iphi^renia ' may be described as the author's
most artistic drama. All its parts are closely united, its motives
are clearly developed, and one consistent tone of dignity and
repose prevails from the beginning to the end. But readers who
expect stirring incidents and loud passion in a play may find the
coldness of Greek sculpture, as well as its repose, in this modem-
antique drama. The plot chosen by Euripides in treating the
same subject is considerably modified by Goethe. He does not
r make Orestes the bearer of the statue of Diana from Tauris to
Delphi, for this would haye required supernatural agency. Orestes
comes to liberate his own sister and succeeds by means of her
truthfulness and ma;^animity. The heroine is a woman of almost
perfect character. At one. moment, she is tempted to deceive her
friend, King Thoas; but she soon displays the truth and the
gratitude that belongto her character, and this noble self-assertion—
at first threatening to bring ruin on herself and her brother — Pleads
to the conciliation with which the drama concludes.
*
To those who demand vigorous action arising from external
I causes, 'Iphigenia' must seem too quiet The thoughts and
emotions of the heroine in exile take the place of action, and
are expressed rather with epic repose than with dramatic energy.
As the solitary priestess of Diana, she mourns, but utters no
loud lamentation. Her first soliloquy expresses the repose of
grief and resignation, by which the whole of the drama is per-
vaded :—
Into your shadotrs, *neath your tremalous boughs.
Old consecrated grove ! — ^from ancient times
Made sacred to the goddesB whom I serve —
I come, not fearless, but as if to-day
I stepp'd, for the first time, into this gloom ;
My soul is still an exile in the hind
Where, through long years, and far fVom all I love,
A will above mine ovm hath bound me fast.
She deplores her destiny, as one separated from all whom she
loves, and stands, lonely, on the sea-shore, where only the low
roar of 'the tide gives a roply to her sighs. * I would not arguo
XVmj 'TASSO/ 255
yrith tlie gods,' she says, when. tempted to envy the power and the
liberty enjoyed by man :—
Within the state and on the battle-field
He rules, and far from home, can aid himself;
Possession cheers him, victory crowns his strife.
Or death for him is made the way to fame —
With such a destiny she contrasts her own long sufferings, and
her words rise in energy, but still her grief is dignified^ even when
she addresses to Diana the prayer : —
Deliver me, whom thou hast saved from dAth,
Now from this second death— my lonely life I
The self-control blended with grief expressed in these opening
sentences, governs the whole progress of the drama and leads to
its beautiful conclusion.
In 1789 'Iphigenia* was followed by another psychological
drama, * Taaso,' at fii-st written in prose (1780-81), and completed
in iambic verse in 1780, when'flie poet was forty years old. Its
general purport was the extreme opposite of all that had been
believed in the wild days of Sturm und Dratiff, ' Tasso * repre-
sents the important truth, that the highest genius wants a moral
as well as an intellectual e.ducation. 'A hundred times,' says
Goethe, * I have heard artists boast, that they owed everything to
themselves, and I have been often provoked to reply, '^ Yes, and
the result is just what might have been expected." ' The central
character of the drama, Tasso, represents enthusiasm and imagin-
ative genius, wanting education, in the highest sense of the word.
The thoughts and feelings of the poet take the place of external
incidents ; in other words, the action of the drama is intellectual
and emotional. This limits the interest of the work, but not so
narrowly as might be supposed. For the laws of moral education
to which even genius must be obedient are general, and, therefore,
are applicable to men who are neither poets nor artists.
Tasso was twenty- two years old when he came to Ferrara, at
the time of the duke^s wedding-festival. Here Lucrezia and
Leonora, the duke*s sisters, treated the poet with great kindness,
and encouraged him to devote himself to the completion of his
epic poem. The patronage enjoyed by the poet excited the envy
of inferior men, but their whisperings could not have hurt him^ if
7
256 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
his own too-active imagination, excited by a suspicious temper,
had not created for him foes who had no real existence. After
the completion of his epic, and during a visit to Rome, he yielded
more and more to morbid suspicion, believing himself to be
everywhere surrounded by enemies, or spies sent out by the
Inquisition. Thus in the noon-day of his fame, dark clouds swept
across his intellect, and the gloom grew deeper and deeper. On
his return to Ferrara, after aimless wanderings in Mantua, Padua
and Venice, he found himself, as he believed, treated with cold
contempt. This so excited his anger that ho spoke violently
against the duke and his court, and, soon afterwards, was declared
to be insane. He was placed in confinement in the hospital of
St. Anna, where he remained seven years. Though he regained
the use of his faculties and wrote sometimes calmly and well,
during his imprisonment, the duke harshly refused to grant a
release until 1686, and then it came too late ; the malady that
might, perhaps, ha^e yielded to a milder treatment had been made
incurable. Tasso, after his release, wandered about, like a spectre,
in Home, Florence, Mantua, and 'Naples, nowhere finding a place
that he could call his home, nowhere a friend in whom he could
confide. When his majestic figure, with pale face and lustrous
eyes, passed through the Italian towns, the people gazed upon
him, and said, ' See, that is Tasso.' He died in the convent of
San Onofrio, in 1695.
The story of the drama includes only one passage in the earlier
life of Tasso at the court of Ferrara, a misunderstanding existing
between the poet and Antonio, who represents a man of the world
and a politician. The drama opens with a pleasing scene in the
duke*s garden, where his highnesses sistera are making vrreaths of
flowers to crown the busts of Virgil and Ariosto. The duke joins
them, and soon afterwards, Tasso enters, bringing the complete
copy of his epic, ' Goffredo,' as it was entitled in 1676.
Tauo ffive* the book to Alfonso,
Alfonto, You bring me, Tasso, with this gift delight.
And make this beauteous day a festival.
At last, I have the poem in my hand
And in a certain sense, may call it mine.
Tasso. If you are satisfied the work is done |
The whole belongs to you. When I regard
The labour of the hand alone, 'tis mine ;
XVIII.] • TASSO/ 257
But when I ask what gave my epic song
All that it has of inner worth and heauty,
I see it clearly; 'twas bestowed by you.
• Though nature gave to me the power of song,
How ea^^ily might contradicting fate
Have hid from me the face of this fair world t
£^ The poverty of parents might have cast
t A dismal gloom upon my youthful soul.
And if my lips had opened then to sing,
A mournful elegy had issued forth
In tones too well according with my fate.
Tou saved me from the sorrows of my home
And freed my soul fh>m care, that in full flow
My song might pour forth all its melody;
^ All that I have 3'our bounty gave to me^
And, like a heavenly genius, you delight
In me to let the world behold yourself. •
Aifonto, The beauteous crown, the poet's ngeed, I flee
• Here on the forehead of your ancestor ;
He points to VirgiTt bust
Has chance, or some good genius placed it here?
Rethinks I hear old Virgil saying now :
' Why deck, with verdant coronals, the dead ?
jA My marble image is adorned enough.
The living crown becomes the living poet.'
Alfoiuo beckons his sister, who takes ike erownfrom VtrgiPs butt, and
apptvaehes Ttuso, who steps back,
Leonora, Why hesitate ? Whose hand bestows the crown ?
Ta^o. How, after such a moment shall I live I
Princess. You will allow me, Tasso, the delight
To tell you, without words, all—all I think.
He kneels down, while the Princess places the crown upon his head, and
Leonora applauds,
»m Tasso, Oh, take it off, ye gods ! and, glorified,
There let it hang, suspended in the heavens,
High, inaccessible I — let aU my life
Be a continual aiming at that mark !
At thiq moment of the poet's triumph, wlien the princess has
* crowned him as her laureate, the statesman Antonio arrives at
Ferrara, and, with coldness and caution, declines to share in the
enthusiasm of the moment, but takes the opportunity of expressing
an admiration of Ariosto. When Tasso c<mtrasts his own cha-
racter with that of the man of practical understanding, ho feels
too painfully his own inferiority. The princess, meanwhile, hns
resolved to unite Tasso and Antonio in firm friendship, and the
poet is ready to obey her wishes, though he is not patient enough
8
258 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
to make use of the means required for winning the confidence of
the calm and cautious politician. The secret of Tasso's failure is
that he is not contented in his own realm of poetry. Genius for
him is not, like Tirtue, its own reward, but is accompanied with
an ambition to gain honours in society. This weakness is betrayed
when, in the course of a conversation with the princess, he
describes the impressions received on his first arrival at the coui t
of Ferrara:-
An inexperienced yoath, I hither came.
Just at that time vrhen bright festivities
Made tbb Ferrara glory's central light.
. O what a spectacle I then beheld I
A circle here was formed around the space
Where knights in armour shone — a ring so bright
The 8UQ will never see the like again !
Th'e fairest ladies and the bravest men
Sat, all assembled, in that glorious ring.
. • • • .
Then when the lists were opened, how the steeds
Stamped ! shields and helmets glittered in the sun,
While piercingly the truppet's blast went forth ;
Then lances cracked, and shields and helmets rang.
And whirling clouds of dust arose, to hide
The fallen hero and the victor's pride. —
0 let the curtain fall upon a scene
That makes me know my own obscurity I
The princess speaks of her own recollections of that time^ which
are well contrasted with Tasso*s glowing description :-^
That glorious festival I did not see ;
But iu a lonely room, where died away
The last fiiint echoes of aB sounds of joy,
1 sat in pain, with many pensive thoughts,
And, with broad wings, before me hovered then
The form of Death, and covered from my sight
The scenes of all the varied living world.
By slow degrees, the dark cloud passed away.
And once again I saw, as throuf^h a veil,
The varied hues of life shine faintly out,
• And li\'ing forms about me gently moved.
When the princess first advises Ta8S0 to cultivate the friendship
of Antonio^ the poet thus replies : —
Though all the gods assembled to bring gifts
Around the cradle of this sapient man,
Alas! the Graces surely stayed away
And he who has not their endearing gifts
XVm.] • TASSO.' 259
May be a wise and prndent ooanBellor ;
Bat he can never be our boeom-firiend.
After other ezpressioiis of the poet's intolerance and defect of
sympathy, the princess warns him of the danger of yielding to a
mood of mind tiiat will drive him into solitude :—
• In this mood, Tasao, yoa will never find
CompanioDship among your fellow-men.
This way will lead you through the lonely woods.
Through the still valleys of secluded thought,
Where more and more, the mind falls out of tune
With all the world around, and strives in vain
fo find within itself that golden time
Which in the outward world is never found.
Tasio, O what a word my Princess speaks to me I
That golden time-~ah ! whither has it fled ?
For which the heart so often yearns in vain t
When o*er the cheerful earth the sons of men
In joyous companies with freedom strayed ;
When in the flowery field the aneient tree
Shaded the shepherd and the shepherdess ;
When o'er the purest sands the water-nymphs
Guided at will the clear and gentle rills ;
The harmless snake wound through the grass his way ;
The daring fawn, by the brave youth attacked,
fled to the wood, and every creature roamin(|^
And every bird that carolled in the air,
Proclaimed to men—* Live freely as you please t '
Princeat, My friend, the Grolden Age has passed ayray,
And yet true souls can bring it back again.
Tea, to confess to you my firm belief^
That golden time of which the poets sing
Was never more a truth than it is now.
Or, if it ever was, *twss only so
That it may always be restored again.
Still close together true congenial souls,
And share the joys of all this beauteous world.
But let me dightly change your law, my friend,
And let it be — * Live truly, as yon ought.*
A common tradition tells us that Tasso^s unhappiness arose from
an affection inspired by the princess. The drama partly comhines
this romantic story with the true biography of the poet, but the
princess is represented as addressing Tasso only as an intimate
friend. Goethe douhtless remembered that she was no longer in
her youth, when he represented her as speaking thus of a friendship
Buperior to any passion : — «
82
260 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUjaE. [Ch.
Beauty is perishable : that alone
You seem to honour ; all that can endare
Is dead for you, without that transient charm.
If men could only learn to know and prize
All the dear treasury of love and truth
The bosom of a woman can enfold :
If true remembrance might renew past joys ; '
If but your glance, which seems at times so keen.
Could pierce the veil that age or sickness casts
O'er beauty; if you would but rest contented,
Then happy days might soon for us appear
And we should celebrate our golden time.
A bright world expands itself before the poet, who sees all
things coloured by the radiance of his genius. Assured of the
affectionate regard which the princess cherishes for him, he feels
himself restored to confidence and good-will, and he is ready to
embrace even his suspected foes. But though a splendid poet, he
is still an uneducated man He Imows not how to make prudence
the friend and supporter of genius. Whatever he does he must do
as he writes poetry, by inspiration, disregarding the cold rules of
actual life. He forgets that all men are not just now in the glow
of enthusiasm which he feels after the completion of his poem and
his conversation with the princess. Determined to obey her
wishes, he resolves to make an ofier of friendship to Antonio. The
politician receives the poet coldly, hesitates to return the offer of
friendship, and refuses the hand stretched out Taseo's feelings
are outraged by this reception ; and, after the exchange of some
satirical remarks, the poet draws his sword, when the duke steps
forward and prevents a duel.
The princess repents of her plan of making a friendship between
the statesman and the poet, and Antonio describes Tasso as an
intolerant enthusiast: — ^At one time,' says the statesman, 'he
forgets all around him and lives in the world of his own thoughts ;
at another, he would suddenly make all the world obedient to the
impulses of his own mind.' Tasso speaks as severely of the states-
man, whom he describes as a stiff pedagogue : — ' I hate,* says the
poet, ' the imperious tone with which he tells you what you know
well already.' In the sequel Tasso, suspecting that the duke and
his sisters ai'e in conspiracy with Antonio, resolves to leave
Ferrara ; his anger finds expression in declamation against his best
friends, and confirms their belief that he has lost self-controL He
XVniJ GOETHE AND TOIATICS. 261
thus consolea himself in the desolation in which, as he imagines^
he i8 to he left for ever : —
One gift alone remains-
Nature bestowed on man the foant of tears.
The cr^ of anguish, to relieve the heart.
When more it cannot suffer ; and to me
She gave, with all my sorrows, poetry.
To tell the deepest fulness of my woe ;
And while in anguish other men are domb^
She gives me power to tell the grief I feeL
At this moment, Antonio, coming forward, grasps th^ hand of
Tasso, and with the sudden reconciliation the drama concludes.
In writing these two dramas, ' Iphigenia ' and ' Tasso/ the poet
liberated himself from the errors of the first period in his deve-
lopment, and amended the crude defects of form which are found
in his first drama, ' Qotz von Berlichmgen,^ This, however, with all
its faults, was recommended by its national character, and it was
a disappointment for many readers when Goethe selected antique
and foreign themes.
Critics who accuse Goethe of ' political indifference,' during the
time of the French Revolution, should remember the fact, that he
endeavoured to understand it, though he could not be hopeful
respecting itf: results. He was neither ' an apostle of liberty,' nor
a blind worshipper of rulers, but belonged to the third party, if we
may so name the men who held a position thus described by
himself : — ' I am no more a friend of the revolutionists than I am
of such a king as Louis XV. I hate every violent overthrow,
because as much good is destroyed as is gained by it I dislike
those who achieve it, as well as those who give cause for it'
In accordance with his habit of putting into some form, more or
less poetical, all the events that were parts of his own experience,
Goethe wrote several dramatic works having reference to the
political movements of the age. In the Qros^-Cophtha (1789) he
exposed the corruption of the upper classes in France, and in the
* Citizen-G^eral ' (1703), he referred to the influence of the
French Revolution on men of weak and imitative minds in
Germany. An unfinished drama entitled Die Aufgerefften (' The
Agitated,' in a political sensQ), published in 1703, expressed the
writer's belief that such an outburst of the lowest passions as had
occurred in. Paris could never have been made possihle saye by
262 OUTLINES OF GERliAN LITERATURE. [Ck.
previous unjust gOTemment. ' That play/ said Goethe, * may be
regarded, in some measure, as my political confession of fSldth at
the time. ... It is true that I could be no fiiend to the EreDch
Revolution, for its horrors were too near me and shocked me daily
and hourly, whilst its beneficial results were not then to be disco-
vered. But I was as little a friend to arbitrary rule. . . . Revo-
lutions are utterly impossible as long as governments are constantly
just and vigilant'
'Eugenie, or the Natural Daughter' (1801) — a drama founded
on the memoirs of the Princess Stephanie de Bourbon-Conti, was
intended to form the firet part of a trilogy — a circumstance that
explains its slow progression and want of dramatic effect. The
whole design, of which only a part was completed, would have
included an exposition of the writer*s views of the movement of
1789. The plan was left unfulfilled, says Madame de Stael, when
it was found that the story of the princess was discredited ; more
probably, the reason was, that the poet was not in love vnth the
subject
In order to place several dramatic works in an unbroken series,
we have deferred a notice of one of the poet's best productions.
It is an epic-idyll, and with regard to its extent may be styled a
miniature, but its interest is both general and national.
* IIebhai^n and Dokothea ' (1796-7) is a poem in which a
simple story of domestic but universal interest is united with
national events arising from the war of the French Revolution.
These incidents are well placed in the background, and there
serve as dark shadows in a picture. The characters are few and
clearly drawn, and one ruling thought, the triumph of love and
courage, is well developed throughout the story. Its foreground
scenery includes only a small rural town and its neighbourhood,
but in the background are seen, in shade, bands of the retreating
French soldiery, who, on their way through the district of the
Upper Rhine, plunder farm-houses and drive peasants from their
dwellings. A great historical event is thus connected with the
plot, and gives both interest and importance to the story, while its
leading characters are worthy of such an association with national
events. For Herhani?, the hero, is honest and brave, though his
character is hardly defined before the time when he meets
DoBOTHSA, the heroine, whose goodness is made more prominent
than her personal beauty, while her misfortunes deyelope virtuee
XVin.] 'HEKMANN AND DOROTHEA.' 263
•
truly heroic, yet womanlike. In mentioning one trait of her cha-
racter, her courage, shown in slaying a marauding soldier, the poet
was probably guided by a recollection of facts. This is one
exception to the rule otherwise observed well throughout the
poem, of keeping scenes of warfare in the background, and covered
by a cloud. Out of the darkness of that doud the character of
the heroine shines forth with the brightness of a rtunbow.
The beauty of the style aad the poetry of the idj^U* must be loj^t
when it is reduced to a succinct analysis in prose, but this will
convey a better notion of the story than could be expressed by
abstract criticism. We give therefore the following outlines of
this epic in miniature.
The harvest is ripe for the sickle in a fertile valley near the
Rhine, where a band of emigr^ts, driven from their homes in the
Upper Rhine district, are arriving. They are led by a venerable
old man, and stay to rest themselves in a village a few miles
distant from a little market-town. Among the leading men of
this town the host of the ^Golden Lion ' is a prominent figure.
He is sitting at the doorway of his house, in the market-place, and
though grieved by the tale he has heard of the emigrants and their
distresses, he solaces himself by thoughts of his own prosperity.
'Tis rare fine harvest-weather,' he says to his wife; 'we shall get
in the wheat, I hope, as well as we secured the hay. There is
not a cloud in the sky, and a soft wind is blowing. We shall
begin reaping to-morrow. ... I never before saw the streets
and the market-place of our town so empty. Hardly fifty people
seem to be left in the town, so many have gone, in the heat of the
day, to see these emigrants from the Upper Rhine. Well, for my
part, I wiU not move from my place to see their misery.' But
the landlord is not destitute of sympathy ; he has sent out his only
eon, Hermann, to carry food and clothing to the poor people. One
of his neighbours, an apothecaiy, though a man of narrow sympa-
thies, has' been out to aee the refugees, and now oomes back to
describe their wretched circumstances. He is an egotist, and soon
betrays himself, for he cannot tell the story without a prefatory
reference to his own discomfort in seeing misery. This feeling is
shared by the host. * I am glad,' he says, ' that I did not go
myself, for I cannot bear the sight of distress.' The landlord, with
his friends, the apothecary and the curate, refresh themselves with
a flask of Rl^ne-wine, enjoyed in the shade of a cool back-parlouxi
264 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ck.
where ' no files iDtrude ' (q^ mine host says); and tbeir talk is of
the events of the times.
When Hermann comes home, he tells his story of the pitiahle
condition of the emigrants. * On my way/ he says, ' I overtook a
waggon drawn by a yoke of oxen, and guided by a brave young
maiden who came towards me and prayed for assistance, not for
herself, but for a poor woman lying upon straw in the waggon,
and clasping* an infant to her breast. J gave the maiden both food
and clothing, and, when she thanked me, she said, '^ It is only in
such misery as ours that we see clearly the hand of God directing
good men to relieve the sufferings of the unfortunate.*' * The
tale told by Hermann suggests timid thoughts to the apothecaiy,
who is a snug bachelor. ' Happy,' says he, * is the man who, in
these days of trouble, has neither wife nor children to care for !
I am glad that I have already packed away the most valuable
part of my property. No one runs away from danger so easily as
a single man.' Against this timid sentiment Hermann makes an
earnest protest. ' I do not agree with you,' he says, * for many a
good maiden, in these days, needs a protecting husband. How
can a man live and think only of himself ? ' This bold speech gives
pleasure to the good hostess of tlie ' Golden Lion,' who tells the
story of her own marriage in times of pecuniary difficulty. In the
conversation that follow9,it appears that the host, like a man who
has risen in the world and wishes his son to rise higher, has
cherished a hope that Hermann may select as a wife the daughter
of the wealthiest tradesman in the town. ^ Yes, Hermann,' says
the father, ' you will be a comfort to my old age, if you bring me
a daughter-in-law from a certain house^not &r off; you know it
welL'
Unhappily, the father and the son have never been able to
agree on the merits of this project. The son frankly confesses that
he fails to appreciate the advantages of the proposed union, and
speaks with disrespect of the showy education of the rich trades-
man's daughters. This arouses the father's despotism, and the
conversation soon becomes so unpleasant that Hermann leaves the
house. ' Go,' says the landlord, ' headstrong as you are. Go and
see to the fai-m-yard, for which, by the bye, I do not thank you.
But think not to bring here any low coimtry maiden for my
daughtei^in-law I I will have a respectable daughter, one who can
play the pianoforte, and I will have all such respectable company
XVin.] 'HERMANN AND DOEOTHEA.' 2(>5
as my neighbour has on-Sandays; mmd that! ' When Hermann
has gone out the father's temper becomes cooler, and he solaces
himself by preaching to his friends on ^he important duty of
constantly studying how to rise in the world. 'What must
become of a house^ or of a town/ he says, ' if each generation does
not try to make improvements on the old P ' Then follow severe
remarks on the son's want of laudable ambition, and these call
into exercise the eloquence of the hostess, who bravely defends
the character of her son ; — ' 1 will not have my Hermann abused/
she says, ' I know he has a good heart, and that he will rise to be
an honourable man and a pattern for our townspeople/ So saying,
she leaves her husband to continue his long discourse on * respeo-
tability,' and goes to find her son and solace him with kind
words.
The conversation continues in the cool back-parlour, and the
apothecary, studious to avoid anything that might offend, ventures,
nevertheless, to say sonlething in favour of moderating ambition.
He prefers repose to 'respectability,' and speaks with terror of
increasingly expensive habits. ' In old-fashioned times,' he says,
* my pleasure-garden was talked of all through the neighbourhood ;
every stranger stayed to look through the palisades at the two"*
stone figures and the painted dwarfs there. My grotto, too, where
I often took my coffee, was greatly admired, for I had decorated
the walls with artistically arranged shells, corals and spars ; but
who cares for such old-fashioned things now P I should like to
'go with the times, but I fear to make any changes, for, when you
begin^ who knows how many work-people you will soon have
about your house P I have had thoughts of gilding the figures of
Michael and the Dragon, in front of my shop, but I shall leave
them brown, just as they are. The cost of gilding is so Mghtful.'
So ends the speech of the cautious and conservative apothecary.
Meanwhile, the hostess has sought her son in the garden and in
the vineyard, and finds him in the adjoining field, seated in the
shadQ of a pear-tree, and looking towards the distant blue hills.
He looks stem, and, in reply to soothing words, talks of the
war and of the miseries of the emigrants. * What I have seen
and heard this morning has touched my heart,' says he ; — ' shall a
Qerman stay at home and hope to escape the ruin that threatens
us all P I am grieved that I escaped from the last drawing for
soldiers. I will go now, to live or die for fatherland, and to set a
266 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
good example to other youths. I will return to our house no
more. From this place I go to give to our army my hand and my
heart, .to fight for our native land, and then let my father say
again, that I have not a spark of honourable pride in my bosom ! ' •
The sagacious hostess hears all this and more to the same
purpose, and admires her son's enthusiasm, but she will not believe
that he is inspired only by patriotism. With tact and kindness
she leads him to make a fuller confession of his motives for dis-
obeying his father's wishes. The result of the visit to the emi-
grants' camp has been more than sympathy with their misfortunes;
Hermann cannot forget that brave maiden who prayed that he
would have compassion on her companion. When the mother
feels assured that this is no dream, but an impression so strong
that it has already changed her son's character, she resolves, that
the domestic warfare impending shall be waged frankly and
boldly. Having returned to the room where her husband and his
friends are still drinking Rhine-wine and talking, she tells them
all the truth respecting Hermann's sudden resolution. The father
listens with silent astonishment, while the curate takes the mother's
part and deprecates opposition. ' A moment like this,' he says,
' often decides a man's destiny.' ' Make haste slowly 1 ' says the
timid apothecary, who proposes that a deputation should be sent
to make enquiries respecting the heroine.
Accordingly, the curate and the apothecary sally forth to the
village, where they find a venerable man, the leader and the ruler^
of the company of refugees. 'He is like a Moses leading the
wandering people through the wilderness,' says the curate. The
old man tells his story and that of his friends, and thus the plot
of the epic is connected with history. The villages from which
the people were driven were plundered by a retreating army.
' Vanquished soldiers,* says the old man, ' involved all things in
their own ruin. May I never live to see again men so maddened
and so miserable 1 Let no man talk again of freedom tmtil he is
sure that he can govern himself I ' In the course of further con-
versation, the veteran tells the story of a German maiden, who,
left alone to guard children in a farm-house, repelled several
marauders and cut down one of them with a sabre.
Meanwhile, the apothecary has been wandering about, until he
has found a maiden answering to the description given of Dorothea. '
XVmj * HERMANN AND DOROTHEA.' 267
She IB seftted under the shade of an apple-tree, and is engaged in
preparing for destitute children some articles of clothing given by
Hermann. ^That/ says the old man, ^is the maiden who guarded
the farm-house, and she is as good as she is brave and beautiful/
The curate and his friend return to the town, bearing a highly
favourable report of the results of their enquiry, and soon after-
wards, Hermann, unattended, again visits the encampment of the
refugees.
As he approaches a dear fountain, on the side of the road
leading to the village, he sees Dorothea coming to draw water,
that she may carry a refreshing draught to the invalid woman.
* Thoughtless people,* says the maiden, ' have allowed their cattle
to disturb the stream that flows through the village, but J am
glad that I have come so far to find pure water,' she adds frankly,
'for it does the heart good to see the face of a friend.' While she
is speaking, Hermann notices the golden ring upgn her finger that
tells him she is already betrothed. She explains that she is lefl
desolate in the world, and that when she has done all that she
can for her friends, she would be glad to find any home where she
might be serviceable. The result of all that she tells and of
Hermann's fear to confess the whole truth is, that Dorothea
resolves to accept an engagement as domestic servant at the
' Golden Lion.' She bids farewell to the mother whom she has
nursed. ' When you look on your child,\8ays Dorothea, * when
you see him wrapped in this comfortable robe, and press him to
your bosom, think of the generous youth who gave us the clothing,
and who now takes me to a home where I may be useful and
happy.' Then Dorothea kneels down, kisses the woman reclining
on the bed of straw, and receives a whispered blessing.
Meanwhile, the report given by the curate, and the pleadings of
tiie hostess, have had such an efiect on the landlord of the ' Golden
Lion,' that he can, at least, tolerate the thought that Dorothea
may some day be accepted as a daughter. He is again sittmg in
his retired parlour and talking with his neighbours, while the
hostess impatiently awaits her son's arrival. When Hermann
'comes homd, he calls the curate aside and explains that the
emigrant maiden enters the house at present as a servant. This
explanation is, however, too late to prevent the pain already
given by a remark made by the host, as soon as the maiden steps
268 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ck.
into the room. He suddenly expresses admiration of her beauty,
and an approval of Hermann's choice in that respect. * Your son,
sir/ says Dorothea, ' did not prepare me for this reception. I have
no doubt that I stand here before a good and a respectable man,
but you have not such pity as you ought to^ have for the poor, or
you would not thus remind me how far my destiny has placed me
beneath your family. I come to you as a poor maiden, with all
my property in this small bundle. Is it noble, by an untimely
jest, to drive away one who would have served you faithfully ? '
In vain the curate interposes and prays Dorothea not to be
ofiended by a joke. It is not a mere jest that has so deeply
wounded her feelings. She has been more than grateful towards
the youth whom she calk the saviour of her friends, and her
feelings have made her too ready to accept service at the ' Golden
Lion.' Now she sees clearly the false position into which such
sentiments migM lead her, and is resolved to stay no longer in the
houde. A storm has suddenly gathered, and the rain is heavily
falling, but she hastens to the door and is turning to say ' farewell,'
when Hermann steps forward and makes a full confession. The
curate has, meanwhile, explained the misunderstanding and now
offers his services for the betrothal of Hermann and Dorothea.
But Hermann again looks at the pledge on the maiden's finger
and still fears that he may be rejected, imtil Dorothea is persuaded
by the curate to tell alVthe mystery of the ring. ' The brave youth
who gave it me, some years ago,' says she, ' went away to Paris,
there (as he believed) to figbt for freedom, and there he felL
''Farewell! " said he, when he left me, ''all things are moving
now ; laws and possessions are changing ; friend is severed from
friend; we are but pilgrims on the earth — ^more so now than ever I "
I thought of his words when I lost all my own pix>perty, and I
think of them again now, when a new life seems beginning for me.
Forgive me, if I tremble now, my friend, while I hang upon your
arm. I feel like the sailor, when he escapes from a storm, and
first steps upon the land.*
' Thou art mine, Dorothea,' says Hermann, 'and all tbat is mine
seems now more my own than ever it was before, and I will keep*
it, not with care and anxiety, but with strength and courage. So
let all Germans say, "This is ours," and boldly assert tbeir rights I
XVin.] 'HERMANN AND DOROTHEA.' 269
And, if ftll Hn of 017 mind, we »baU, with resolute hearts, oppoee
the foe, vnd our natiTS land sh&ll hme peace.'
Thils the poem concludes, as it opened, with a refereDce to
national arenti, aod the unioD of the hero and the heFoine is
aseodated with the prospect of national unitj. If the poet had
eTCT incuired just ceasure bjr neglecting to write in a patriotic
spirit, be made a good apology by writing ' Heimaon and
Dorothea.'
270 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN LTTEEATITEE. [Ch.
CHAPTER XrZ. ■
SEVENTH PERIOD, 1770-183(K
GOSTHb's LTRICAL Am) OOCASIONAI^ POEMS — BON96 — ^BALLADS — ^RB-
FEBBNOBS TO AX7T0BIOOBAPET — ODBS — BLBQIBS — SPiaSABU A2n>
OTHBB DIDACnO P0BM8.
The object of this chapter can hardly be more than to indicate the
extraordinaiy variety of themes and modes of treatment found in
Goethe's minor poems. If it were desirable to add anything to the •
Yoluminous criticism already bestowed on the poei^ it could not
be reasonably attempted within our limits. For any general i
remarks which we may venture to make respecting the genius of
Goethf)^ the reader is referred to a subsequent chapter. Preceding
analyses have already told something of the wide range of subjects
treated by the poet. How remarkable the tranation from Gotz —
vigorous, but destitute of artistic form — or from the ' Sorrows of
, Werther,' to the dignity of ' Iphigenia ' and the cheerful epic tone
of ' Hermann and Dorothea ' I Yet only a few phases of the poet's
variety have been shown ) we have still to mention his ballads and
lyrical poems and his unique drama, ' Faust.'
There is great difficulty in tlie attempt to represent in any form
of English translation th^ melody and the charm of the ballads
and lyrical poems, for they have all the ease and freedom of nature
in their happy union of thought and expression.' There is no ^
apparent elETort and no rhetoric in these poems. Among the songs
are found several so closely united with music that they must be
sung to be appreciated. - They are melodious expressions of life
with its common joys and sorrows, and aa life is often simple and
lowly, several of these lyrics have the same character. For a taste
so confused as to ask for dramatic efiects and didactic points in a
lyrical poem; Goethe's songs were Bot written, and they would .
XIXJ GOETHFS POEMS. 271
certainly have failed to please the extinct critics who ridiculed
Wordsworth for using in poetry the language of common life.
Several early occasional poems on ai% have a reference to the
poet's own attempts in painting and engraving. His boyhood was
partly spent in an atdier in his father s house at Frankfort, where
painters and other artists were frequent visitors. For some years
afterwards, in Leipzig, Dresden and elsewhere, the poet continued
his studies in drawing, etching and painting, until, as he tells us,
he felt convinced that he could rise to the rank of a master in only
one art, that of writing German verse and prose.
All Qoethe's minor poems may be called ' occasional/ in his
own free sense of the word, and several are so far autobiographical
that they require annotations to make clear their numerous refer-
ences to facts in the poet's life. For example, a poem composed
' during a journey in the Harz Mountains, in winter (1776),' might
at first sight seem like a fiction, but its individuality soon assures
us that it is founded on facts. The poet, wishing to inspect some
mines and also to pay a visit to a friend in depressed health,
availed himself of an opportunity of joining a winter hunting
party. Leaving his companions to pursue their sport, he under-
took a lonely journey over the Brocken, which he describes in the
poem i —
Stonny winds arotind him blowing
Serve to cheer him, upwards going.
The torrent, as it roars along.
Makes music for a matin-song,
And for a lofty altar, lo !
The haunted Blocksberg, capp*d with snow,
Where, as boors and miners dream.
Wild spectres in the moonlight gleam.
Other parts of the poem would be hardly intelligible without the
biographical fact^ above stated. It is important therefore that
this Hamreke im Winter y with other occasional poems of the same
class, should not be given without notes, as is often the case in
selections of poetry intended for general use.
Several early lyrical poems, including not a few amatory songs,
may be passed by with the remark that their defects, or rather
their excesses, belonged to the days of Sturm und Drang, when
Goethe wrote also his wild dithyrambic ' Storm-song,' described
by himself as a * half-crazy ' production. The following is an
imitation of the opening lines i-^
272 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATtJRK [Oh.
Geqins ! while by thee attended.
Neither rain nor storm can daant me,
Fears no Jonger haant me.
Genius ! while by thee befriended.
Singing still, I face rough weather.
Clouds of thunder piled together :
Singing still,
As over the hiU,
' The lark ia singing !
For a full interpretation of this rhapsody the reader is refeired to
the poet's autobiography. He tells us that, to quell the sorrow he
felt after leaving Strassburg and Sesenheim, he took long walks
in the country, without regard for stormy weather. The quasi-
Pindaric effusion was the result of a walk under heavy rain. Not
long after writing that ' Wanderer's Storm-song/ the poet wrote
a dialogue. called 'The Wanderer/ remarkable for its antique
dignity. In several other poems of about the same date (1771-4)
he delights to view life as a stormy journey and in one of them
he calls * Time ' a ' postilion/ and bids him ply whip and spurs,
that life's carriage may roll on swiftly, over the mountain and
down into the valley, and by villages and lonely hostelries, where
the traveller refuses to stay^ though youth and beauty invite him.
This rhapsody has all the vigour without the coarseness .of the
days of Sturm und Drang.
The dithyrambic audacity of that ' Storm-song ' is exceeded in
another poem, 'Prometheus,' the result of the young poet's reading
of some of Spinosa's works. It must be understood that these
defiant words are addressed by Prometheus only to ZeuS; the
despot) an imaginary creature of Greek mythology : —
Cover thy sky with clouds
And — ^like a boy who smites
The heads of thistles-
Display thy might on oaks and mountain peaks I
3till Thou must leave for me
The earth ; my hut — ^not built by Thee I
And this my glowing hearth ; its cheerful flame
Excites thine envy !
* • * • *
Here sit I, forming men on mine own plan,
A race, like me, to suffer and to weep ;
But they shall also prosper and rejoloe,
And— -like myself— K»re nought for Thee I
That the solitary and defiant mood expressed in these unrhymed
XIX.] OCCASIONAL POEMS. 278
lines was only temporaTj, is easily shown by a reference to the
hymns entitled respectively * The Divine/ and the ' Boundaries of
Humanity.' The latter is an expression of humility, the former
asserts only what Kant and Hegel taught, that religion must he
founded, not on natural theology (so called), but on morality. In
the following passage no attempt is made to foUow closely the
original rhythm:-
Let man be magnanimous, generous and kind I
Such virtues alone can make him distinct
From all othisr beings of whom we haye knowledge.
With reverence be named the Higher Powers
Unknown, of whose nature we have but forebodings
In whom man alone can make us beUeverSb
For Nature, around ns^ is cold and unfeeling ;
The Sim shines alike on the good and the evil ;
The moon and the stars light the criminal's path,
As well as the way of the just.
The themes chosen by Goethe for his songs are often 'as old
as the hills,' but^ like the hillsy are ever new for poets. The
forsaken shepherd stands on the hill-side and looks down on a
deserted cottage. The poet teUs all the shepherd's sorrow without
the use of ' poetic diction ; ' in other words, just as the swain would
have told it^ had he possessed the power of making metre and
rhyme: —
All down the slope descending, and following my sheep^
Along the valley wending, as walking in nay sleep,
I roam along the meadow, aU gay in summer bloom ;
The fairest flowers I'm culling, and hardly know for whom %
Or sheltered from the weather, there, in a misty gleam,
I see a hut deserted, 'tis all but like a dream —
And o'er the roof a rainbow for others bright and fair,
But not for me I the maiden, no longer dwelling thesB^
Has wander'd o'er the monntain, it may be, o'er the sea I
Sheep I leave the flowery meadow ; 'tis sorrowful for me I
In another song, the Jagers AhendUed, we have the same theme,
but treated with new harmonies, for it is now the hunter who
tells his sorrow, and, instaad of the meadow in the valley, the
tree and the deserted cottage in the rainbow's gleam^ we have
274 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEBATURE. [Ch.
for scenery, the still moon sliimng on the ridge where the game
easily escapes from the^ dreaming Jiiger : —
As, lone and wild, along the fell
In search of game I stray,
The form, the face I love so well
Attend me on my way. • . «
Dost Thou behold in dreams the man
Who wandersi east and west.
And, while so far away from thee.
Can find no place of rest?
Another song may he briefly noticed as an example of Goethe's
simplest lyrical poems written for music. It is hardly treated
with fairness when taken out of its place in the operetta ' Erwin
and Elmire.' There it is sung hy Erwin in a garden where the
roses are hlighted.
I remember, love, with sadness.
When, to win a smile from yon.
Every mom, I brought with gladness
Boses wet with morning dew. . . .
Now, no more your charms displaying,
Flowen my love refused to wear I
Roses — ah, so soon decaying—
Fade and die ! for I despair.
Among other lyrical poems that partly lose their effect when
given in an isolated form, Mignon's Song, 'Know'st Thou the
Land P ' (in Wilhdm Meister) may he noticed. It strictly helongs
to the story of an exiled Italian girl, wandering ahout with
strolling players in the cold North and longing for her home. We
must know something of the singer hefore we can feel all the
pathos of such words as these : —
Know you the land where citron-trees are growing?
In leafy shade the golden orange glows,
A softer wind is from the blue sky blowing.
And near the bay the lowlier myrtle grows.
Know you the land ? —
Tis there! 'tis there I
Tint I woold go with thee, my love ! — 'tis there I
Goethe's occasional poems include songs, dithyramhic odes^
elegies, ballads, epigrams, and parahlas. With regard to their
subjects, it may he asserted, that a selection containing only a few
XIXJ GOETHM VABIETY. 275
poems from each of the above clafises would indude such a
Yiiriety of thoughts and sentiments as could hardly be found
elsewhere in so small a compass. For here we have the many
moods of mind characteristic of a writer who was, at once, a poet,
a man of science, an observer of practical life, and a lover of art
The varied metres and forms of his minor poems accord with the
Tariety of their themes. Here lyrics as simple as the songs already
noticed are followed by odes of antique grandeur, and by ballads
ranging in style from wild romance or caricature to epic interest
and dignity. Of the ballads and other poems written to satirize
literary follies one or two specimens may be noticed. There was
a lime, near the dose of the last century, when German fiction
could not be mentioned without suggesting robber-romances,
ballads of 'diablerie' and 'tales of terror.' We have seen how
rapidly Biirger*8 wild balUd of ' Leonora/ masterly in its kind^
won a wide popularity, and that fSor inferior pieces were read with
aTidity. On the whole, Goethe in early life, showed a wholesome
aversion from the horrors of powerful sensational writing, and to
turn them Into ridicule wrote two or three such caricatures as
' The Skeletons* Dance.' A few lines are enough to show that he
might, perhaps, have excelled both Schubart and Biirger in this
odd department of literatue. However absurd, it must be repre-
sented here, and Goethe's euicatuie may serve to set aside
quotations from inferior writers :^-
The warder lookB down from the tower at nighty
On the churchyard asleep in the moon's pale UfjkL • • •
Ha ! can it be real ? — the graves open all,
And the skeletons come to their midnight ball !
Bone clatters to bone ; legs find their own feet»
And balls with their sockets ail readily meet ;
For dandDg the shrouds are too lengthy and wide^
60, to make tripping easy and steady.
On tombstones and graves they are all oast aside^
And now for the ball we are ready.
Then, ha I what a dance in the churchyard lone t
And oh, what a datter of t)one upon bone I
• • •
The warder grows meny ; he runs down below
And one of their winding-sheets seizes. • • •
t2
276 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
One mLsses bis shroud. There it hangs on the tower t
He must have it before the bell tolls the next boor. • •
He climbs up the turret on crocket and scroll
('Tvras Gothic with rich decoration)
He climbs like a spider ; the warder, poor soul !
Is quaking in dire perturbation ;
For up comes the skeleton I sure not to stop
Until his claws grapple the thief on the top.
With terror the warder is white as'a smock.
When luck the poor fellow releases ;
The bell thunders 'one,' and— thrown down by the Bhock<~
The skeleton tumbles to pieces 1
Anotlier caricature^ ' Muses and Graces in the Mark/ a sort of
pastoral, should be mentioned, as it serves to explun our brevity
in noticing several writers of homely idylls. They belonged to a
school of which Voss was the head-master, while Schmidt (a rural
pastor who lived in a district called the Mark) was one pi the
more advanced pupils. He was a lover of extreme simplicity and
lowliness of both thought and expression. Without this reference
to the class of poems satirized in the pastoral above named, it
might seem strange to find among Goethe's lyrical poema such a
stanza as thid : —
By their rules let critics try ufi^
Still we never care a jot;
For we're natural and pious.
And contented with our lot.
Several of Schmidt's ovm poems are more ridicalona than this.
It is, indeed, more like a fair imitation than a parody of the style
in which the good pastor in the Mark wrote of the pleasures of
rural life. For satire in a better style we nmy turn to a ballad
entitled Der ZauherlehrUng (<The Magician's Apprentice'), an
excellent union of apparent levity with good teaching. There is
nothing directly didactic in the story, but the thought suggested
has importance both for life and art The tale, borrowed from
Ludan's ^cXoifrev^^Ci tells that Eukrates, a pupil in magic, whose
master was Pankrates, stole by eavesdropping half of one of the
master's secrets, a formula of incaatation by which a besom may
be suddenly converted into a kobold or sprite who is employed as
a water-carrier. When his services are no longer required, three
words can, at once, reduce him to his primitive condition. The
sequel shows the danger attending a half-knowledge of any
XIX.] ' BALLADS. 277
buainess. Eukrates, 'left alone^ calls into activity the water-
carrier, whose services are only too zealous. He fills the bath, but
still pours in one pail of water after another until the house is
flooded. The apprentice has, like a demagogue, excited a movement
over which he has no control, and, for want of skill, has now
recourse to violence. He seizes a sabre and cuts the kobold in
twain, but this only makes the case worse, for there are now two
kobolds, both pouring water into the house as fast as they can^ until
Eukrates screams out in his despair : —
See them runnings coming, going,
Poaring water, faist and faster I
Over all the rooms 'tis flowing,
Apd they'll drown me. O good master I
Hear me ; and in this disaster,
Help me I — Sprites compelled to aid me
Thus, in spite, have disobeyed me.
As examples of the poet's most artistic ballads, two written in
1797, 'The' Bride of Corinth,' and < The God and the Bayadere,'
must, at least, Ji)e mentioned. The painful subject of the first was
taken from the ' Wonderful Stories * of Trftllianus, a Greek writer
of the second century. This choice of a subject, the stoiy of a
vampire, has been severely censured, and it has been especially
noticed as* inconsistent that a writer who condemned the medieval
legend of ' Poor Heniy,' the leper, should select a more repulsive
narrative. ' ' The God and the Bayadere ' is a Hindoo legend, and,
as treated by Goethe, is remarkable for the dramatic interest of
the sCbry and the varied melody of the veisification.
The best of the ballads are those of which an artistic translation
is difficult. It would be comparatively easy to give the substance
of a few of the more didactic poems written in the poet's declining *
years, but these cannot serve as fedr examples of his powers as a
lyrical writer. The ballad of the 'Treasure-Digger' may be
pointed out as a medium between the free and sometimes wild
poetry of youth and the didactic sobriety of age. Here the story
has a moral, one of the best in the world, but the narrative interest
is not sacrificed to the moral, and the latter is not repeated like a
maxim in a boy's copybook. Urged to desperation by extreme
poverty, the treasure-digger comes, at the dark hour of midnight,
to make a con^ct with 'the enemy' so often encountered in
German ballads. The magic circle is duly drawn, and the requi-
278 OUTLINES OF GBKMAN LITERATUBE. [Ca.
site incantations are cbanted, when, instead of tlie fiend, a bright
light appears, and in the niidet of it a boy, the Qenius of Indostrj,
cheerfCd and rosy as Cupid. He brings a bowl filled with a
refreshing beveragey and thus adyises the misguided digger for
hidden treasure :-^
Prink I and now, prepared for labour.
Ton shall learn your true yocation .:—
Come no more with vain endeavour.
Here to tiy your incantation ;
Dig no more fbr hidden treasure t
Better far than conjuration
Weeks of care with days of pleasure.
Toil relieved by recreation I
The following Terses should, perhaps, hardly be classed with
the didactic, for their moral is as latent as the little flower of
which they tell a story : —
As in the wood I stray*d, a flower I chancM td spy ;
Within the leafy shades 'twas like a deep-blue eye.
* 1*11 gather you/ I said ; the violet seemM to say,
< Ah, why so soon must 1 be cull*d and thrown away ? '
■
' I'll take your rootlets fine, and in my garden, near
My cottage, youll be mine, and bloom fbr many a year.'
The youthful period in the development of Goethe's poetic
genius may be said to have closed about 1783, when he wrote his
meditative poem on ' Ilmenau,' a place in the neighbourhood of
Weimar to which the poet and his friend the archduke loved to
retreat from the cares of public life. In this interesting retro-
spective soliloquy Goethe speaks of the excitements of former
years as if they belonged to a remote past. The love oi repose
that prevails throughout the poem is more concisely expressed in
an impromptu of about the same date. It was at first written
with a pencil in a summer-house on the Kikelhahn, a high hiU
near the Smenau valley. The following is a paraphrase :-*
Hush'd now is every wild bird's lay
In the day's calm close ;
The trees are all asleep ; how still
Is the light green leaf on the topmost spray
And, list as you will, you hear not a trill
In the woodland lone.
O wait, my soul I and soon, repose
Like this will be your own.
N
XIX.] • ELEGIES. 279
Wlien it is said that the poem on ' Ilmenau ' marlrs a transition
from youthful inspiration to studious and artistic writing, the
assertion must not he too strictly understood^ for the poet gare
proofs of a studious and refined taste hefore 1783 ; witness the
dialogue entitled ^ The Wanderer/ written in 1772. On the other
hand, it must he noticed that the transition made was not one of
an extreme character. It aifected the form and the style more
than the essential character of the poet's writings. Neither
Goethe nor Schiller ever forgot all the sensual and sentimental
tendencies of the literature belonging to the days of Sturm tmd
Drang, Schiller's play of WaUenstein is injured by the long and
sentimental love-episode of Max and Thecla. With regard to
Gh)ethe's more sensuous poetry, we can only briefly refer to the
blame incurred by the freedom of expression found in some of his
minor poems, especially in the 'Roman Elegies/ written in 1768-9,
after his second visit to Italy. In other respects, they belong to
the poet's classical works, and may be compared with the elegies
of Propertius and Tibullus. These ' Roman Elegies/ so named
with respect to their form and versification, though their tone is
cheerful, are at once antique and original. To their antique form
the writer ascribes no inconsiderable virtue, for he confesses that
' if they had been written in the metre and the style of Bynfti's
''Don Juan," their import would have been thought infamous.'
No apology of that kind is required for three beautiful elegies,
'Alexis and Dora,' 'Amyntas/ and ' Euphrosyne,' all written in
1796-7. The first is truly described by Schiller as one of the
finest of Goethe's poems. The third was written on the decease
of Christiane Becker, an actress who had lived at Weimar, and
had been educated under the care of Goethe, while he was director
of the theatre there. The elegy ' Amyntas ' may be noticed as a
good specimen of antique versification.
The classic, elegiac metres to Which such a powerful charm was
ascribed by the poet were also employed in the 'Venetian
Epigrams/ written in 1790, when he went to Venice, to accompany
the Duchess Amalia on her homeward journey from Italy. These
epigrams are less cheerful than the ' Roman Elegies.' ' I have
never since been so happy as I was in Italy in 1786-7,' said
Goethe. In Rome, at that time, he forgot both Germany and
France, with all their unhappy politics \ in Venice he expresses a
want of sympathy with ' the grand movement ' of the age, and
280 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cii.
rails against the ' apostles of freedom/ and other Tisionaries^ but
also against priests and rulers. Several of these Venetiiui epigrams
are as audacious as anything written by the poet. It is hard to
giye well-translated specimens, for their metres and their meanings
cannot coincide in English. The import of two or three of these
may, therefore^ be given in prose : —
' Why talk yon, O Poet, of yagabonda, tnmbleis, andb^gan, as if yon knew
nothing of good society ? * — * I have aeen, in tlie coarse of my life^ respecta-
ble people, suggesting no thought for an epigram or for a sonnet.*
The fuiatio gains many disciples and stirs up the people ; the moderate,
rational man may coont all his fHends on his fingers. Wonder>working
pictures [of saints'] are mostly Tile danbe ; fine works of genius and art are
not for the many.
'All may be clearly explained,' — ^so a student tells me — * by a new theory
taught by our master to-day : ' — * When you have hammered together the
beams of your cross, then you can torture thereon whatever body you
choose.
Other epigrams, collectively entitled 'The Predictions of Bakis '
(1708), and a series given under the title of ' The Four Seasons,'
may be named here. The former are rather mysterious ; the latter -i
include one of the finest of the poet's epigrams^ which is placed
la^ in the following translations :—
When the clouds burst, as freely streams the rain
On the bare rock as on the gifuay plain.
The field is soon revived, thn rock soon dried ;
*With life alone the gifts of God abide.
' Why am I transitory, O Zeus ? ' asked Beautt, and he replied : — ' Be-
cause I make only that beautiful which is transitory.' When LovB, and
the Flowebs, and the Dew, and Youth heard the sentence, all went away
weeping firom the Olympian throne.
* What is holy ?' — ^That which unites many souU as one, though it binds
them as lightly as a rush binds a garland. ' What is holiest ? ' — That
which, to-day and for ever, more and more deeply felt, more and more
closely unites the souls of men.
This last epigram is a summary of Goethe's notions of religion.
In 1796-7 Goethe and Schiller were partners in writing four
series of epigrams. The first — entitled Tabtda Votiva — contains
maxims and results of experience in life and art ; the second, col-
lected Under the inscription Viden, and the third — at first, in-
XIXL] EPIGRAMS. 281
scribed Einer in Schiller^s Mwenalmanach — ^wcre both iz&serted
by Goethe in hia own collected works, under the title, ' The Four
Seasons.' This was done in accordance with an agreement made
\\utli Scbillur. The fourth seiies — the Xenien — includes many
satirical and personal epigrams written as replies to some un-
favourable critiques on articles published in Schiller's literary
journal, Die JSaren. The two friends wrote their epigrams on a
plan of such close co-operation, that it is impossible to select all
the Xenien th*at belong to Goethe. Such men as Layater, Nicolai,
Manso, Friedrich Schlegel, and some dull commentators on
Kant's philosophy, were chosen as objects of satire, and, in some
of the epigrams bearing the names of German towns and rivers,
the supposed charactenstics of the people of several districts are
noticed.
The minor poems of Goethe which were written during his
youth are as original and vigorous as those that belong to his
second period— that of his middle life — when he paid more at-
tention to rules of art. In his later years he becomes didactic,
and reminds us often, that ' the night cometh when no man can
work;' but his meditations on mortality are not gloomy.
'Remember to live,' is the .maxim he makes most prominent, even
when his topics are mutability and death. It is to recommend
the culture of art, that he thus writes of the transitions of
nature : —
With every shower the valley* change ;
Yoa cross the selfsame brook no more ;
The river, in another bed.
Is gliding by another shore 1
The castled crags, the palace walls
No longer can your wonder raise ;
No longer with a yonthiiil eye
Along their battlements you gaze ;
And where is now the rosy lip
That stole the kiss — the first — so sweet ? -
And where the foot that, on the hill.
Was, like the wild-goat's, sure and fleet?
We have still to notice one more striking example of the
poet'^ versatility — his * West-East Divan,' written mostly in 1814,
and suggested by Hammer*s translations from the Persian poet
Ilafiz. As the title indicates, the ' Divan ' is a union of European
X
282 ocnmES OP amaws UTEBATimE. [Oe.
thoughts with Oriental forms of poetry. It was hardly to be
wondered at, that Goethe, when almost seventy years old, found
recreation and repose in this new style of writing; but it was
absurd that such young poets as Kiickert and Platen could find
in all Goethe's writings^ nothing more worthy of imitation than
the < West-East Divan.'
PAUST/ 283
CHAPTER XX
SEVENTH PERIOD. 1770-1830.
* fattst/
Theri are a few poems that Are as remarkable for the attractive
power of their subjects as for their literaxy merits. The master-
thought of 'Prometheus Bound' might have given success to a
play written by a poet inferior to iSschylus. "Without a word to
detract from the poetic merits of Cervantes, it may be said that
the world-wide fame of his great romance is partly owing to the
happy choice of a subject ** But a theme of far wider and deeper
interest — the myth of Faust — haunted the mind of Goethe from
youth to old age. Had he treated the story with less power, it
might still hare been subcessful ; for, while its form and many of its
details are intensely German, its interest is universal. It is
founded on a fact-rthe duality of human nature.
The poet wrote some paris b? JPaust as early as 1774, and, in
the following year, read them to IClopstock, who liked them
well. Other scenes were added in 1777*^; in 1790 the first
part was published as a fragment, and in 1806 as completed. The
second part — begun as early as 1780 — ^was not completed until
1831 — a few months before the close of the poet's earthly
Ufe.
Differences of critical opinions and controversies, to which parts
of the drama have given rise, must be merely alluded to here ;
iat any attempt to interpret such obscurities as may be found in
the second part would far exceed the limits of these t)utlines. ' It
is therefore, to the principal subject, and to those scenes that
are most closely connected with it, that our attention must be
confined.
The common notion of Faust, the magician, which was cir-
284 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
ciliated by the crude old legend and the Ihippetupiel (both
noticed ante in Chapter X.) must be here diamiseed. Faust, as
Ooethe has represented him, is, both originally and finally, a
man of noble and generous aspirations, and throughout a series of
trials, is represented as guilty of only one dark sin. His repen-
tance is not described at length, but is both expressed and implied.
The deaths of Valentine and the heroine's mother are results of a
plot in which Faust is an unconscious accomplice. These points in
the story should be noticed ; otherwise, readers who exaggerate
the guilt of Faust, as implied in the first part of the drama, might
regard the earlier scenes of the second part as both inconsequent
and heartless. In the first scene of the play, the hero shows the
better side of his character. He has found out that the sup-
posed sciences to which .he has devoted his studies are mere
delusions and can afford no aid to mankind; he therefore de-
nounces them at once, and will teach them no longer. If the
pedant Wagner (who is introduced as a contrast to Faust) had
had the wit to make the same discovery, he would have kept it a
secret, and * for a profit' (to use his own words) would have per-
sisted in ' leading poor students by the nose.'
In dismissing the common notion of Faust*s depravity, we
must not err on the other side, or imagine that he is — like Job~
' a perfect man.' He is an egotist, though he does not even sus-
pect it. His egotism is, however, by no means of the baser kind,
but assumes the form of intellectual pride and ambition. * Two
souls,' he says, ' are striving in my breast ; each from the other
longing to be free.' The first includes the common passions pf
men ; the second is a vague and restless aspi»|jpn for the pos-
session of unbounded knowledge and power. vWhen pride and
ambition, however refined, are admitte^ into the heart, envy and
hatred will not long be absenti bat Faust never succumbs to the
power of these lower passions. They are kept separate from the
essence of his character, and this separation is powerfully re-
presented by the poet, by calling into existence a distinct character
— Mephistopheles (or Mephisto, as he is called in the old legend).
Stripped of all his grotesque features and his mythological dis-
guise, he is simply an intensely bad man ; one in whom envy and
hatred are predominant. In truth, Faust and Mephistopheles
ft^ -pnet just as, in ancient Persian mythology, Ormuzd and
ArimancB were one before time existed j but, for poetic purposes,
N
XX.J 'FAUST/ 285
the light and tbe darkness t^ aepflrfttad. yid the hip^hey na^fiurA nf
FgBftt.ift piftmi in rlftwr nppftritign. to tj)i{)lQy.ffliflftteejsejar8flfinted
in the perenn of MopliistupkoleR - In the exposition of the drama,
f^ust binds himself to his own lower nature ; in the development,
he strives more and more to liberate himself^ and he at last suc-
ceeds. As he Tij><^ tnwftr<lft frQgdP"'j ^jlP ^*^^Cf> ^tiWfifin n?^
^'Tiur^^^ft^f'^ trn^ thflf^-rf hi? ^fampnTiirr*— ff^ hfl rfillg h'g •.
enemj^instgasea^tJUitil death make^ th^ separation perfect and ^
eveilasting. On the other hand, the character of Mephistopheles,
as it is made more and more distinct from that of Faust^ becomes
also more and more darkly shaded. Tl^e fiend <>^ppftflrs <f^ fi»t^
aa a cynical aatiriai^ |nd not withgy^ hjimour ^itUtJULthaJBtoiy
proceeds^ he is^ de.8Qd]).Qdw flfl-A jugglftTi a-flftTCefer^ ajadl juiuuderer.
He is Satan, without anj disguise, in the midst of infernal revela
ontheSlocEsberg; and, at the close of the drama, his character
appears still worse ; though this might seem impossible. \ He is,
at last, what a man remains when every noble aspiration has left
hjjB^
These^ preliminary notes on the two chief characters of the
drama may help to render the following outlines of the story
clear. For the sake of brevity, the ' Prelude in the Theatre '
must be passed over with few words, though it contains both
humorous and beautiful passages, and clearly indicates the poet's
personal sympathy with the destiny of Faust. The Theatre-
•Poet is an ided^, with an ambition above his vocation; he
would write * for posterity,' of whom *the manager wishes never
to hear another word. Both he and his friend, the MerrHOaaiU
are realiata and.piactioal men, who insist upon it thaFthe Poet
shall insert in the play a considerable amount of folly, in order to
amuse the multitude, and increase the profits of the theatre. The
llimiQur of this prelude is strongly contrasted with the beginning
of the ' Prologlie in Heaven,' which immediately follows.
The prologue opens with a song in heaven, where three arch-
angels— ^Raphael, Gabriel, and Michael — sing severally, and then
unite in harmony with ' the music of the spheres.' This form of
introduction is obviously founded on the opening of the book of
Job, and the song, with its chorus, was probably suggested by the
text (in chapter xxxviii. of that book), speaking of the time 'when
the morning stars sang together, and all the sons of God shouted
for joy.' The three archangels describe the sun and the planets
286 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATTTRB. [Ok.
as ever pooling forth divine harmony while carried along around
their eternal centre. The tranBlatioD of this song into EngKsh
presents a problem which has led to several laudable attempts, but
hardly to one perfect success. The solution may be impossibfe,
when the highest artistic form of translation b demanded. If it
/ - be required that a version, exactly representing the meaning of
the original, shall also have corresponding metre and rhymes, and
shall seem to be so easily done as to read like original verse, the
problem becomes too complex. The last-named condition, the
art concealing art, is indispensable, yet can hardly be fulfilled
without a sacrifice of some minor merits. The following atanzaa
* give nothing better than a paraphrase of the original : —
Raphael.
With pace of thunder rolls along
The Son, in concord never ending
Still chanting a primeval song,
With tones from all the planets blending ;
The Angels from the glorious sight
Derive their power and inspiration.
And all the wondrous works are bright •
As in the morning of creation.
Gabriel.
There rolls the earth — so swift and bright !•—
And changeful day and night attend her.
As out of gloom of awful night
She turns to Paradisian splendour ;
While foams the sea^broad waves npthrowing
On rocky barriers deep and strong—
And rocks and billows, onward going,
Are carried with the spheres along;
Michael.
And tempests blow, in emulation,
From sea to land and o'er the main.
And form, through all their pertorbation, •
A circling, energetic chain ;
There flames the lightning's devastation^
And thunders roll along its way ;—
But we, O Lord, with veneration.
Behold thy calmly-changefUl day.
The Three Archanobxa
The vision gives us Inspiration,
Though no oile comprehend Theb mi^^
And all the works of thy creation
Are bright as in the Primal Day.
XX.] • FAUST.' 287
• Thifl gprand declamlion of Eternal. Divine Ppif^^r is followed by
its ezfreme opposite.
Among tlie heavenly host, assembled to proclaim that all the
works of the Lord are glorious, there presents himself the spirit
whose bad will leads only to negation and destruction; the
^ Arimanes ' of old Persian mythology, the^^^^gataa ' of the vene-
rable book of Job. He will say nothing: agftinflt the ylory pf the
sun and the stars, but he asserts that Man. mth aU his pride of
'MiyprflP'i^ w)>^'tf' ^^ tiy^ In the conversation that follows tJiis
assertion, the leading thought of the drama, that evil is permitted |
to. exist only as a condition, sine qud wm. of energetic lilC^ is
'^- m I- -,>f^— »<a*w'»»iMn—»*iww^i.-c.»fcM».r — i . ^..^.^ -•^.-^..j.-
expresseo. iWftph T atnpl^^^ga^ the gemus of envy and negation,
receives full permission to tem£t I^ustjbut the final defeat of the
{empierls predicted.
We now descend to the earth. Here Faust, a gray professor in
a German university, is seated at his desk in a narrow and high-
vaulted gothic chamber, while the moon pours her light through
the window. He is surrounded by books, old, dusty parchments,
and some instruments of science, on which he looks with weariness
and disgust For he has arrived at the stage of thought when ha
despairs of the power of study. It is from powers of which man
is unconscious that all the wonders of creation proceed. When
contrasted with those powers, all our studies are nothing more than
a ' vanity of vanities.' Law, medicine, theology— Faust describes
them all as dry abstractions and dead formuUs^ having no unicMi
with life and reality, and conferring on the student no power
either to control or to enjoy the boundless energies and resources
of nature. His ambition is partly sensuous and mostly egotistia
True, he complains in one part of his monologue that he finds in
his studies nothing that can confer benefits on mankind, but from
other expressions we learn that he longs chiefly for power and
enjoyment. It is indeed nothing less tlig|i theui^ powerrOir
what Goethe callSIT^fsB]^ for 5fhi^ Faust ia Anadng.
That the object of thought should be to make this finite world
appear untrue, that the aim of life and of study should be to obtain
rest, not excitement, that the destiny of man is to rise above his
own nature, and to subdue all its passions, its contentions and
cravings ; this is not Faust's belief. Such philosophy is for him
a realm of shadows. He would explore, he says, * the fountains I
/
288 OUTLINES OP OERMAN UTERATUBE. [Ch.
wlience flows life tluoughout creation/ be would refresh himself
in their streams. To gain such power and enjoymenti he tries the
processes of magic that were recommended by old Nostrodamus
(a magician or astrologer who is said to have lived in the sixteenth
century); but after some deceptive indications of success, dis-
couragement follows, and Faust is interrupted by a visit from
Wagner, his JamtJttf or attendant-student, who is a very dull pe-
dant. 'All that Faust disdains as the ' dry bones and mere lumber of
erudition ' is choice meat and drink for the intellectual constitution
of Wagner..^ No amount of our modem preparations for exami-
nation could have been too great for him. He is charmed with
dead formuUB and cannot have too many of them impressed upon
his memory. EQs notion of the object of life is that his 'mind'
may be stored with an infinite number of rules of grammar, prosody,
formal logic, and barren rhetoric, and he regrets that * life is too
short ' to allow the most diligent student to m&ster thoroughly
i such a study as Greek prosody. The character of this * dry-as-
dust ' pedant is admirably contrasted with that of Faust
Wagner, after receiving a hint that his presence is becoming
tiresome, goes away to pore on Hhe dead letter' of prosody, or
something of that kind, but his master, HeapftiriTicr of Ayer knowing
more than mere forois and words without jRWiiir riisalvQfl to die
r^lper than bve^ a melancholy inane pedant There stands, near
him, on one of the dusty shelves of his library, an old brown
gQ]b)let^ an heir-loom from his father, and often of yore filled with
Rhine-wine iCt happy family festivals. Faust has filled it now
witLUftudanum, and is liftvig the poison to his lips when his
resolution is suddenly disturbed by a melodious peal of bellS| and
by the choral hymn sung in a neighbouring church :—
. Christ hath azisen
Out of death*8 prison ;
for it 18 now^sj^jioming, and all the old Christian asso- - /-
dations of the time are at once recalled by that peal of church •
bells and that cheerful hymn. 'Oh, heavenly tones!' he ex-
claims:—
Te call me back to life again, sweet bells I
Ye call to mind the time when Sabbath peace
Fell on my spirit like a kiss from heaven.
Later in the morning, Faust and ' dry-as-dust ' Wagner take a ^
walk into the fields, where aU the ambition and melancholy of |
XX.] * faust; 289
Faust are brought intd Yivid contrast with the gladness of common
life that beams from the faces of peasants (^n4tSWD8jgjg.Qple — all in
their holiday dress and coming forth into the sunshine. Their
cheerfulness for a moment imparts itself to Faust. But when one
of the older men among the peasants recognises ' the doctor/ and
thanks him for aid received during affliction, the incident suggests
only a contemptuous remark on the uncertainty of medical
science.
It is characteristic of Wagaar that he can find no pleasure in
looking on the crowd of people enjoying their Easter holiday.
They do not help him in the sole aim of his life— reading to gain
honours at the University I He has come out, even on Easter
Sunday, solely to derive some 'profit,' as he says, from conver-
sation with his superior in learning. 'All this skittle-playing,
fiddling, and singing (as they call it) is, for me, simply detestable,'
says Wagner. — ^His master, however, can forget, for a few moments,
his own melancholy, while he looks upon the merxy people of
whom he thus speaks : —
With joy they celebrate the day,
F6r they themselves have burst away,
As out of prison, or from the tomb^
From many a workshop's dusty gloom |
Fi'om many a narrow, crowded street
They come, each other here to greet.
Or from the minster's solemn night
They wander forth into the light.
When evening comes on, the master looks on the burning
western heavens, and exprp-saPA a vagiifl longing to follow the
couise of the sun : —
To drink at the eternal source of light,
And leave behind, for'evermore, the night I
Wagner frankly owns that he has no sympathy with any such
aspiration, and that he cares liftle for the beauties of nature. For
him there are better attractions in a snug, warm, and well-lighted
study. * There winter-evenings are very pleasant,' he says ; —
And, when some predous parchment you unroll.
You have all Paradise in your own soul I •
Faust spends the holiday with Wagner, and retires after sunset
into the solitude of the old GK)thic chamber. Here ha is yisited
by Mephistophfiles 'the spirit who always denies.' Ostensibly
290 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
the demon has been compelled to appear by Faust's magic ; but in
truth he is only the expression of Faust's own discontent and
egotism. * Every man is tempted by himself/ ^nd the evil that
seems to come from without comes from within. Instead of the
spirit who can reveal to the aspirant the mysteries of life and
creation, it is the demon who would deny and destroy that now
appears in a human form. It is, indeed, the man*8 own worse self
that arises and stands before him.
"WiUi^ bitter sense of the duality .of hisjown existence — of the
contrast between his vahitioo^^d its. results—Faust describes
what he would call, in his medieval Latin, his whole curriculum
viUb as a failure and disappointment. He denounces all attractions
that bind him to life, and closes a-diaadful formula of imprgcation
"^y execrating the highest virtues — hopfl,faith» dnd padence. When
the utterance of the curse is concluded, a chorus of invisible spirita
utter a lamentation : —
Woe, woe for thee ! — a world how fair
Hast thoa destroyed in tby despair I
To the dark void the wreck we bear.
• • • . •
O mighty one, thou earth-bom son I
In thine owa soul build up, once more,
The world* so fair, that we deplore I
The reply that Mephisto gives to the lamentation is very subtle.
He suggests that the best way to build up a new life is to renounce
all philosophy and to seize such sensual pleasures as the world
affords. In the course of the conversation that follows, Faust
more deliberately renounces all the hopes of his moral and intel-
lectual nature, while the demon undertakes to supply the want of
them by such wretched excitements as a sensual life can. afford.
Faust denies that the fiend^ by means of 'all the pomps and
2^ty of this world,' can ever give satisfaction to the soul of man ;
ever/ says he, ' I am so charmed with any earthly pleasure
. that I say to any present moment, *' Stey|_^ou art so fairt " then
\ I yield myself, as your prisoner and slave/toluffer ahyltoom that
maybe inflicted upon me.' — ^This is the substance of the bond
between Faust and Mephiatopheles, which is forthwith signed in
his own blood by Faust
Meanwhile, a young student haa come to present letters of
inizodaction to the professor. The genius of negatioiL puts on'
XX.] taust; 291
Faust's cap asd gown and jocosely takes his seat in the professor's .
chair. A conversation follows in which the student talks with
the old savant on the respective merits of several studies. Of
logic, natural philosophy, and chemistry Mephistopheles speaks
contemptuously, and of metaphysics aend theology he presents to
the student grotesque caricatures. The youth will hear nothing of
law, and even the arch-sophist finds little to say in its favour; hut
he strongly recommends the study of medicine: not, however, for
its merits as a science. The student listens with abject submission
to some very bad advice, and then presents to the pseudo-philo-
sopher, a little book of blank paper, begging that he will write in it
some pithy motto, to serve as a memorandum of this interview.
Mephistopheles writes down the worda^^ritis sicut Deus, scunies
bonum et malunij and the student departs, well satisfied, as if he
had found a treasure.
In the next scene an abrupt transition takes place from the
professor's study to Auerbach's wine-cellar in Leipzig, where
Faust is introduced to a number of jftvial fellows who are drinking,
singing and quarrelling. Their buffoonery is distasteful to Faust,
who will not accept their easiest of all solutions of life's problems.
Though, he has recently denounced abstruse philosophy, he is not
so soon prepared to enjoy its extreme opposite. It is evident that
he must be tempted by attractions somewhat more refined than
such as are to be found in Auerbach's wine-cellar, and in order
that he may be conquered, he must be made young again.
Now follow scenes of enchantment in 'the witch's kitchen,'
where a charm is prepared by which Faust is suddenly restored to
the enjoyment of youth. The gray hair, the deep wrinkles and
the- stooping figure of the weary student are abolished, and all
that experience had gained is also cast aside with the signs of old
age. A vigorous, handsome and enterprising youth takes the
place of the old professor of metaphysics.
• Faust — under the guidance of Mephisto — ^becomes, for a short
time, a materialist of the most advanced school; he renounces
the ideal, or all that cannot be made real and enjoyable. It is
contrived by the enemy that his dupe, while in this mood of
mind, shall meet the heroine of the drama — ^Margaret, whom we
can hardly desctibe otherwise than as a representative of Nature
herself, in all the innocence imagined by poets and mystics. Her
presence makes the oontrast between Fauat and his ' Companion '
u2
\
292 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
more apparent than ever before; in tbe former all the nobler
aspirations of his youth are revived, while the latter becomes
more and more cynical. The poet writes here in perfect accord-
ance with a maxim given by Leopold Schefer: — * a man's honour
must be estimated according to his own estimate of women.'
Such a maxim would have excited all the satirical power of
Mephisto. He talks of Margaret so as to expose his own extreme
degradation, and succeeds, for a time, in making Faust a slave to
p&<3sion. Meanwhile, their intended victim is dreaming only of
an affection as pure and faithful as that told of in the simple
ballad she is singing : —
There lived a king in Thiil^ -who was faithful to the grave :
His love, when she was dying, to him a beaker gav^
More prized than all his treasure that cup of gold remained ;
His eyes with tears would glisten when he the goblet drained.
When he was old and d\dng, his wealth he reckoU'd up,
And gave all to the princes— ^cept that golden cup I
And to his knights, all loyal, as were the men of yor^
He gave a banquet royal in his castle on the shore.
There stood the old king, drinking one lonjg deep health — ^the last-
Then down among the billows that sacred cup he cast ;
And as the cup was sinking he closed his eyes ; no more
He drank the wine all rosy in his castle on the shore I
I The evil 'Companion' has cast aside his mediseval encum-
/brancefi — hoof, horns, and tail — and, in a low but common sense of
/ the word, is a gentleman ! smart with scarlet mantle, a cock's
' feather on his hat, and a rapier at his side. A slight halt in the
left foot might be concealed, but his sneer betrays him to
Margaret's insight. She tells his character in a few cdmple
words : —
Tou see that he with no sonl sympathizes ;
'Tis written on his face — he never loved. . , .
Whenever be comes near,. I cannot pray.
Faust, under the influence of these suggestions, learns to abhor
his ' Companion,' and, in a soliloquy, expresses a longing to be
ireed from contact with him : —
with this new Joy that brings
Me near and nearer Heayen, was given to me
XX.] 'faust; 293
^ This man for my * companion ' ! — He degrades .
•My nature, and with cold and insolent breath
Turns Heaven's best gifts to mockeries I
Meanwhile, with a forehoding of coming sorrow, Margaret/^
sitting alone at her spinning-wheel, is singing : —
My heart is heavy, my peace ia o'er ;
I shall find it never ; oh, never more !
Subsequent scenes in the drama blend together the most dis-
cordant elements — the highest passion and the lowest cynicism,
ideal aspiration and the coarsest materialism, mysticism and
prosaic common-place, ethereal, religious poetry, and the most
profane caricature ; all are strangely mingled. The highest in-
terest throughout belongs to the beautiful character of Margareti^
whose innocent love is made the means of urging her on to crima
misery, and insanity. It may remain a question whether the
poet's power is more evident in the creation of this heroine, or in
the embodiment of all that is' cynical, envious and malignant in
the person of Mephistopheles. The fiend is seen in a light of
contrast that makes him more and more revolting, and Faust who
once despised, now hates yet dreads, the tempter — his destined
companion through life I By the blind passion of Faust and by
the machinations of the demon, Margaret is surrounded with a
cloud of guilt and disgrace, which becomes darker and darker ;
though it can never be truly said to belong to her character. Her c
mother, her brother, and lastly her own child have been destroyed,
and of two of these crimes she has been made an unconscious
instrument. Without the use of sophistry or any palliation of
guilt, she is made to appear innocent — even when she is con-
demned to die.
But her soul is, nevertheless, tormented by the terrors of the '
guilt that belongs to others, and she seeks refuge in the cathedral,
wHei'e she used to prajr when a child. There an Evil Spirit
haunts her— as a voice — while the tones of the organ and the
choir, singing the Dies ircBf threaten final condemnation :-^
Evil Spirit. Ah, happier in her chOdhood's day
Margaret'in innocence would come to pray,
And, kneeling here, beside the altar-stairs,
With tiny book in hand, lisped out her prayers^
While thinking half of Heaven and half of play I
294 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATURK [Cjx.
Woflld'it tbcm pny now for thine own motlni% booI
Sent by thyself into her long^ last sleep ?
■ •••■••
Margaret. Woe I Woe I
Were I hat free
From these bad thongfais that follow me
And threaten me, where'er I go I
Choib. Dies ira, d»et UXa
iS'o/oct aaclum m/aviUa,
Evil Spirit tpeakt while <Aordi are prolonged on Ae organ,
Terrore seize thee I
The trumpet sounds I
The graves are openiog, and thy hearty
As out of slumber in the dost
Awakening into fiexy pain.
Quivers 1
Margaret, Oh were I but away from here
The organ takes away my breath ;
The singing breaks my heart.
Choir. Judex ergo qnum eeddnt,
Quidqmd latet adparebitf
Nil um/tion remanehU,
Margaret, Oh for one breath of air I
These pillars clasp me round ;
The roof comes dovm on me ;
Air t give me room to breathe I
EvU Spirit. Would*8t hide thyself ?— but sin and shame
Can never long be hidden.
Air?— light ?— for thee ?—
Woe!— Woe I—
Choir. Quid turn mieer tunc dicturuSf
Quern patronum rogaturutf
Cum vixjuatns wit eecums.
Evil Spit it. The angels turn their faces from thee I
The saints all shudder to stretch their hands
Towards sudi a sinner I — Woe !
Choib. Quid turn mtser tune dietumu f /
Margaret utters a call for aid and falls senseless. Soon after-
"wards she is airested. It was a devotion that became insanity
which led her to yield herself an instrument in the perpetration
of crimes of -which Mephistoplieles is really guilty.
Without any attempt to explain the scenes of diahUrie on the
Blocksbezg, a ' haunted ' summit of the Haiz Mountains, to which
XX.] ' FAU5T.' 295
Faust is led by his ' Companion/ — while Margaret is left pining in
prisons-one sequence may be noticed, namely, that .guilt is fol-
lowed by prostration of both the will and the intellect. Amidst
wild revels in which he seems to have no pleasure, the trans-
gressor is haunted by a vision of one whom he has left, in hei
deepest misery, imprisoned in a dungeon. — 'Save her I liberate
her I or woe upon thee ! ' he exclaims fiercely to his * Companion,'
who coldly replies : ' Did I, or didst thou, thrust her down to
destruction P '
The sentence of death has been passed upon her, when Faust —
Helnrich as she calls him— comes, before daybreak, to the prison,
to snatch her away from the sword of the executioner. But it is
not life, it is the innocence and happiness of past days that
Margaret demands ; and as they can never be restored to her in
this world, she is willing to leave it. She will die rather than
escape from prison to live in ignominy with Faust, and she is
horrified by finding him, once more, in the company of his evil
genius : —
Faust, Tis dawning, love ! no tarrying ; haste away !
Margaret, Yes, it grows light; it brings to me the day
That u to be my last I — and 'twas to be
The morning for my wedding I ^
Ah I see tlie' crowd is gathering ; bnt how still
The streets ! the sqaare t
It cannot hold the thousands that are there ;
The bell is tolling ; now they bind me fast •
They barr>' me along $ there shines the sword
To fall upon no neck but mine ! — How dumb
All the world lies around me, like the grave !
Fatut, Oh that I never had been bom I
[JlfcpAuf»pA«/es appears and speaks to FatatJ\ Away I
You perish if you loiter now. See there I
My hones are shuddering in the chilly air ;
The day is dawning. — Come I
Margaret, What rises firom the earth ?— 'TIS he I Tis he
How dares he to come hither ? — Drive him forth I
This is a sacred place ; dares he to come
Hither for me ?—
Fmat. Ko;th<mBhaltliveI
296 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
Margaret. Thoa Jadge of all I to Thee myself I give 1
Mephistopkeks, Come ! or I leave 70a with her — ^both to perish I
But this is a vain threat with regard to one of tbe intended
victims. The Spirit who denies and destroys has lost, for ever,
his power over the soul of Margaret I—' She is judged I ' he ex-
claims, in his fierce anger and disappointment ; but a voice from
above replies, 'She is saved.' Her last thought is of Faust.
Though the sword is ready to faU upon her neck, it is not for her-
self that she has any fears, but for the destiny of Faust, who is
now hurried away — whither? For the last time^ she looks on
his face and says : —
Heinrich I I shudder as I look on thee.
Mephisfopheies to Faust, Here I hither to me t
[ Vdnithet with Faust.']
\_A voice Jrom withtHf dying away,"] Heinrich I Heinrich I
The clearest harmony between this First Part of the drama and
the Second is found in their concluding scenes. That pathetic
last word uttered the truth, that Margaret could not be happy^
if saved alone.
Some considerable space of time must be supposed to elapse
between the close of the First and the opening of the Second
Part. The hero — whose repentance has been fully i&plied, though
it is not expressed here — is foimd awaking, at the dawn of day.
All things around him are symbolical of his own resolution to
begin a new life. His first monologue gives a fine description of
the efiects of sunrise in an Alpine valley : —
tn glimmertng sheen the world is wrapt around,
A thousand carols through the woodland sound ;
Along the dale the misty streaks are drawn, %
.Yet in the deepest gorge are signs of dawn ;
The leafy twigs from mibty clefts s^lne out ;
On buds and blooms fresh pearls are dropt about ;
Hue after hue gleams from the dusky ground,
And Paradise is opening all around.
Upwards my glance t the mountain-peaks are glowing^
For us the ngns of nearer daybreak showing ;
/
.] 'FAUST/ 297
They earlier enjoy the eicnud light
That later beams apon our dazzled sight.
Now a bright ^ance displays the moantain's green,
Nov spreads the light till all the dale is seea,
And now the sun I and, blinded by the day,
With aching sight 1 tnm myself away.
■ • ■ • ■ •
So let the sun, nnseen, behind me blaze.
While here I meet his fair, reflected rays ;
Yon waterfall I see with new delight,
Burst through the rocky cleft, and from the height
Falling — a thousand streams at once outpouring.
Mid spra}' douds over spray clouds lightly soaring.
How glorious, beaming through the misty air.
The changeful yet abiding rainbow there,
Now clear outshining, fading now away, * ■
Lost- for a moment in the cloud of spray I —
Well shows the varying bow our life's endeavour;
For ever changing and the same for ever I
Paasing over many other scenes — shifted from land to land, as
in a phantasmagoria — we find a more direct connection with the
chief interest of the First Part on arriving at the fourth act of the
Second Part Here Faust, wlio has been active in politics, war-
fare, and the culture of art, but has found no satisfaction in any of
his endeavours, devotes himself, finally, to a great philanthropic
and industrial undertaking. The king whom he has served, has
given him a wide waste of land on the sea-shore, which he has
resolved to save from the devastation spread by the ocean. This
final enterprise has been condemned as forming a prosaic con-
clusion to the drama ; but it should be observed that the bero —
now represented as very old — is contemplating, in all his plans
for drainage and embankment, nothing less than the creation of a
new land, to be inhabited by a Jr^. and industriQU§. people. Not
for the indulgence of either luxury or ambition, but for the pro-
motion of victorious industry, and for the development of rational
liberty, Faust labours on; while his sneering ' Companion' — ^though
somewhat humbled now — derides all such honest, hard work, and
proposes to build, instead of dams and sluices, 'a magnificent
Versailles,' with all the appendages that could be desired by a
modem Sardanapalus I Faust scorns the demon's notion of lite.
In spite of all satire and evil suggestion, the gray old man —
formerly known as * \it, Faustus ' — goes on bravely, working for
other men \ for many generations of men^ as be says.
\
•298 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEE. [Ca.
It has been suggested that the general design of some passages
in this Second Part of the drama is to show that neither philo-
sophy, art, nor literature can afford satisfaction and rest to the
enterprising spirit of modem times. May we not understand the
poet as telling us, that our destiny is to pass through great social
changes and industrial and economic reforms into a new era,
where the elements of our life, both physical and intellectual,
shall be more harmoniously developed than in our present dviliza^
tion ? — This is the conclusion to which we are led by comparing
several passages in ' Faust ' with the writer's * Sodal Romances.'
Such a conclusion may be called 'prosaic,' but it is, at the
sadie time, noble ; for the workman must be judged by his motive.
For wimt of more work like that which occupied the close of the
ex-magician's career, our refinements of civilization — our art,
music and poetry; even our religion, so far as it is unpractical —
are but glittering pinnacles on an edifice without a safe foundation.
Is there no danger of our being rudely called away from art and
literature, from philosophy and meditative theology, to the dis-
cussion of hard social questions respecting disorganised labour,
and the strife of classes P May not such strife possibly be found
symbolised in ' that coast wasted by the sea wavesj' against which
Faust waged- warfare P — He grappled with the first difficulty of
civilization; the organisation of labour for the subjugation of
. nature — ^including, under that word, the crude human nature that
must be subdued in all of us. We cannot therefore see that such
a conclusion of a drama is deficient in moral dignity.
To pass to the Fifth Act — here ' four gray women ' — ' Poverty,'
'Guilt,' 'Destitution,' and 'Care' — ^all come to disturb the old
workman ; but all excepting ' Care ' are expelled from the land
governed by an industrial 'king of men.' 'Care' must remain
with him ; for she is^as Leopold Schefer says — of divine origin,
and a personage worthy of dwelling with rulers in palaces. In
his extreme old age, and stricken with blindness — ^he is about a
hundred years old — the man battles with the »rude elements of
nature to the last, and then enjoys, in dying, an anticipation of
future results. Thus he speaks of his work : —
Freedom, like life, must be deserved by toil —
Here men shall live, and, on this fertile soil.
Begirt with dangers, shall, from youth to age^
Th«ir constant warfiure with the ocean wage.
XX.] ' f AUST/ 299
O ooald I see my followers ! — Might I stand
Among free people on my own free land !
To such a moment of intense delight *
I'd, fearless, say — O stay I-^thon art so bright I
Anticipating all that future bliss,
'I have it now. — That moment's here ! — Tis tbib !
So saying, the fighter with the sea reclines upon the soil which
he has bravely won from the waves, and in full contentment ex-
pires. By his last words, he has (if the letter of the old hond
holds good) forfeited his soul to Mephisto, who is here, ready to
show fl)^ hond. ' Here lies the hody/ says he, * and now, if the
spirit tries to escape, I meet him, at once, with this document.' —
The enemy who led young Faust into sin now makes a protest
against the doctrine of ' the forgiveness of sins,' which, as he
declares, is a modem innovation and utterly heterodox. 'In
the ancient times,' says he, ' there was no trouhle such as we
have now in catching the souls of men. We were then sure of
our victims when once they had signed ; hut now there are so
many new ways of saving them I ' — This zeal for orthodox and
conservative principles seems very strange, when the character of
the spealier is considered.
Meanwhile, companies of angels appear to welcome the soul of
Faust, as one of their own communion, and to lead him up to the
place where a Spirit once named ' Margaret ' is waiting for him.
By his devotion to a grand, benevolent aim, by living for the
whole and for the better world to come, he has been prepared for
communion with the unseen inhabitants of that world.
The demon summons all his subordinates to assist in preventing
the escape of the intended victinL Passages of most grotesque
humour are here placed in contrast with some beautiful thoughts
and their imagery. Angels and demons contend for the pos-
session of the soul, while Margaret is waiting in heaven for the
arrival of the Spirit whom she once called ' Heinrich.' Transub-
stantiated and endowed with everlasting youth, he rises to
heaven, while the angels who attend him are singing; —
This member of our heavenly quire
Is saved from evil powers ;
Let evermore a soul aspire,
And we can make him oars.
300 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEBATURE. [Oh.
CHAPTER XXI.
SEVENTH PEBIOD. 1770-1830.
SGHILLEB.
* He waa a seer— a. prophet ... A century has paased shice his birth,
and we revere him as one of the first among the spiritual heroes of humanity.
A hundred years may roll away ; another and yet another ; still from
century to century his name shall be celebrated, and at last there shall come
a festival when men will say : — « See I there was truth in his ideal antidpar
tions of freedom and civilization." *
Fribdrich Yischeb's Speech at the Centenary Festival
of SehiUer^g Birthday (1859).
For tbe sake of placing together notices of seyeral of Goethe's
works^ BO as to show both their union and their varietyi we have
deviated from the order of time^ to which we now retjmi.
In 1781, when Goethe wrote (in prose) his qtdet drama of
' Tasso/ a contrast to that work appeared in a wild and violent
play called ' The Robbers/ which produced an excitement now
hardly conceivable as the result of such a tragedy. It was an
unartistic, dramatic rhapsody, written in favour of anarchy, which
was described as propitious to the development of ' genius ' and
strength of character. . The praise and the censure bestowed on
this crude drama were alike unbounded. 'If Germany is ever
to have a Shakspeare, here he is I ' said one fanatical critic — refer-
ring to the author of ' The Robbers.' * If I might create a world/
said another and more ridiculous fanatic, ^ on the condition that
'^ The Robbers " should appear in that world, I would not create
it I ' The play thus absurdly spoken of was Friedrich Schiller's
contribution to the sensational literature abeady described in
Chapters XYI. and XYII. The errors of the play belonged to the
time when it appeared. The extreme bad taste then prevalent
has been sufficiently noticed.
XXI.] SCmLLEB. 301
JoHANN Chbistoph Friedmch (von) ScHiiXEB was born at
the little town of Marbach, situate on the Neckar^ on NoveAer
10, 1759. flis father, a lieutenant in the army of Wiirtemberg,
held also an appointment as park-keeper at 'The Solitude/ a
country-seat where the Duke of WUrtemberg, in 1771, established
a military academy, afterwards removed to Stuttgart. In this
school the young poet received his education. Hero he read
Goethe's drama, ' Gotz,' several inferior German plays and poems,
and some translations from Shakspeare. He thus found solace in a
world of imagination, revealing itself to him in startling contrast
vnth the scKbol- world of hard routine in which he was confined.
His dislike of law studies extended itself to civilised life, and
drove his imagination to the haunts of bandits in forests. After
forsaking law and slightly studying medicine, he was appointed as
a regimental surgeon. His pay was despicable, and his style of
hospital practice more drastic and heroic than judicious. Mean-
while his thoughts were occupied with the success of *The Robbers *
at Mannheim, and, without leavo of absence, he quitted his
patients and went to enjoy the popularity of his own play. For
this offence he suffered a fortnight's arrest, and received some
admonition from the Duke of Wiirtemberg.
A deep impression had been made on the poet^s mind by his
acquaintance with the history of Daniel Schubart, (see Chapter
XVII.), who, on account of some irreverent writings, had endured
in Wiirtemberg an imprisonment of ten years ! Calling to mind
that fact, the author of *The Robbers' was resolved to escape from
Stuttgart, and a favourable opportunity soon presented itself. The
Grand Duke Paul of Russia visited Stuttgart, and the authorities
of the place were too busy in preparing illuminations in honour of
their guest to notice the departure of a young regimental surgeon.
Schiller rode, at midnight, by 'The Solitude,' lit up with a
thousand candles, and the Stuttgart people did not dream that a
man was leaving their town that night of whom they would some
day be prouder than they were of the Grand Duke's visit. That
royal visit is now remembered only on account of the fact that,
at the time of its occurrence, the poet went to Mannheim.
When he arrived in the town, he alarmed the theatre-manager,
Meyer, by making a confession to the effect that the duke's autho-
rity had been defied, and that his own pecuniary resources were
slender, while his hopes of success were founded on a manuscript
302 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cir.
play called 'Fieeco.' At first tbe manager disliked this new
drama, and would hardly believe that it bad been written by the
author of ' The Robbers.' Afterwards, Meyer thought better of
' Fiesco/ but time was wanted to adapt it to the stage, and the
poet's resources meanwhile were failing. ^Vishing to place
himself at a greater distance from his former patron, the duke,
Schiller soon left Mannheim and went to Frankfort. On the
journey his strength was exhausted, and he lay down to rest in a
wood, while one faithful friend — a poor musician named Streicher
— watched over him. They left Frankfort ere long; for the poet's
hope of receiving aid from the«director of the Mannheim theatre
was disappointed. The travellers next found a more obscure
retreat in a village where Schiller wrote a part of Kahale und
Liebe {* Intrigue and Love') in a miserable chamber where the
damp wind of November was blovring through a crazy window
patched with paper. Here Streicher was compelled to leave his
companion in distress, who, dressed in a light coat and destitute
of winter clothing, was carrying all his worldly goods in a small
portmanteau. He now gladly availed himself of an invitation
which he had received from a lady — ^Frau von Wolzogen — the
mother of some young men who had been fellowHstudents with
the poet at Stuttgart. In her house at the lonely village of
Bauerbach, near Meiningen, he found welcome shelter during the
winter of 1782-3, and there completed his third drama. In 1783
he gained a small salary by his services as poet to the theatre at
Mannheim, and this poor appointment brought to a conclusion the
sensational furor in the development of his genius. His next
drama, Don Carlosy is full of enthusiasm for freedom, and ex-
presses some traits in the poet's character; especially his wish to
make the theatre serve as an educational institution.
His fiirm belief in the possibility of making the stage a great
moral power in society explains his earnest devotion to dramatic
studies. In a clear and eloquent lecture, delivered at Mannheim,
in 1784, he contends that a superior drama may, powerfully
though indirectly, assist the laws of a nation for the support of
morality. He argues that, even where the moral condition of a
people is low, they can be made to feel a wholesome dread of
crime ' when the poet brings on the stage the wife of Macbeith,
muttering, in her perturbed sleep : — ** All the perfumes of Arabia
will not sweeten this little hand ! " ' ' Such theatrical impreasioiu '
XXI.] THE MORAL POWER OF THE STAGE. 303
—says Schiller — ' cannot be esteemed good substitutes for moral
teaching ; but they are strong and durable upon the minds of the
common people, and must have some value.' 'Could any lecture
or essay on the hateful nature of ingratitude produce the effect of
Lear's exclamation to his daughters — ^* I gave yon all " P But
there are many minor yirtues and vices, pleasing qualities and
foibles in human nature, which religion and law cannot condescend
to notice ; yet worthy of obaerration, «nd without M.y personality
or malice, these are placed before us in legitimate comedy. Li
this mirror we see defects and inconsistencies found in our own
characters, and, without having to submit to personal reproof, we
may be secretly thankful to the comic dramatist for giying us
wholesome hints, while he raises a laugh at the expense of an
imaginary character. If against these observations it is argued
that practical life contradicts them ; that spectators can witness
representations of the best moral dramas, and feel no wholesome
influence ; that the " Harpagon " of Moli^re has not made extor-
tioners ashamed of their practices; that the suicide of ''Beverley"
has not proved an effectual warning to all gamblers ; or that the
tragical end of '^Karl Moor " has not frightened all robbers, and
made our highways safe — still, admitting the force of these
objections, I would say that the drama must not be condemned
for having failed, as other institutions have hitherto failed, to
produce a complete reformation in society.' Thus Schiller rea-
soned— his conclusions all depending on the supposition that a
legitimate and moral drama can be maintained.
Almost all that can be said for and against the moral power of
the stage may be found in this lecture, and in an essay on the
same subject by a Catholic writer, named Ignaz Wessenberg.
* The drama,' says this author, ' however noble its character, must
not give its lessons in a didactic style, but most place before ud,
in fair contrasts, the lights and the shadows of human nature;
must make us acquainted with the wise, the virtuous, and also
wtth the foolish and the unworthy. And characters must be
naturally drawn. The goodness which accompanies evil must
claim our notice. The moral or general purport of a drama cannot
llppear in every part; but must result from a fair view of the
whole. Can we hope, even if a drama is in itself good, that all
the spectators will take a fair view of the whole P If a rogue is
intiodaced on the stage, he mutt be made interesting ; bii good
304. OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cn,
humour, his cleverDess, his temporarj successes, must be fairly
exhibited. This will not lead a discriminatiiig mind into error ;
but mauy young tfnd untrained minds will admire the hero, and
forget that he is a rogue. His clevemess and success captivate
their attention; their sympathies are enlisted on his side, and
they feel, not satisfaction, but regret when they see the failure of
his cunning plot. I see no way of avoiding this evil ; fof if you
make the drama a school for popular instruction, you injure its
character as a work of art'
It can hardly be said that Schillefr fairly met these practical
objections. His own ideal theory, which led both to the defects
of his Dan Carias and to the success of his WUhelm Tellf was not
realised at Mannheim. Several disagreeable circumstances there
induced him to leave the town in 1785. He was then thinking o^
forsaking poetry, and of devoting his attention to law studies,
when he received aid from one of the best of friends — ^Eomer, the
father of the young poet who fell in the war of liberation. It was
one of the finest traits of these times that men who had literary
taste but no great mental power found delight in aidmg men of
genius. Such friends of poets we have alrcady.seeu in Bodnier
and father Gleim, and Korner was one of the noblest men of this
cla^ts. Wherever the name of Schiller is known, that of Korner
will not be forgotten. It was by the aid of this friend that the
poet was enabled to live and pursue his studies in the neighbour-
hoods of Leipzig and Dresden, from 1785 to 1787, when he went
to Weimar. Here he was kindly received by Herder and Wiehind.
Goethe was then travelling in Italy, but, soon after, his return,
gained for Schiller an appointment (at first, without any salary)
as professor of history at Jena. There was no remarkable kindness
in this action ; Goethe was, at that time, no admirer of Schiller's
writings, and, for several years afterwards, the two poets, though
meeting now and then, remained almost strangers to each other.
Jena, the common University for five little states, could not
then afibrd to pay an extra professor of history ; although, un^er
the Duke of Weimar's care, the place was becoming celebrated
as a centre of learning. It had been, in old times, noted for the
poverty of professors, and the rude manners of students. Young
Gottingen (founded in 1784) was the most orderly of the uni-
versities, ' because the students there had no rules ; ' in other words,
no bad, old tiaditions. At Jena amufling stories were told of
XXI.] *Dro HOREN/ SOS
students ' in the good old times ; ' of their scanty wordxobsi ; of their
dressing up one old professor so as to make him like a scarecrow,
and of their duels fought in the market-place, close to the town-
hsll, where. the magistrates were sitting. Some traces of these
mahoers remained in Schiller's lime and afterwards, until the
sturdy patriot and philosopher, Fiohtk, came as a reformer to Jen%
and then, some unruly spirits gave trouhle to the man whose
will was as firm as steel. But Jena, near the dose of the century,
was assuming an adv^ced position in learning and philosophy,
and, in-the course of a few years, there came hither such men as
Woltmann, Schelling, Hegel, the brothers Schlegel, and the
brothers Humboldt. Here the Romantic School, of which we
have soon to teU, was founded^ and. here was fostered the desire
for national unity and independence that had for its result the
war of liberation. Schiller might well feel ecnzious about the
reception of his first lecture ; for he was modest enough to believe
that his own knowledge of history hardly equalled what might be
found among the students. His fears were, however, soon dissi-
pated ; the lecthre-room engaged for his use was found too small ;
the largest hall in Jena was crowded and the students gave a
serenade to cheer the new professor.
At Jena the poet devoted his days (and too great a part of his
nights) to historical and philosophical studies, which were relieved
by holidays spent at Rndolstadt, where he became acquainted with
Charlotte von Lengenfeld whom he married in 1790. He had
now obtained a small salary and had hopes of improving his
circumstances. His happiness was interrupted in 1793 by a
fiiilure of health, which compelled him to seek repose in a visit to
his parents— still living near Stuttgart
In 1794 SohiUer issued the prospectus of a new literary journal —
Die JSTorwt— and invited the aid of many oontributors, induding
Goethe, Garve, Engel, Herder, and the venerable septuagenarians,
Kant and Klopstock. The editor was disappointed in some of his
expectations when the journal appeared in 1795. The literature
of Die Raren was too good for the public, and Schiller's philoso-
phical articles were too far advanced to suit the taste of minor
literary men. Schiller soon heard disrespectful remarks on his
enterprise and read unfavourable criticisms on his own contri-
butions. Of these matters he conversed often with Goethe, (whose
friendship he had gained in 1794), and the two poets resolved to
808 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURR [Ca.
reply by pdblishiag the Xetdenf a series of epigrams briefly noticed
in a preceding chapter. They were planned in 1795 and appeared
in Schiller's new journal, the Musenalmanachy in 1797. The
allied poets — now converted into satirists — gained, at the time, more
fame by these epigrams than by their better writings, and were
respected, because they were feared. Among all the literary men
who were offended by the Xaiden the most respectable writer was
Herder. He had, for some time, lived apart from close sympathy
with Qoethe, and had no cordial liking for ^chiller. The Xenwny
though they now seem mild specimens of satire, were sA offensive
to Herder that he never forgave the writers. The sense of the
importance of literature and of the dignity of men of genius that
once prevailed in Weimar, Jena, and other places seems now to
belong to a world that has passed away. It was a genial time
when the Xenien appeared; but a tone of youthful exaggeration
in praising one another prevailed among literary men. They
cared more for sentiments than for what are called the stem
realities of life, and they would accept compliments that now
appear too much like irony. Men who could be pleased by gross
flattery were easily mortified by such satire as the Xenien con-
tained.
Schiller remained an invalid during the later years of his life,
and this fact makes his success ia literature more remarkable.
His consciousness of a duality in his existence — of warfare between
the mind and body — ^is reflected in several of his letters. There
WAS a discord in his life that would be resolved only in the grave.
He expressed it when he exclaimed, 'Miserable man! with
thoughts and hopes soaring to the heavens, yet tied down to this
clod of earth ; this tiresome clock-work of the body I ' — In one of
his letters to Goethe he writes : — ' Now I have attained such
intellectual clearness and have established in my mind such
principles of art, that I might — if spared — do something great and
good, my physical constitution is threatened by decay. Well; if it
must be so~if the house must fall to ruins — I have rescued from
the fall all that is worth saving.' *
Goethe and Schiller were as strongly contrasted in their physical
as in their intellectual characteristics. The former, though he
had his share of work and care, controlled his literary and other
labours, so that they harmonized with health. His life was, on
the whole, a sunmier*8 day ; Schiller's career was vexed with clouds
XXL] MADAME DB STASL. 307
and storms. Goethe travelled along a smooth road^ and the quiet
scenery of his journey was mirrored in the repose of his features.
Schiller was a striving man, and his harsh and worn countenance
told of the time when the world was not his friend. Ooethe found
poetry as if it had been already created for his enjoyment, when-
ever he had leisure for contemplation. Nature seemed to bestow
upon him all that he asked for. Schiller had to work and fight to
attain his idenl objects, and the strife gave a stem expression to
his face. ' Except the eyes, there is nothing soft or gentle in his
face,' said Goethe. But, however differing in these and other
respect, the two poets were firm friends, and their friendship had
better results than could have followed rivalry.
In 1705-1800 Schiller wrote his finest ballads, each inspired by
some noble idea, and his most elaborate dram% Wallenstein. In
1800 he went to reside at Weimar, and, in the same year, wrote
the drama * Maria Stuart,* which was followed by ' The Maid of
Orleans ' (1801). i The Bride of Messina ' appeared in 1808. In
the same year, the poet was occupied on his drama of WUfidm
Tell and went, sometimes, with Goethe to Jena, where they often
met Hegel, for whose character and powers of mind Schiller had
a high respect. ' I can excuse,' he said, ' Hegel's want of facility
in expression, on account of his depth and earnestness.'
In the winter of the same year, Schiller received modestly the
homage paid to him by Madame de Stael, during her visit to
Weimar. As Goethe was indisposed at the time, his friend was
called upon to exercise his slight ability in French conversation,
in order to entertain ' the most fluent, vivacious, and controversial
of all talkers ' — so the poet described his visitor. < In her company,'
said he, ^ the whole man ought to be converted into an organ of
hearing, in order to keep pace with her.' • • . 'She would
explain, see through, measure and define everything.' ... ' She
knows nothing whatever of poetry, in our sense of the word.' • . •
' Where her torch can cast no light, there is nothing existing for
her.' ... ' She made me more contented than ever to remain a
German.'
Of Schiller's talents in conversation Madame de Stael wrote
thus : — ' He reads French very well; but he has never been accus-
tomed to talk in onr language. I warmly asserted the superiority
of our own dramatic system over all others. He bad to contend
with a slow utterance and a diliiculty in finding French words to
x2
308 OUTLINES OP GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cir.
express his ideas; "but "without feftring the opinions of the audience,
which were opposed to his own, he was ready to meet me in
controversy ; indeed, his earnest convictions compelled him to
ppsak. At first I used against him our French weapons — vivacity
and pleaaantry — ^but I soon discovered such a fulness of thought
amid all the emharrassment of his words ; I was so much impressed
hy the simplicity of character that led a man of genius to enter
into a dispute, though he wanted language to express himself; I
found him so modest; so careless ahout his own success in the
ar^rument, hut so firm and animated in the defence of what he
believed to be true — that I devoted to him, at once, a friendship
full of admiration.' — Was this friendship anything more than ar
sensation of tiiumph in the exhihition of a fluent eloquence P
Six years later, Madame de Stael published, in her work De
rAUemoffnef her observations on Germany, its general literature,
poetry, fine arts, morals, manners, religion and system? of philo-
sophy. In the compilation of this book she was, no doubt, greatly
indebted to her friend August Wilhelm von Schlegel, who, for
Feveral years, resided or travelled with her. A glance at the
chapters on philosophy and on classical and romantic poetry may
suffice to show that Madame de Stael was not the sole author of
the book. To prove that she might have been, it has heen said
(and, no douht, truly) that she often contradicted Schlegel, and
controverted his judguients on departments of literature and
philosophy with which he was very well acquainted. But it is
ohvious that she might do all this, and, at the same time, use very
freely the resources of his extensive reading. Her hook — noticeahle
as the first that offered to French readers a tolerably fair account
of German literature — was seized by the police of Napoleon I. in
1810, and the writet received orders to quit France at a day's
notice. The agent in this transaction addressed to the authoress
a note containing these remarks : — ' It appears to me that the air
of our country does not agree well with you ; and on our part it
may be added, that we are not yet reduced to the necessity of
looking for models among the people whom you admire. Your
last work is not French. I have confiscated the whole impression,
and am sorry that this must he a loss to your publisher ; but it is
impossible for me to allow the hook to appeal*.'
To return to Schiller — ^in 1804, while in failing health, he
completed his last and most successful play, WUhdm TclL The
XXI.] UBEBTY. 809
acclamations with which it was received seem exaggerated to
English readers ; for men who have never been weary of a long
night cannot know how beautiful the first streak of dawn appears.
What did the poet say for national freedom P — Nothing more than
what had been said before* But the question should be rather —
When did he say it P — In 1804 — ^near the midnight-hour of
national degradation (1806). To say nothing of the petty states
— ^the want of union between Prussia and Austria had destroyed
all hopes of liberty. In Austria the liberal measures of Joseph IL
had been repealed, and ignorance and bigotry were made the
baaes of a restored despotism. In Prussia men were resting un-
der the shadow of a name — Friedrich II. ; but the spirit of
the king had left the land. There were men who called them-
selves patriots; but their plans had t\o practical value. Others
— like the rhetorical historian, Miiller— were easily made apo-
states, and bestowed adulation on the despot, while there were
enthusiasts who, even then, had hardly awakened from their
dreams of enjoying liberty without national honour.
Literary men had talked^wildly of a Utopia coming from the
clouds — or from Paris — and students at universities had amused
themselves by planting dead * trees of liberty.' . A tale was told
in 1793, that Schelling and Hegel, then young philosophers at
Tiibingen, planted one of the barren emblems in a meadow by the
Neckar! Another version asserts that Hegel — a grim Jacobin,
only twenty- two years old— performed, with the aid of his friend,
Holderlin, a frantic dance about a liberty-tree set up for the
occasion in the market-place at'Tiibingen.
Schiller also dreamed in his youth ; but he awakened early. —
' The French Republic will pass away,' said he, ^ as suddenly as it
arose. It will pass into anarchy, and this will end in submission
to a despot, who will extend his sway over the greater part of
£nrope.' — It may be suggested that, possibly, the poet's wife, who
recorded this prediction, might make some mistake with regard to
its date ; for she quotes the words as if they had been uttered in
1794. Yet Schiller had then read enough of Kant's moral philo-
sophy to know that freedom must be founded on morality and
that morality must be founded on religion. In his later years he
was a true enthusiast in the service of freedom. He had seen the
errors of a vapid cosmopolitanism, and had learned that good-will
for men of all nations must have its centre at home^ and bo
810 OUTLINES OF GEIDIAN LITEEATUBE. [Oh.
united with a supreme care for national honour. His later works
maintain the doctrine that virtue, patriotism and true freedom
are inseparahle. Sympathy with his patriotic enthusiasm con-
spired with admiration of his poetic genius to make his name
more and more popular near the close of his life and after his
decease. His fellow-countrymen then understood the tendency
of his hest works, to cherish a love of unitive freedom and
national honour. People had called him 'an idealist* and 'a
visionary.' He was, indeed, possessed hy two or thi'ee ideas ; hut
these were so true and so powerful that they insisted on heing
converted into realities. The idea of liherty, pronounced, at first,
so crudely in ^ The Rohbers,' was more and mora purified and
ennobled, as it passed through other forms of expression) — in
Fiescoy Kabtde %md Liehe^ Don Carlos, WaUenstein and * The Maid
of Orleans ' — until, at last, it shone forth splendidly in WUheltn
Tell, as a prophecy of coming liberation.
' Thousands who trembled not when the earth groaned under
the weight of the despot's mailed caTaliy ; men who, with fearless
hearts, confronted the thunders of his artillery ; thousands who
fell to be mingled with the ensanguined soil, on so many battle-
fields ; — all carried with them into the struggle the enthusiasm
kiodled by Schiller^s poetry ; his songs were on their lips, and his
Spirit fought along with them I — And if the time come again
when such sacrifices shall be demanded — for Fatherland, for
morals and laws, for truth — the poetry of Schiller shall once more
inspire us, and his burning words shall be our battle-cry 1 '
The above quotation from a speech delivered by Friedrich
Yischer, at the centenary festival of Schiller^s birthday (1859),
may serve to express the enthusiasm awakened in Germany by the
patriotism and poetxe genius so well united in the poet's last
drama.
In the spring of 1804 and after a virit to Berlin, the poet suf-
fered sgain from a seVcre attack of his constitutional malady,
pulmonary consumption, from which he only faintly rallied ; and,
about a year afterwards, the disease returned with fatal power.
On April 28, 1805, he was seized with fever, and lay for about a
week, still cherishing hopes of life. On May 6 he fell into de-
lirium. On the 7th he seemed restored to self-possession, and
began to converse with his sistei^in-law on ' the nature of tragedy.'
Fearing the excitement of his ruling passion, she exhorted him to
*
XXI.] SCHILLER'S DEATH. 811
be quiet. 'True/ he replied, 'now, when no one undeTstonda
me, and I no, more understand myself, it is better that I should be
silent.'
At the beginning of this illness he had regretted the interrup-
tion it must occasion to his projected tragedy of * Demetrius.' On
the night of the 7th, the servant, watching by his bed, heard him
reciting several lines from the drama upon which his mind was
still engaged. In the momiug, he called for his infant daughter,
gazed upon her face, kissed her, and wept bitterly. In the even-
ing of the same day, when his sister-in-law asked him how he
felt, he answered, ' Better and more cheerful.' Then he longed
to behold, once more, the setting sun; they drew aside the
curtains and he looked, for the last time, with a poet's sympathy,
on the great light. As after a cloudy afternoon there comes,
sometimes, a short season of splendour, just before sunset ; so it
seemed, on Schiller's death-bed, that the character of the man,
the father, and the poet was allowed to shine out for a few
moments between the clouds of delirium and the darkness of
death. The next day he was exhausted and speechless, and in
the evening he breathed his last.
Goethe was ill at the time of his Mend's departure, and none
durst tell the news. He observed the embam&ssment of his friends
and servants, and feared to demand the whole truth. The
members of his household heard their master, so remarkable for
his control of feeling, secretly weeping. On the next morning he
asked, ' Was not Schiller very ill yesterday P ' A silence followed.
* He is dead I ' said Goethe, and covered his eyes with his hands.
So died Friedrich Schiller, aged forty-five years. His life was
short ; but it was a life, not a sleep. He had devoted himself to
a great object, to win a high place among the poets and intelleo-
tual heroes of his country ; he used the means of attaining this
end f he studied long and felt deeply, esteeming his vocation more
than his earthly life — and he gained his object ; he was crowned
with more than the admiration, with the love of his people, and
died as he touched the goal.
' He lived as a Man, and as a mature Man he departed from us.
In that form in which one leaves the earth he still lives and
moves for us in the world of spirits. Achilles is, for us, still
present as an evex^^triving youth. That Schiller went away
early is for us also a gain. From his tomb- there comes to
812 OUTUNES OF aSBMAK UTERAtXTEE. [Ch.
HB an impulse, Btreogtiiening us, as with the breath of his own
might, and awakening a most eaxnest longing to fulfil, lovingly
and more and more, the work that he began. So, in all that he
willed to do, and in all that he fulfilled, he shall live on, for ever,
for his own nation and for mankind.'
Thus GoxTHB spoke of his departed friend, Schillibb.
The question sometimes discussed by young students, 'Whether
Schiller or Gk)ethe is the greater poet P ' was long ago answered
by the younger poet, who was ' too clear-sighted and modest ' (as
Mr. Carlyle has obseryed) to claim eqiiality with his friend. The
breadth of mind and the comprehensiye sympathy of Goethe were
—we might almost venture to say — excessive. In Schiller's mind
the height is more remarkable than the expanse. In Goethe's
best poems art and nature, thought and its symbol, are united,
fused and welded together. In Schiller's poetry we find division ;
there is a \isible strife between the thought and its symbol The
idea seems to be discontented vnth its incorporation, and endea-
▼oun, again and again, to assert itself in an abstract form. The
poet first fixes his attention on some noble thought, and then
proceeds to find imagery for its expression; but, after all his
endeavour, the thought is left too often solitary or abstract, as if
too pure and high to be incorporated. This abstract elevation
may be seen in the drama of Don Carlos \ especially in the con-
versation between Philip TI. and the Marquis of Posa. Here, as
in many other passages, we are reminded, that the writer was
not contented with his vocation as a poet; he vmhed to analyse
and systematise his thoughts, and he had an earnest desire to
teach.
How lofty his thoughts of his own duty were, may be seen in
a passage from his ' Letters on .^thetic Education ' which has
been often quoted, but is too charaicteristic to be omitted here : —
^ The Artist is the eon of his time, but it is not good for him that
he should be its pupil or even its favourite. Let some beneficimt
divinity snatch him, while he is a suckling, from the maternal
bosom, that, under a distant, Grecian sky, he may be nurtured with
the milk of a better time. And when he has arrived at maturity,
let him return to his own .centuiy and appear there, not to give
pleasure to his cotemporaries, but^like Agamemnon's son — ^to
chasten and to purify them.' — ^To understand the force of these
expressions we most re£er to the low literature of the times when
^2CXI.] SCHILLER'S IDEALISM. 313
Kotzebue ruled in the theatre and Clatiren supplied novels and
romances for crowda of readers.
Schiller's endeavour to avoid all that is common and mean led
him to the opposite extreme of ideal abstraction. His views of
human life were lofty, but were not comprehensive. If he did not
despise, he neglected to study, many common, lowly realities. His
poetry is therefore the antithesis of such poetry as was vmtten by
our English realist— George Crabbe. * Nature's sternest painter '
could look on life with a poet's eye — as his story of * The Lover's
Journey' might prove — but he would not describe either an
Arcadia or a Utopia as possible in a world like this. As he
travelled through life, he stayed to look into workhouses, prisons,
and ' the huts where poor men lie,' and he became so much in-
terested in his duties as an inspector of miseries, that he forgot
all about Utopia. His poor people hardly ever look up to
heaven. Crabbe lived in the present, and looked around on the
objects — the hard facts — presented by every-day life; Schiller
looked around him, but more frequently, upwards and onwaitls,
as we see him in one of his portraits. He despised, or he defied
low realities, and boldly uttered his belief that, after all the
failures of which history is the record, men shall enjoy, first moral,
then political and social freedom. The poet who will pass through
all Crabbe':) realism and arrive at Schiller's idealism will be a new
phenomenon in literature.
The difierences of intellect and character existing between
Schiller and Goethe have been accurately described by German
critics ; but the agreement of the two poets in their thoughts of
the vocation of literature has hardly received due attention. One
of the objects professed by the writers of the Romantic School;
who made themselves prominent near the close of Schiller's life,
was to dissert that literature and art (including poetiy) should be
closely united with a religious faith and with the institutions of
practical life. To find such a union, they proposed to do that
which was utterly impossible — to return to the social circum-
stances of the middle ages. Both Goethe and Schiller had
thoughts and hopes of a more harmonious world than the present;
but they looked forward and into the future for the realisation
of their hopes. Their views of the progress of society were far
in advance of the notions prevalent in their times. Apathy had,
too generally; foUowt^d the great failure of the Revolution and;
814. OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. £Ch.
(as Schiller said) men wlio had been ' terrified bj freedom assert-
ing itself as negation and destruction were too ready to fall into
the arms of any protecting despotism.' But, against all the dis-
* couragements of that age, the poet of freedom maintained his own
faith, and there was more sobriety in his doctrine than in such as
had been taught by some ' philosophers ' of the eighteenth century ;
for he held that freedom could never come from without to any man
or to any nation. So lofty, however, was the poet's notion of the
culture which he styled aesthetic that he made it— though not a
substitute for morality— a most important aid for the renovation
of society. It may be asked, Did Schiller give due attention to
the historical fact, that the idea of freedom for all men was first
introduced to the world by the Christian Religion P However
that may be, the poet — like his friend Goethe — had no faith in
any such changes as can be produced by external and superficial
politics. He was, after all that has been said of his idealism,
more practical than some grave men who have talked derisively
of 'dreamers.' The writer of such poems as the 'Eleusinian
Festival ' and the ' Song of the Bell ' suggested a future poetry in
harmony with life and culture. He endeavoured to widen his
own sympathies, when he came near to the close of his career
and was fully conscious of his own defects.
From his philosophical essays and letters, his poems and his
life, there shines out a noble ideal of a poet's mission. He must
not be content (as we understand Schiller) either with dreams or
with the so-called realities of the present, and he must not think
that his duty is fulfilled by declamation against the errors and
miseries of the world. He must feel that the genius which
inspires him is the true catholic element of human nature and pene-
trates the souls of alL He must be content to see those visions
of beauty which his songs anticipate — ^not coming with^ sudden
and triumphant fulfilment of the hopes and desires of prophets in
all ages ; but slowly breaking through the clouds of dark and
painful rtalities, beaming forth gently as the morning light, and
shining more and more to the perfect day. He must neither
forfeit the real nor the ideal ; but must see good in the contradic-
tion between them, as it is the condition of faith, constancy,
activity, and enterprise. He must not hope to live in a region of
indolent contemplation, where beauty and poetry and truth will
XXI.] SCHILLEB'S INFLUENCE. 815
be found ready-made all around him ; but lie must feel that he
is called to be a maker — to
Stifle the contrsdictions of his fate.
And to one purpose deave-^his being's godlike mate.
The influence of a sincere and genial literature is wanted to
soften the contradictions which exist between our poetry and our
actual life, our best faith and our practice; and, to fulfil his
duty in promoting such a literature, the man endowed with
the gift of song must add to the power of imagination the virtues
of faith, fortitude, and patience, and, in short, must strive to be a
good man as well as a great poet. That endeavour made Schiller
node.
To conclude— he was eminently an ideal poet, but facts should
reprove the error of taking the word ideal as always a synonyme
for unpractical. The true ideal is spiritual and operative. In-
tense thoughts are just as expansive as they are intense, and lofty
aims are— like lights on high towers — seen at a great distance.
To descend to facts — the influence of Schiller's poetry on the
characters of young men in Germany has been so important, and
is BO closely united with the memory of his life, that this sketch
of his biography can hardly be out of place here. There is no
modem writer to whom the young men of the German Empire
are so much indebted as to Fbiebbich Schtlt.br.
816 OITTLIIirES OF GERMAN LITE&A.TX7BE. [Ch.
CHAPTER XXIL
BBVENTH PERIOD. 1770-1630.
SCHILLBB's inUTIKGfl : — * tee SOBBEBS ' — ' FIBSOO ' — 'nVTSIOTTB ak5
LOTB' — 'DON GAJRLOS' — HZSTOBICiJ. STUDEBS — ^£8TKBTIC8 — BALIAD8
— LTBICAL POBHB — ^POEXS ON THB HIOTOBT OF CULTDBB — ^LATKR
DSAKAS: — * VAIXBNSTBIK ' — 'MAJSIA STUABT' — 'THB VkID OF OB-
LEAKS '^'TBB BBIDB OF 1CB66IKA ' — ' WILHIELM TBIX/
ScHiLLZB^B writings belong respectively to three periods in his
short life : — ^youth, middle life, and the last decennium. The
lyrical poems and the dramas of his early life are his weakest
productions. After years of wandering and striving against poverty,
he cast poetiy aside and studied history and philosophy. Then
followed a happier time — the last ten or eleven years of his life —
during which he wrote his best dramas and the well-known series
of ballads.
Schiller sympathised; as we have said, with the revolutionary
tendency of the time in which his youth was passed. Like some
older men, he protested against all existing institutions and gained
popularity by the use of violent declamation. There was'n<^ truth
in the characters described in his first three dramas. Men were
absurdly divided into two classes; — noble spirits on the right
hand, and fiends on the left. A wild craving for negative liberty
is the most remarkable trait in ' The Bobbers ' and in ' Fiesco/
and the success of KahaU und Ziehe (' Intrigue and Love ') was
partly gained by its attacks on the aristocracy. These three plays
must be judged as the productions of a youth.
In the play of 'Don Carlos ' — written at various times in 1784-
87 — the poet moderated his revolutionary fervour and expressed
ft^wish to build up rather than to destroy. Though defective in
unity and unfaithful to histoiy, the drama, by its representation
XXII.3 'DON CAEL08.* 3J7
of a noble but ideal obamcter — ^the Marquis of Posa — ^won tbe
admiration of manj young readers.
The story of ' Don Carlos ' departs widely from historical facts
and is founded mostly on a French work by Saint-KM, which is
nothing more than an historical romance. The Marquis of Posa is
an entirely fictitious character, invented to give expression to the
poet's own sentiments on civil and religious liberty. In a long
conversation (Act iiL scene 10) Posa delivers, without interruption
and in the presence of Philip 11. of Spain, a series of lectnzes on
the evil effects of tyranny. This is a gross improbability ; for it
is quite certain that the hard and narrow bigot who causecl the
death of his own son would not have listened for one moment to
such language as is here used by the advocate of liberty. Thus,
for example, the enthusiastic Marquis of Posa ventures to express
his sentiments (or rather Schiller's) in the presence of Philip
My home ! my fatherland I — There's none for me.
Spain all belongs to you, and not to Spaniards ;
'TIS the gigantic body for one mind —
Yonr own^throughont that body you alone^
As omnipresent, think and work to make
Yourself a mighty name ; yon flourish here
And none can grow besides yon. What you give
Is but the food to gladiators given
To make them strong to fight for you. • • «
Souls here can merely vegetate and die ;
Genius and virtue grow to be cut 'down,
As corn grows yellow for the reaper's scythe.
In this direct style the Marquis (or rather Schiller .placing
himself in the sixteenth century) lectures the king for the space
of about an hour^ and Philip IL.of Spain — marvellous to
say — Glistens very patiently and is greatly edified I When he has
heard the whole of the long sermon, he graciously extends his
hand to be kissed by the faithful preacher, and invites him to call
again as soon as possible. There could hardly be a grosser con-
tradiction of historical facts. The play contains eloquent and
enthusiastic passages of declamation ; but wants dramatic life and
Unity. The interest which, in the first three acts, has a centre in
Don Carlos is afterwards transferred to the imaginary character of
the Marquis of Posa.
'Schiller's youthful and vsgue e&thusiasm ht liberty was mode-
rated by his historical studies^ of which tbe results appeared in a
818 OUTLIOTa OF GEEMAN LITBBATUEE. [Ca.
< History of the Xtevolt in the Netherlands' (1788) and in a
' History of the Thirty Years* War ' (1791-93). These writings
giye no proof of laborious research ; but advocate civil and re-
ligious freedom, and have a tendency to support the doctrine, that
'the History of the World is the Judgment of the World.' The
poet could hardly have chosen a more difficult historical subject
than the Thirty Years' War.
After his appointment* at Jena (1789) Schiller devoted not a
little of his time to a study of Kant*s philosophical works, and the
results of such reading and meditation appeared, in ' Letters on
./Esthetic Education,' in the Essays ' On Grace and Dignity/ ' On
the Sublime,' and 'On Naive and Sentimental Poetry/ and in
the didactic poem entitled 'The Artists.' One of the poet's
own doctrines is, that the study of beauty, as revealed in art,
while it must not be made a substitute for moral training, may
render essential service as an ally. The object of ethical education
is to convert the obedience due to an apparently stem law into a
free expression of love. As the ideas of goodness and beauty are
united, though distinct, there must be a natural counection be-
tween ethical and artistic training, however they may be separated
by the errors and the frailties of individuals. Schiller extended
to other departments of art his faith in the educational power of
the drama, which he had professed in the lecture delivered at
Mannheim in 1784. . That faith he maintained, even while Eotze-
bue reigned in the theatre. Schiller still asserted his own ideal
and hopeful doctrine, and would not be discouraged by looking on
realities. It must be added, that his philosophical writings want
systematic arrangement He criticised them fairly when he said :
* My poetry interferes with my philosophy.'
He returned to poetry soon after 1794, and his finest ballads
(written in 1797-8) combined successfully his inevitable didactic
tendency with a study of artistic form. Almost eyery one of the
series of ballads produced at this time serves to express and
illustrate some important thought or precept The ' Diver ' may
perhaps be mentioned as an exception ; for we would not extort
from it such a common-place maxim as ' be not too venturesome.'
The whole story serves, however, as a symbol of perfect courage ;
for the Diver, after he has explored the horrors of the whirlpool,
and has been alone^unong the monsters of the deep, plunges* a
second time into the waves and returns no more. In the equally
XXII.] BALLADS. 81 9
well-known ballad, 'The Fight with the Dragon/ the noble
illustration giyen of self-conquest, as the greatest heroism, might
have saved the poet from the reproach, that ^he knew nothing of
Christianity.' The storj told in this ballad is too well known to
be again narrated except in the briefest form ; but it should be
noticed as showing that the poet of liberty could write powerfully
of Christian humility and obedience — the bonds of society and the
necessary attendants of true freedom.
One of the Knights of St. John ('named Dieu-Donn6 de Gozon/
says Vertot, in his history of the Order) had, without receiving
or asking permission irom the Grand Master (Helion de Ville-
n^ve) sallied forth to attack a huge dragon which had spread
devastation over a large district near Rhodes. Dieu-Donn^ had
employed every precaution to insure success in bis bold adventure.
To train his charger and his hounds for the combat, be employed
an artist to make an image of the monster, and, when the dogs
were accustomed to attack the hideous effigy, they were led out
against the dragon. The Knight returned victorious, dragging
behind him the slain enemy, and accompanied by crowds of people
loudly hailing their deliverer. Meanwhile, the Knights of the
Order were assembled in conclave in their hall, and, when the
hero appeared before them, he received from the Grand Master a
stem reprimand for disobedience, and a command to divest him-
self of his badge and to surrender all claims to the honours of
Christian knighthood. The crowd of people who have pressed
into the hall, expecting to see some great reward bestowed on
their hero, stand in mute amazement when this heavy censure
falls upon him^ and some of his brethi:en come forward to plead
for grace ; but the penitent meekly submits, takes off his badge,
and, before he turns away, kisses the hand of the Grand Master.
' Here I to my heart 1 * the Manter cries ;
' Come back I — ^by deeds of valoar done^
Yoa only rinked the Christian's prize
Which now your lowliness hath won.'
The lesson artistically conveyed in * The Cranes of Ibycns ' has
a true and profound meaning. The Nemesis described as haunt-
ing the transgressor is inseparably united with himself; a man's
moral destiny is an evolution of his own character ; the Euminides
are mere shadows for all save guilty consciences. This truth waa
820 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [0«.
never more finely uttered in poetry than by Scluller. He found
in Plutarch a story which might he treated so as to make it serve
a higher purpose than that for which it was at first narrated.
Plutarch, after telling the story of Ibycus, appends to it a shal*
low moral, to the eft'ect, that the. murderers of the poet were
betrayed^ not by the cranes, but by their own garrulity. IbycuSi
a Greek Ijiic poet (of whose writings some fragments have been
preserved), was travelling, we are -told, from his native place,
Rbegium, to Corinth, there to take part in the Isthmian
FestivaL He was near the end of his journey, and waa passhig
through the dark pine-wood consecrated to Neptune, when he
was attacked by robbers, who murdered him for the sake of such
small booty as a poet could carry with him. Ibycus, left alone
and dying, looks up and sees, in the sky, a long flight of cnmasi
migrating to the south : —
' Ye Cnnea ! bear witness how I fid]/
Said Ibj^cus, with failing breath i
* If human tongues are silent all,
Fly I — tell the story of my death.'
The poet*8 corpse is found in the wood, and the news of hia
melancholy* fate is soon spread aunong the people aaaembled at the
games. Meanwhile, a tragedy in which the Furies i^pear ia to
be perfoimed in the great roofless theatre, where all the tiers of
seats are crowded with spectators, including many who knew and
loved the murdered poet
Out of the dim background of the stage there oome forth — ^like
remembered sins rising out of the gloom of a bad conscience'^—
the terrible forms of the Furies, the detectors and avengexs of
crime : —
Dark robes about their loins are flowing;
• And in their fleshless hands they bear
Their torches, dimly, redly glowing;
Their cheeks are bloodless, and for hair-
Instead of such as, soft and Uthe,
About a human forehead hangs —
See dusky snakes and vipers writhe
And twist, and show their deadly fangs.
Then, with their rhythm of long and alow paces^ the Furies
going round about on the stage, sing, with hoarse voicee^—
How blest the man unstained by crime,
Who keepeth clean both heart and band I
XXn.] BALLADS. • 821
He travds, fnt, through every clime,
His steps we track not o*«r the land ;
But woe to him who from the light
Woold hide a mnrder in his breast I
The Furies — daughters of the night-
Will follow him and give no rest ;
Will follow I A j-^n pinions fleet,
We follow } we are eTerywhers $
The criminal, in swift retreat,
Can only run into a snare ;
And when he falls, 'tis vain for grace
To pray to us — forgiving never—*
Down to the Shades, oar dwelling-place,
We drag the wretch-oour own for ever I
The sflence that follows this tenible denundation is suddenly
broken by a strange outcry fr6m the highest tier of the roofless
theatre. A long flight of cranes is passing over and blackening
the sky. The Furies have vanished into the dark background of
the stagey but the natural accident of the cranes appearing at
this moment is made effectual for the detection of the two
cximinals. Nature and art conspire together to alarm a guilly
conscience : —
'There 1 ' — ^sounding from the loftiest tier—
A voice is heard : — *• Tlm<5thSas, see I
The cranes of Ibj^cns are here I '
'Why should a flight of cranes be associated with the name of
Ibycus P ' say the people, and their suspicions soon become conyio-
tions:—
* Of Ibycus ! * — ^in accents low
The people talk, and through the crowd.
Like spreading waves, the murmurs go^
Until they grow to voices loud*—
* Of Ibycus, Vhom we deplore.
Who fell beneath a guilty hand.
What have the cranes to tell ? — Say more t
Speak out, that we may understand.'
*
As by the lightning*8 flash revealed.
The dime appears in open day ;
"Twas murder ; could not be concealed i
He has confessed ! ' the people say ;»-
'Seize there the murderer, self-betrayed.
And him to whom the words were said I—
The Furies have their power displayed.
And JnstioQ will avenge tha daad»*
J
3:22 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
Several other ballads written by Schiller during the years
1799-1803 (when he was chiefly employed in dramatic literature),
are so well known that this brief reference may suffice.
Of the early lyrical poems included in an ' Anthology * (pub-
lished in 1781), it may be enough to repeat what has been said
of the early dramas — they must be viewed as the crude produc-
tions of youth. The * Song to Joy ' belongs to the close of the poet's
youthful timC; and the poem ' Kesignation ' has a biographical
interest, and speaks of hopes unwillingly resigned. Another poem,
DerKampf (' The Combat '), contains only a part of an earlier and
far wilder expression of passion. Both may be referred to as
confessions that the poet, in his youthful time, longed for the
so-called 'physical freedom * which was, often enough, asserted in
life as well as in poetry. But it must be added, that the subor-
dination of passion to duty and the reconciliation of duty with
happiness of which he speaks so well in his * Letters on Esthetic
Education ' were fully realised in his own life after 1790, when .
he married Charlotte von Lengefeld. Another poem of biogra-
phical interest. Das Gluck (' Good. Fortune *), may be named, be-
cause it has been falsely imagined that it expresses some envy of
Goethe's success in life. This supposition has in its favour only a
few words in one of Schiller's letters to Korner, and the poem is
clear enough in itself, without any reference to that letter.
As one of the best examples of Schiller's ideal lyric poetry, the
poem originally entitled * The Realm of Shadows,' and, afterwards,
' The Ideal. and Life,' deserves more attention than can be given
here. It describes life as a battle-field where duty and inclina-
tion struggle, and where aesthetic culture • may afford an impor-
tant aid in effecting a reconciliation of the contending powers.
The true idea of freedom is expressed in this fine poem, and is
again found in ' The Power of Song,* which blends lyrical enthu-
siasm with true philosophy.
Schiller had studied history, and was no cold spectator of the
events taking place in his own times. He had a strong tendency
to generalise, or to reduce to forms of pure thought, the results
of his observations, yet, at the same time, he could not rest con-
tented with this process, but wished to clothe his thoughts in
poetic imagery. These characteristics are all united in a series of
poems still to be noticed. The * Song of the Bell,' completed in
1799, belongs to this seiies, which includes also ' The Walk,' and
XXTT.] 'THE WALK.' 823
' The Eleusinian Festival.' In these poems the writer gives, in an
imaginative form, his thoughts on the history of culture. In the
first (which is well known everywhere), the various uses of the
Bell call up, in the poet*B mind, a succession of scenes in human
life, and the progress of the individual is traced from the cradle
to the grave. Then thoughts of the political movement of his
own times lead the poet into a digression on the French Revolution^
and the Song closes with a prayer for the advent of peace.
'The Walk ' is a fine poem of its class, in which thoughts on
history and some reflective passages are well combined with a
series of varied landscapes through which the poet wanders. Cul-
tivated fields and gardens are left behind him, as he enters into a
pastoral seclusion where dreams of Arcadia and of the Golden
Age are suggested ; but a glimpse of some hamlets and scattered
dwellings of men turns his thoughts to the growth of cities and
to the history of civilisation. He describes its advantages and
its splendours ; but his contentment is suddenly interrupted by*a
remembrance of the recent reign of terror. Meanwhile, lost in
grave meditation, he has left behind him the valleys, with all
their sights and sounds of rural life, and has ascended a mountain,
where he is glad to find himself alone and yet, as he says, not
solitary. The poem is thus concluded : —
But where am 1 ? My path is lost. I find
Myself alone on wild and rocky ground :
Gardens and hedge-rows all are left behind ;
No trace of human life or toil is found ;
But rude, uncultured hills about me stand.
And piles of rock await the builder's hand.
The torrent from the mountiun's melted snow
Foams over rocks and roots of trees laid bare^
And pours its waters in the dell below ;
While o*er the desolate place, in the lone air,
The eagle hangs, with outspread wings, on high.
And knits the savage landscape to the sky. .
No winds can hither waft the faintest sound
Of human joys or cares. Alone I seem,
And yet am not alone. Thy arms surround
Thy child, maternal Nature ! Twas a dream
Of human woes that led me far astray ;
But now thy presence drives my fears away ;
From thee I drink once more a purer life ;.
The hopes of youth revive within my breast.
y2
324 OUTLINES OF OEBMAN LITEEATUEE. [Ck.
The minds of men, in a perp^nal strife^
KevoIviB from age to age, and find no rest ;
While nature, in unfading youth and beauty.
Obeys one everlasting law of duty ;
Upon her constant bosom, ever green,
Beneath her sky of never-fading blue,
lived all the generations who have been,
And still her children find her firesh and new.
And the aame tun that, o'er some Qredan hill.
Homer beheld, is fhining on us still 1
While IfBtnd and Koisebue were gaining popidarity by writing
oommon-plaoe dramas, SchUler remained fiutliful, as we have said,
to his noble idea of making the theatre a school for the people.
The last six years of his life were mostly deyoted to the fulfilment
of this design. In his drama of JFaSenstmn (completed in 1799),
the poet chose a very difficult subject ; but it is national, and is
connected with historical events of great interest. When, in the
-prologue, the hero is desoribed as ' a Creator of Armies ' and ' a
Scourge of the Nations,' as ' unsatisfied, though he had attained
the highest pinnacle of honour/ and as ' ftdling, at last, a yictim
to his own unbounded ambition,' the words seem more fairly
applicable to Napoleon I. than to Wallenstein, who could hardly
be more selfish than his secret and his open foes, and who,
after all his ambition, was raised only to the rank of a Duke of
Friedland. The drama is arranged as a Trilogy ; but the Second
Part is not independent. The First Part gives a succession of
scenes among the rude soldiery — Croats, Walloons, and others — ^in
Wallenstein's camp. In one scene their reyels are suddenly in-
terrupted by the arrival of a Capuchin Friar, who takes his stand
among them and preaches boldly against their vices. His style —
consisting of a crude mixture of German with Latin, and gamished
with puns — might seem too absurd to be used even in a caricature ;
but it 18, in fistct, a faithful representation of such sermons as were
preached by the Augustine friar, IJlrich Megerle, of whom a
brief notice has been given in our twelfth chapter. This is only
one of m^ny examples of Schiller^s carefbl historical study of his
subject There are many passages in Megerle's sermons more
eccentric than the . following in the Friar's homily^ as given by
the poet :^
Neminem coneuiiatisi
(Violent hands on no man lay ;)
XXn.] 'WAUiBNSTEIN/ 825
iVagve etUummam fadatis t
(Kerer a word of slander say ;)
Conienti estote (be content)
SHpendiia vettris (with your pay)
And of your eyil ways repent .
When the preacher proceeds to rail Tiolently against their
Oommander-in-Chie^.and to call him 'a heretic 'and 'a Nebu-
chadnezzar/ the aermon is promptly brought to an end amid the
loud outcries and threats of his soldiers, and the screaming friar
is driven from the field.
The impression left by these scenes in the Camp accords as
well with facts as with Wallenstein's own estimate of his army^
and aiSects our estimate of his subsequent conduct In the Third
Part of the drama, he gives his own account of the soldiery em-
ployed as 'defenders of the faith.' Their Commander is here
talking with a Swedish Protestant general : —
Toar Lutherans are fighting for their Bible ;
They are hi earnest to defend Jtheir faith. . . .
There's nothing of the kind among these ^len. • • •
Tis tme, the Austrian has a fatherland.
He lovM it well, and not without a cause ;
'But this so-called * Imperial Army ' here
Has neither faith, nor church, uor any home.
It is but refuse, sent from foreign lands
Into Bohemia.
The Second Part — Die Piccolomini — serves as an exposition to
the Third—' The Death of Wallenstein.' The character of the
hero, as desoribed by historians, is complex and mysterious. He
was the leader of vast armies, over whom he exercised a mar-
vellous personal control. He had resolved to revolt against the
Emperor, and had grounds for justifying such a resolution ; but
his indecision or procrastination in carrying his desigxis into exe-
cution was fataL Ascribing both his fortunes and his misfortunes to
the influence of the planets, he was guided partly by the advice of an
Italian astrologer. Thus too many motives are brought into action
in the unfolding of the plot The hero is represented as believing'
that the war-policy of the bigot Emperor — Ferdinand II. — would
be ruinous to Geimany, and if he held such a belief, he had some
grounds for it. While these traits win sympathy for Wallenstein,
there is little to be said in favour of his enemies, who secretlv
used against him the power he had courerred upon them. What
326 OUTLINES OP GERMAN LITERATUEE. [Ck
cares the reader for Ferdinand the Second ; for Octavio Piccolo-
mini ; or for the hirelings Battler and Gordon, who assassinated
their General ? The weakness of the drama is that it ends with
a negation ; there is nothing that can be otherwise described in
the triumph of Wallenstein^s enemies.
The theory may be entertained that he was a mercenary traitor;
but this is not stated in the tragedy. His character is left as
mysterious bere as in history. His trust in astrology and in his
own power; his indecision, and his revolt ; — all lead to bis down-
fall. For two years he hesitates to act so as to punish imperial
ingratitude ; then, when the deed is done, when he has formed an
alliance with the Swedes, he gives his enemies time to conspire
against him. For this neglect of precaution against foes there is,
however, a noble excuse — he believed them to be friends, and it
was not his nature to mistrust them. He gives to his opponent^
Piccolomini the command of the Spanish forces, and trusts in the
honour and friendship of the mercenary Buttler.
Wallenstein is thus surrounded by danger, while dwelling in a
repose founded not only upon self-confidence and astrological pre-
dictions, but also on a belief in the sincerity of friends, when — ^like
crash after crash of a thunderstorm following a dead calm — tidings
of the failure of his plans and the defection of his friends are
brought to him. But nought can break down his proud spirit.
He is only roused to self-confidence when the worst news reaches
him ; that his ' friend '-^Octavio — has, with all the Spanish
forces under his command, decided to fight for the Emperor. All
is lost for Wallenstein, who thus boldly encounters the ruin of his
plana: —
I am as desolate as I was left
After that diet held at Regensboig,
When I possessed mj^self and nothing more ;
"Butf since then, I have shown yon what a man
May do, when left alone. — Strike off the twigs 1
Tet here stand I — the trunk — and in the pitibi
There*s still creative energy, to make
A new world all aronnd me I — ^Tou have known
How I was, once, an array in myself. . . .
I am the same man still, and strong as ever.
It is the spirit that builds up the body ;
Friedland will fill his camp with followers.
Lead on your thousands ! — men once led by me
To victories, but arrayed against me now —
TbeyVe but the limbs, and soon shall know their fkte^
When they rebel against the Ucad !
XXII.] • wallenstjein; S27
The hero, while speaking thus undauntedly, knows enough to
crush the bravest spirit ; yet he knows not all. He suspects not
that one of his most trusted followers— Buttler — ^while seeming
faithful to his master in adversity, is in fact the confidential agent
of the £mperor. The enemies of Wallenstein have surrounded him
on all sides ; his' plan for effecting a junction with the Swedes is
too late in its execution, and when he advances to Eger, to fulfil
his design, he only marches into a prison prepared for him.
At the midnight hour, when without suspicion of treachery he
has retired to rest, he is slain by assassins led on by Buttler, and
paid by the Emperor. If the act was just, it was lamentable that
it should assume such a cowardly character.
The circumstances attending WallenAein's death would— even
if he were clearly shown to have been a selfish traitor — make im-
possible any sympathy with his enemies. Whatever his trans-
gression may have been, he is represented, in this drama, as s
great man, and such a man ought not to fall before a mean faction,
If it be said that he falls because he has too blindly confided in
his own power -y it may be true, but it is not stated in the drama.
Nor is the indecision that, at times, was so remarkable, described
here clearly as the cause of his ruin. If he falls simply as a
traitor who meets such punishment as he deserves, the conclusion
is rational ; but 'it is also common-place, and it does not agree
with the exposition of the drama.
We are left, then, without a satisfactory reply to the query.
Who is the conqueror at the close of this tragedy ? — ' It is,' Eays
Hegel, * the fall of a great man under a destiny both deaf and
dumb. . . . Wallenstein is represented as a man who, by his in-
dividual energy, holds command over a vast .army ; for his inde-
finite greatness of character even such aims as the restoration of
peace to Germany, the winning of a sovereignty for himself, and
great rewards for his followers ;— all seem insufficient objects of
ambition. Aspiring beyond earthly boundaries, he seeks guidance
from Heaven, and would read his destiny in the stars. This
vaguely ambitious character finds himself surrounded by smaller
men of definite aims ; he becomes involved in their strategies, and
he falls.' .... ^ The dose of the tragedy is unsatisfactory,' says
Hegel ; — * life against life ! — but here we have death against life,
and — incredible I detestable !— death has the victory over life.'
The diction of the drama is chaste, appropriate, and dignified.
32S OUTLINES OF GBRMAI7 LIT£BATUEE. [Ch;
The long episode oontaining the love-story of Max and Theda
has been highly admired by many young readers, and Las beauty
and purity in itself; but it must be condenmed as having — with
the exception of one passage — but little connection with the evo-
lution of the chief dramatic interest.
After completing ' Wallenstein/ the poet selected as tlie subject
of his next drama another difficult historical character — ' Maria
Stuart.' Her imputed guilt is implied : but is cast intoHhe shade
by sympathy with her soiiows ; while the unhappiness of her
later years is represented as a penance patiently endured.
The motive of Schiller's next play deserved success. He en-
deavoured to defend the character of ' the Maid of Orleans '
against the satire of Voltaire in La PuceUe» The poet could
believe what the enlightened philosopher could not imagine ; that
an ardent hatred of oppression may, without fraud, assume the
character of inspiration. Historical probability and a generous
inteipretation of facts are both on the side of Schiller; but it must
be regretted that, after he had clearly distinguished the true
heroine from the mean caricature in La Ihwelie, he partly con-
tradicted his own noble design by the arbitrary invention of an
attachment existing between the heroic maiden and the English-
man, Lionel — the enemy of France I Why should such a weak-
ness have been thought possible ? The poet Platen might well
protest against this sentimental episode.
In the ^ Bride of Messina ' we find such passages of splendid
diction as were never surpassed by Schiller ; but his endeavour to
introduce in this drama the form of the antique Greek Chorus is a
failure. The indistinct notion of fate expressed in some parts of
the drama suggested the deplorable * fate-tragedies ' written by
Werner, Miillner, and Grillparzer ; but Schiller must not be held
accountable for their absurdities.
Schiller's first play was a wild rhapsody against law and order ;
his last play — * Wilhelm Tell ' — was a true prophecy of freedom.
While writing of ' Gessler ' the poet was thinking of Napoleon I.
'I would like him if I could,' said Schiller, 'but I cannot; his
character is the extreme opposite of my own.' True ; for if the
poet had one fixed idea it was that of national freedom.
In * Wilhelm Tell ' nothing is sidd in favour of that negative
and destructive liberty of which Franz Moor declaimed so wildly
in ' The Kobben.' It is of freedom united with order, and do-
XXn.] 'WILHELM TELL.* 829
fended by yenerable traditions, that the poet writes in his last
completed play. For this freedom Schiller spoke out boldly in
1804, while his native land was in a disgraceful state of bondage.
It was of Germany, divided against itself and trodden down, that
he was thinking, more than of Switzerland, when he wrote the
last words of the Swiss patriarch — Attinghausen :—
Therefore, hold fast together I — firm for ever-
Let no free place be foreign to aoother ;
Set warders, to look forth from all your hills,
To call your Bund together, and, in the figh^
Let all be one— one— one —
Schiller once thought of writing something in the shape of an
apology for the literary sin of his youth. He was then in love
with a shadow. Li his later years he fixed his affections on true
liberty — ^the companion of national honour and of intellectual and
moral culture — and to this pure love he remained faithfuL Thus
he especially won the hearts of the German people.
It is but too probable that neither Tell, the hero of the drama,
nor his antagonist — the despot Gessler— ever existed, except in
fiction. The story of Tell, as given by the chronicler Etterlin,
is not supported by earlier writers, whose silence would have been
hardly less than miraculous if such a hero had livedo or had been
talked of before their times.
These facts, however depressing to both students of history and
lovers of romance, do not decrease the value of Schiller's drama.
Its subject is the assertion of their national independence by the
Swiss people^ who, in fact, take the place of the hero in the
drama.
An earnest wish to justify the assassination of Gessler-*in the
fourth act — seems to have led the poet to add a fifth act^ which
may be described as an appendix. The same motive may have
induced him to dwell so long on the principal scene in the third
act, where Tell shoots at the apple placed on the head of his son
Walther. We subjoin a quotation from this part of the play : —
[Waltheb Tell, the ton, wtands undkr a linden-4ree; the apple i$
placed upon his heacL^
Tdl \^benda the cross-bow and places a bolt in the groovej*
Make clear the way there I
Stanffacher, Tell I you will never venture it— O never I
See ! — your knees tiemble, and your hand is shaking.
330 OUTLINES OF GERMAN MTERATUEK [Oh.
Tell llowering the cross-bow']. All swims before my sight—
• •••••
: Landvogt I O spare me this I — Here is my heart —
• [£r« bcares his br&ut.
Call here your horsemen ; let them tread me down— -
Gessler. Your life is safe, when I have seen this shot —
What ! — Men say you fear nothing, Tell ; your hand
Can hold the rudder firm against the storm,
As well as bend the bow. No tempests daunt yon
When you would aid the Switzers. Help them now !
Ay, in one moment save yourself and all I
[Tell, in em agony of doubt, and with hands quivering, looks first at tika
Landyoot, then to heaven ; then suddenly takes from the quioer another
bolt. The Landyoot watches Tell's movemAUs,]
J^alther TdL Shoot, father ! I am not afraid —
TeU, I must I
[ J7e collects himself and takes aim,
JRudenz \_siepping forwards'],
LandYOgt, no more of this I — You cannot mean it ;
• 'Twas but a trial of the man's submission.
And now your end is gained ; your purpose, urged
Too far, must contradict itself; the bow
Too violently strained asunder snaps —
Gessler, Pray, save your words till they are wanted, sir*—
Rudem. But I tpill speak, sir ! and without a fear—
The Emperor's honour and the government
That you would make detestable, for me
Are sacred still, and, fearless, I declare
This is not Albreoht's will ! — his people here
Shall not be made your victims ! — I deny
Tour wvrant for an act like this —
Gessler, How dare you ! —
Mudenz, The Emperor is my lord, and yoa are noc—
I'm fiee-bom, like yourself, and I will match
Myself against you in all warlike virtue ;
Were you not here to represent the king
(Whose name I reverence, even when 'tis abused,)
rd throw my glove down for yon ; you should give
Account to me for words that you have spoken—
Ha ! you may call your followers. I am not
DefiBnceless like these people ; I've a sword —
Let any man come near me ! —
Stauffacher [shouts']. The apple has fallen !— See !—
Rosselmann, The boy's alive !
• ••*••
Wahher Tell [leaping towards his father and bringing tfta tqipW],
See, father, here's the apple I — I was sure
Ton would not shoot at Walther —
XXIL] 'WILHELM TELL/ 831
[Tell ttand»,for 9om€ moments^ bent forwards^ <ts if ittill foilowing the hoWa
JH^ ; then steps on quickly to meet the boy^ lifts cmd embraces him ; then sinks
helplessly on the ynund. The bystanders look on him with ^frnpathy."]
Leuthold. There was a shot I—Switzers will talk of that
To the latest times —
Budolph, Ay I while these mountains stand
On their foundations men shall talk of that !
[/Te gives the apple to Gessler.
Gessler. By Heaven I the apple's split !— A master's shot
Was that I . . .
fia, Tell !—
TeQ {steps towards Gessler]. Vogt, what command you now?
Gessler. You had another bolt there — ^Yes ; I saw it^
. What was your meaning ?
Tell [^embarrassed']. Sir, 'tis our custom.
Gessler, No, Tell I— that reply
Will not suffice — there was a meaning in it;
Speak out I your life is safe ; I pledge my word>«
What was that second bolt to do ? —
TeU. My lord,
My life is safe, you say — then hear the truth : —
If I had chanced to hit the boy, this bolt —
[He draws forth the bolt and looks fercely at the Landvoot.]
Should have pierced through your heart I — ay ; for Fm sure
I should not then have missed my mark 1 —
Gessler, . Enough!
Your life is siflfe ; I gave my word for that —
And, now I know your temper, 111 be safe
Prom such a marksman ! you shall spend your life
Down in a prison, where neither sun nor moon
Shall ever shine upon you more I — Away !
Gome hither, men ! and bind him fast 1
[GKaBLBB's^^i0er« bind Tell.]
How the cords that bound the Swiss hero were loosened that,
by his power in rowing, he might save his own warders from a
storm on the lake — all the world knows. The above scene was
necessary to introduce another in which the death of Gessler
takes place. There is, even in the removal from the earth of
such a monster as the Landvogt, something with which we
cannot sympathise ; for Tell shoots from an ambush, while the
tyrant is detained in a narrow pass. In the preceding scenes of
tl^e drama all that could be done by the poet has been well done
to reconcile us — ^if possible — ^to the conclusion of the third scene
in the fourth act, of which we translate a part : —
332 OUTLINES OF GEKMAN UTERATUBE. [Oa.
[ScBSE iT'The narrow paaa ofKuunachL On the rock TsLL appeartf
armed with a croM9-^fow.']
Along this close defile the Vogt muBt ride :
There ia no other way to KttMnacht. Hera
I end my work, for which the plape seems made.
This alder-bosh will screen me from his view,
And hence my bolt can be more surely pointed.
The rocky cleft will hinder all parsuers.
Now, Gessler, balance your accounts with Heaven-
Tour latest hour has sounded. Tou must go 1
I once lived harmlessly, and only pointed
My shafts against the creatures of the forest—
I thought not then of hurting human life :
But you have driven from me all thoughts of peace {
Ay, you have changed the current in my veins
To poison. When you forced the father*s hand
To point the shaft so near his darling boy,
You made me think of aiming at your breast.
Now, to defend my children and my wife
III spend this shaft. When last I drew the stringp
Twas with a faltering hand, to strike the apple
From my boy's head — ^then, while I prayed in Tain
That I, a father, might be spared that trial,
I made a vow (within my secret bi^east
Breathed deeply — God was witness of that yow)
That the next target for my arrow, Gessler, »
Should be thy heart ! And now the vow I made
In that dark moment of infernal pain
Shall be fulfilled : it was a sacred oath.
{_A Marriage Proeeuion, accompanied wi^ mnaic, winde throngh fft« defile,
. . . Armoart, a poor woman, comee with her children, and oceupiee the
entrance of the past, . . .]
Frieeehardt. Make dear the path ! Away I The Landvogt comes I
[Tbll retiree.
Armgart, The Landvogt comes I
[GsaBLKB, attended by Rudouph, entera on horeAack,']
Geeeier [to Rudolph^,
Say what yon will, I am the Empeior*s servant,
And all my care is to obey his wishes.
He did not send me to this stubborn land
To soothe these people. No I the question now
Is this — who shall be ruler ; prince or peasant ?
Armgart, Now is the moment I Now I press my claim t
[_She approadue Oesblbb.
Geeeier, I did not bid the people to bow down
Before the Hat, that I might laugh at them—
No ; bat to bend the sinew in their neck,
WhicJ^ would not boWbcfore their rightful lord.
.] •WlLHEUm TELL/ 883
I placed the Hat there, in the road by Altdoif,
To keep in their nnwilling minds the tmth
That I am master, and most be obeved.
Rudolph, And yet the people have some ancient right0»
GesiUr. We have no time to talk about them now :
There are more serious interests at stake.
The Emperor's house must flourish : what the fsther
B^an so well, the son must now complete*
This people is a stone upon our path—
And — once for a)l->«they must submit.
' [Armoabt Anee^f tii Me Kwy ^ybrs GssSLBB.
Armgart. Mercy, lord governor I Hear my petition I
Gessler, Woman, how dare you thus obstruct the paaa ?
ArmgarL My lord I my husband in a dungeon liee— >
A]l bis poor orphans scream for bread. Have mercy I
Have pity, governor, on our distrdu I
Rudolph. Wbat is your name ? — who is your husband, woman ?
Armgart. He was a peasant on the Rigi mountain.
And mowed, for life, the soanty gras* that grows
Over the mouths of fearful chasms and sides
Of roi'Ics, where even wild cattle dare not climb.
Rudolph [to Genler']. Good Heaven I a poor and miserabla lifb !
I pray you let this wretched man be free :
Whatever his transgression may have been,
. His life is a sufficient punishment.
|[7b ABMaART
You shall be heard ; but this is not the place :
Apply to us when we arrive at KUssnacht.
Armgart. No, no ! I will not move, sir, iVom this ^t
Until my prayer is granted. Free my husband t
Six moons have o*er his dungeon passed away.
And still he lies there, asking for a trial.
Gesaler. Woman, no more of this. Make clear the path 1
Armgart. Justice for me, my lord I You are our judge I
The servant of the Emperor and of Qod :
Perform your duty. If you have a hope
That Heaven may listen to your prayers, hear mine!
Geatler. Away, I tell you ! This audacious people !
^Armoart Beixet the reins of his hort .
Armgart, No, no, shr ! I have nothing now to lose.
Yon go not through this narrow pats until
My prayer is heard I Ay, you may knit youz brow, «
And roll your eyes in anger— I care not.
I tell you that we are so wretched now,
We care not for your ftiry 1
Geatler, Woman, move I
Or over you I soon shall find a way.
[Armgart uixet her children^ and throws heraelfwith them <m the path
hrfore Gessler. |
Armgart, Bide on, then I Here I lie with all my childzen.
334 OUTLINES OF OERMAN LITERATURE. £Ctt;
Now trample on us with yonr iron hooft ;
It will not be the worst deed you have done !
Rudolph, Surely the woman's mad I
Armgart. For years you've trodden'
Upon the Emperor*s people in this land.
I'm but a woman ; if I were a man,
I would do something better — not lie here
Down in the diut before you. Now ride on I
[T^e music of the toedding^rfy tt heartL
Gestler, Where are my servants ? Call my followers
To drag this wretched creature from the path ;
Or I may act too rashly, and repent.
Rudolph, Your followers are all detained, my lord ;
A marriage>oompany obstructs the way.
Geasler. I see it — I have been too mild a ruler ;
The people grow audacious in their talk I
They are not tamed and fettered as they shall \jBp
It shall be otherwise— I swear! 1*11 break
Their obstinate will and bend their spirit down ;
A new law shall be published in the land ;
IwiU—
■ [^A bolt strikes him. He places his hand on his heart and speaks faintfy,']
0 God, be merciful to me !
Rudolph, My lord ! What is it ? Whence came that ? O God I
Armgart. He falls I— He dies ! — The governor is slain I
[Rudolph has dismounted and hastens to support Gessler.3
Rudolph, What sudden horror tbb I — my lord, 'tis death —
Call for God's mercy I pray 1 your time is short.
Gessler, That was Tell's bolt I—
[/Te sinks from the saddle into the arins of Rudolph, toho lays him down on
the slope at the side of the road. Tell appears on the swsunU of tKe
rock."]
Tell. You know the marksman I Search not for another.
Free are our huts, and innocence is safe ;
The tyrant's hand shall vex the land no more.
A brief criticism may be appent^ to this scene. However
great the atrocity of which Gessler had been guilty, Tell^ with
1)18 friends, should' have met the despot face to face, as Arnold
von Winkelried encountered the Austrians at Sempach. The
scenes of which Tell is the hero have been quoted, because their
interest is almost complete in itself; but they are not the best
parts of the play; they are hardly worthy to be compared with
the scene (Act ii. scene 2) in which the gathering of the Swiss
peaple at Riitli is represented. There Schiller makes the manly
and sober orator, Stauffacher, assert the rights of the people on
grounds that are truly religious. He preaches no new dreams
XXII.] -WUHELM tell; 835
about ' the rights of man ; ' but assertB the ancient, lawful, and
constitutional freedom of the Swiss people, in harmony with the
welfare of the whole empire of which they form a part. The
moral strength of the drama has its centre and heart in the oration
delivered by Staufiadher at Riitli. We must, as an act of justice
to the poet; give a quotation from this speech. On reading it
once more, we wonder again that Napoleon I. allowed ^ Wilhelm
Tell ' to be performed. It was no act of liberality ; but rather a
mistake respecting the influence of poetry. What did he care for
anything that a poor obscure poet at Weimar could say about
liberty ? The mechanical Emperor heard of the success of the
play, and sneered at the Germans for their admiration of a piece
founded on a revolt (so called) by which their own empire in old
times had lost a province. He could not imagine that there was
anything greater or stronger than a vast empire held" together
(like the rudest and least durable works in mechanism) by. a
merely external power. The poet, with all his idealism, was, in
the long run, a more practical man than the Corsican who in-
vaded Russia and then went to Leipzig and to Waterloo.
In the scene from which we quote a few paragraphs, the leaders
of the Swi?s people are assembled, at night, on a plot of meadow-
land at Hiitli, surrounded on all sides but one by rocks and trees.
By steps cut among the crevices of the rocks and by ladders sus-
pended from the cliffs, the confederate leaders x)f the people are
hastening down to join the national gathering. A lake shines in
the background. and, in the distance, white Alpine mountains and
glaciers are glistening in the moonlight. Stauffacher, one of the
older members of the Bund ('union '), stands in the centre of the
confederate patriots, and delivers a speech, which may be fiUy
called a German declaration of * the rights of man.' It is as sober
as it is enthusiastic, and gives us the poet*s last ideas of liberty,
which are strongly contrasted with the crude notions found in * The
Robbers ' : —
Stauffacher, We make here no new Bund, lo-night, my fricDds I
It is the old, old Bund of our fkthers* time
We renoyate.->Mark that, Confederates !
Lakes may divide us ; mountains rise between ns ;
Still we are all one race— all of one blood —
We're all the sons of one dear Fatherland I
• . • •
Auf der Matter, All of one bbod !— Ay ; and we've all one heart I
S36 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUBE. ' [Go.
[^AU the people ahoui; meanu^ile grcupmg one anothei^a Aoiui]
We are one people I We will act as one.
Rdudmann, Our union with the empire was our choioe ;
That's written down hy Kaiser Friedrich's hand.
Stauffacher. Ay, we are free I — As free men we would serve ;
We would be loyal ; there must be a judge,
So that when strife begins, it may be ended.
And, therefore, our forefathers, for this soil.
Which was they own — ^won from a wilderness —
Paid homage to the Emperor, the lord
Of our own German and of foreign lands ;
But it was paid by men whose rights were safe
Within the realm ; they gave their lives to guard
The realm that over them had spread its shield.
Melchihal, Service on other terms is fit for slaves.
^ •••••••
Stauffacher. The land Ib ours ; it is our own creatioa I
By our own labour, those old gloomy forests,
That once were lairs for wolves and bears, were felled,
To make space for our homesteads, and the brood
Of the old dragons that among the swamps
Lurked, or, with venom swollen, issued forth
For prey, were all destroyed ; the dense, gray fogs
That hung o'er fenny pastures were dispersed ;
The rocks were rent asunder ; over chasms
Were flung these bridges, to make safe the way
For passengers ; — ay, by a thousand daims,
The land is ours for ever ! — Shall we bear it,
That this, the creature of a foreign lord.
Shall here insult us on our own free soil ? «
Is there no help for us ? Must we bear this ? —
[^A great commotion takes place among Ike people,' J
No I — there's a limit to the tyrant's power.
When men, oppressed, can find no aid on earth.
To rid them of their burden, then Miey rise ;
The people rise ; they stretch their hands to heaven.
And thence fetch down their old, eternal rights ; •
Their rights, all— like the everlasting lights
There shining in the heavens — unchangeable,
Imperishable as the stars themselves I —
Then nature's own primeval rule returns ;
Man stands in battle, ready for the foe.
Tis our last means ; but, when all others fail,
We draw the sword !— The best of all life's boons
We will defend ! — In front of this our land
And of our wives and children, here we stand I
The instantaneous and splendid success of tbis patriotic dnusa
is noticed in a letter from Zelter to Goethe :— -* Schiller's "Tell,? '
says Zelter, ' has been received here, in Berlini with tbe liveliest
XXn.] 'wnflELK TELL.' SS7
aoclamationi and has been plajed Ance in Ae eonne of Ae kat
eight days. The people like the apple weD.'
This waa only the beginning of a aooees. not cuiiliiiwl to
theatrea, bat soon apreading, as with electiie eneigT, throagboat
the people, who felt and imdentood aU that the poet had intended
to say to the men of his own nati(Mi. He had talked of "**^»g'
the theatre serve as a school for tfcbing Tirtae and patriotic dero-
tioD. A more hopeless ideal coold then haidly hare been dreamed
of. Frivolitiea served aa opiatea to relieve a sense of national degra-
dation^ and enthnslaam was made to appear ridicnlonsL Kotaebne^
it waa judged, waa a poet quite good enough £ar pec^fe who were
governed by a despot priwcwing neither French nor GcBonn
virtues.
At a time when the oontineDt wm
revival of orientaTdeapolism ; when men and
to sabmit to soeh discipline aa would haidly be tolented by boya
in a respectable school; when the monl evil of tyanny was not
more apparent than the eontemptiUe nature off the means employed
to nphold it ; when il waa expected that intelligent nationa conid
be governed by an intellect whidi, tboogh mged by a migbly wiU
and skilfnl in atiategyy belonged to the mfchaniral dam;— at sndb
a time, Schiller penevered in atiiving on towavda hie ideal, in
working — ^not lor the marike^ aoeh aa it was — bnt tx GcnHny*
And he anoeeeded.
So great waa hia aaceem that— after aU that baa been said of
his defects — ^there are still thooanids of readem who wifl not think
that we have assigned too many pagea in this book to
of theli&andthewoikadf FBmnoca ScsBUuak
338 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN LITERATURE. TCh.
CHAPTER XXm.
SEVENTH PEBIOD. 1770-1830.
SCBIILBA's COTSMPOBABI3CS—- JEAK PAUL — MTKOR VOVTB — ^PBOSB
FICn02f — LOW LITEBATUBB — THB DBAMA.
Next to Schiller's endeavours to improve the drama, the most
important movement in literature, at the beginning of the nine*
teeuth centuiy, was the rise of the Romantic School, represented
by the brothers Schlegel and other writers. Whatever may be
thought of the value of their services in connection with religion^
art, and political life, it is clear that they led* to important results,
and had an effect on tbe progress of general literature in the
period extending from 1800 to 1820. Without attempting to
speak very precisely, it may be said, that the Romantic School
became powerful at the time when Schelling taught his first
philosophy (at Jena), and that it declined rapidly when Hegel's
teaching prevailed. In order to give a connected account of the
school and its associated interests, it will be convenient to notice
fii'st a few authors- who can hardly be classed in any other way
than by saying, that they were the cotemporaries of Schiller.
To follow the beaten track of several literary historians, we
ought to mention in the first place a few versifiers who were
ambitious enough to write epics ; but we cannot so highly esti-
mate the value of form as to place epic writers like Alxinger
and Blumauer, or even their superiors, the lyric poets Holderlin
and Matthison, above a greater poet who wrote in prose, and who
— though justly censured tor many faults — ^had a wide grasp of
sympathy and an imaginative power that distinguish him from
many of his versifying cotemporaries. *
In 1706, when Qoethe and Schiller had left far behind them
the days of Sturm und Drang, there came to Weimar — Hhe
sacred citadel,' as he called it — an enthusiast and humorist who
XXIIL] JEAN PAUL. 339
had recently gained fame by writing a book called 'Hesperus.'
He was a genial child of nature, and came from Hof, an old town
in the Baireuth district, where he had been living in exlreme
poverty, of which he made no secret ; indeed, he rather gloried in
it Of a world where pretension and disguise are the highest
virtues, and where poverty is almost the only «in that can he
neither gilded nor forgiven, the writer of ' Hesperus' had no con-
ception. He had 'a genial time' of his own; it began in hia
childhood, continued through all his privations, and ended when
he died. His literary life was commenced by the mistake of
writing some satires intended to be sharp ; but he ^ closed,' as he
said, ' the vinegar manufactory ' in 1788. His first visit to Qoethe
at Weimar is described as the introduction of a wild ' forest-man '
to polite society. Nevertheless, he was received with enthusiasm by
Herder and Wieland, and was lauded by some otlier people who
wished, if possible, to vex Qoethe ; but the attempt failed, for the
latter was incapable of so base a passion as envy. The literary hermit
from Hof enjoyed his introduction to the society of Weimar. * All
the women here are my friends ' (he wrote to one of his correspon-
dents), ' and the whole Court* reads my books. I felt shy on my
first visit to Goethe; for Frau von Kalb had told me that he
admired nobody ; not even himself. . . . However, he read to me
one of his splendid unprinted poems; the tones of his V()ice, while
reading, were like low thunder with gentle whisperings of rain.
His heart warmed while he was reading, and the fire glowed up
through the ice-crust. He gave me a grasp of the hand ; another,
when he said good-bye, and asked me to •ome again.' It is jplain
that, though Goethe did not think ' Hesperus ' a classical work,
*he might have agreed well with the gonial and humorous author;
but some gossips at Weimar made a distance between the two
men. Schiller in his literary journal, Die Horerty had called Goethe
a modern * Fropertius,' and Jean Paul Bichter, the man from Hof,
said (truly enough) that * the times wanted a Tyrtseus.' This was
of course reported to Goethe, who retorted by publishing in IHe
Horen a satirical epigram entitled ' A Chinese Visitor in Rome.'
With a reference to Jean Paul's style, the celestial visitor con-
fesses that he likes all sorts of gilt-gingerbread decorations better
than the simplicity and quiet beauty of the antiquef At a later
time, Goethe spoke more kindly of Richter.
* JoHAKK Pattl Friebbich Richteb (commonly called JsAir
z2
^40 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [C^.
Paul) was bom in 1763 at WuDsiedel in the Baiieuth district
His father, who was in his early life a schoolmaster and organist,
was appointed pastor at Schwarzenbach in 1776. Jean Paul's
writings abound in pleasiug recollections of his youthful days,
though they were passed in poverty. After some schooling in the
gymnasium at Hof and a course of studies at Leipzig, he made the
crude attempts' in satire already referred to, but without success.
He was for some time employed as a private tutor in several
families, and, after the publication of an incomplete romance
entitled ' The Invisible Lodge ' (1793), gained a reputation as a
humorist. HLs later works include 'Hesperus' (1704), 'Flower,
Fruit, and Thorn Pieces' (1796), 'The Life of Quintus Fixlein'
(1796), 'Titan* (1800-3), 'WUd Oats,' and several other very
discursive romances. In 1798 he was induced by his friendship for
Hercier to visit Weimar a second time, and there he stayed until
1800, when he went to Berlin. A few years afterwards he re-
ceived a pension which enabled him to live in modest and com*
fortable circumstances at Baireuth, where he died in 1825. His
biography ('Truth from Jean Paul's Life'), partly written by
himself and completed by friends, explains many traits in his
writings.
It has been said that Jean Paul is fully appreciated only by his
own countrymen, and it may be added, that among his German
critics great differences may be found in their respective estimates
of his merits. Readers who admire his youthful enthusiasm, his
fertility of imagination, and' his genial humour often blended with
pathos, have given him « place among the true poets who have
writfen in prose ; others, who maintain that beauty of form is an
essential part of poetry, have severely criticised even the best of'
his writings. Both parties agree that his romances contain abun-
dant evidences of a breadth of sympathy as remarkable as the
wide range of his imaginative powers. His rural descriptions and
his stories of lonely, persevering 'attles with poverty are his
most successful passages ; but he luxuriates in the wildest liberty
of imagination, and it is his humour to soar away from all such
domestic quietudes as he wrote of in ' The Invisible Lodge,' and
to speculate or dream on remote, mysterious and incomprehensible
subjects. His reading was diffuse, and its results were given 'in
season and out of season.' Accordingly his writings contain
frag;ment« carried away from all classes of literature and throwA
XXUI.] JBAN PAUL. 341
together. He fills liia pages with the results of the miost rnvtU
tifarioas reading ; so that, sometimes^ to understand one of his
stories, one must he something of a geologist, a chemist, an as-
tronomer, a natural historian, and an antiquarian. If a deluge
should hreak in upon some old museums, and bear away on its
billows promiscuously-scattered curiosities in all the sciences, it
might afford a symbol of his style. Or, if anyone would collect
some hundreds of miscellaneous quotations from works of science,
old histories, and modern newspapers, put them together and
shake them well in a bag, then write a story to employ them all
as they came to hand, he would miike some approach to Jean
Paul's ^tyle. Indeed, he actually wrote on a plan similar to that
just suggested t All this and more that has been said by critics
on Jean Paul's sesthetic offences may be summed up in jthe
epigram which Schiller addressed to him : — * You would indeed
be worthy of admiration, if you made as good use of your riches as
others make of their poverty/
After all that may be said of his rococo manner, there ib a certain
consistency in his works; but it is to be found (as Goethe says)
only in their moral tone. In other respects they are ill-con-
structed and unfinished. The Fleffeffahre (< Wild Oats '), esteemed
hy the author as his best work, is so lengthy in descriptions and so
microscopic in details that it must tire the most patient reader.
* The true way of ending with ennui is to try to say everything ;
and the author who cannot limit himself does not know how
to write.' It must be regretted that Richter never learned the
value of these maxims. If he had studied them, there would
have been less difference of judgment respecting his merits.
There may be found in his works more of hearty sympathy with
life than we find in thousands of books by authors who have
treated literature as an amusement, and have written clear, cold
thoughts in a correct style. With these remarks, which include
the sdbetance of many critiques, the praise and the blame bestowed
on Jean Paul may be left to moderate each other. There is only
one way of conveying a true notion of his genius, and that is to
give a fair selection of passages from his writings ; but this can
be done here only in the form of abridged translations.
Jean Paul wrote sixty-five volumes of tales, romances, di-
daetic essays, dreams, visions, and homilies. Considering their
voluminous extent^ his works have, with all their rich variety of
342 OUniKES OF QEBMAK LITEBITUBE. [Cs.
imaginative illustration, a remarkable similarity in their leading
ideas. By his early attempts in satire — the ' Greenland Lawsuits '
and the ' Selection from the Devil's Papers ' — he gained some
experience of his own defects. Then he abandoned the attempt
to write sharp and direct satire, and wrote, with genial humour,
of the sorrows and the consolations of poverty as exemplified in
the experience of ' the poor little schoolmaster Wuz.' There is a
noble playfulness in the author's descriptions of the hardships
with which he was too well acquainted. In another story of a
schoolmaster (very poor, as a matter of course) Jsan Paul tells
how his starving hero yielded to the strong temptation of pur-
chasing a lottery-ticket, giving him a chance of beconyng the
owner of ' certain desirable estates, named respectively Walchem
and Lizelberg, and charmingly situated between Salzburg and
Linz I ' • • • . < The circumstances of poor Seemaus (the forlorn
schoolmaster) had been — as the government seemed to think —
exactly suitable to his wretched and obscure profession.' Thus
the author continues the story : — ' When Moses was preparing to
become the teacher and the lawgiver of the Jewish people, he
fasted forty days upon a mountain; and from this sublime ex-
ample our legislature seems to have deduced the conclusion, that
the man who would be the guide and teacher of the rising genera-
tion, must prove his capabilities by his endurance of fasting. A
starving schoolmaster is consequently one of the features of our
civilisation, and Seemaus is a perfectly normal specimen of his
class. Under the excitement of a lottery-ticket his frail nerves
are quivering, and in a letter which he has sent to me, he ex-
presses an apprehension that if he finds himself on June 30
owner of ^the princely estates of Walchem and Lizelberg,
peopled by 1,000 families ; also, the new and spacious mansion,
with thcr brewery, and the 700 acres of forest, with shooting and
fishing" — he shall die for joy 1 His letter contains the following
paragraph : — . • • '' In my excited condition, I have been so in-
judicious as to read several chapters of a translation of * Tissot on
l^ervous Disorders,' in which I have found several accounts of
persons who have died under the influence of sudden joy. For
instance, we read of a pope dying in his delight on hearing of a
victory gfdned by his friends, and of a hound which died in the
joy with whi&h it hailed its master after a long absence. Weber
tella a story of a man whose nerves wera bo much aflected b>y
XXin.] JEAN PAUL. 343
a Rudden shower of good fortune, that he became paralytic, and
was afflicted with stammering. The ^ Nuremberg Correspondent '
has lately given an account of two great bankers who both died
suddenly in one day, one in joy on receiving a large profit, and
the other in sorrow for a heavy loss. I have also read of a poor
relation of Leibnitz, who heard with calmness -the news of a rich
legacy bequeathed to her ; but when the real property — the costly
linen and valuable silver plate — ^were spread out before her eyes, she
gazed upon them for a moment in silent ecstasy, and immediately
expired ! What, then, must I expect to feel when I look upon
the princely estates of Walchem and Lizelberg, &c &c. &c., and
realise the fact that they are mine ! " '
To appease the natural fears of the hopeful but timid pedagogue^
the poor author writes, to confess that he* has been guilty of the
same folly ; he has purchased the lottery-ticket numbered 19,983.
' If,' says he, ' this number prove the winning card in the game,
what a destiny will be minet According to the proclamation
made under royal authority at Munich, I shall possess, in the
first place, ^' all those most desirable estates named respectively
Walchem and Lizelberg, in the district of Hausruckviertel,
charmingly and beautifully situated between Salzburg and Linz ;
estates which, even in the year 1750, were valued ait 231,900
Khenish fiorins ; item, the saw-mill in excellent repair, and the
complete brewery situated at Lizelberg Such is the gold
mine of which I shall be the possessor if my ticket (one out of
36,000) prove fortunate, of which I am strongly disposed to hope.
.... So now I can put my finger on the spot in my almanac
marking the day when, like an aloe suddenly bursting into bloom
after forty years without fiowers, I shall expand my golden
blossoms, and flourish aa the Croesus of our times I can
assure you, my dear friend, that I fully sympathise with your
excited feelings, for I am now in circumstances exactly like your
own Many others around me are hoping and fearing to
evaporate in joy on that day, and such is the benevolent feeling
prevailing here that everyone is willing to become a martyr for
the benefit of his fellow ticket-holders — ^willing, among 36,000
men, to be the one man doomed to die I . • . However, as you
wish to cherish your hope of gaining Walchem, Lizelberg, the
excellent saw-mill, and the complete brewery, &c. &c., without
giving up all hope of life, I will give you some means of calming
844 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBB. [Co.
jour fears. Allow me to recommend to you an umbrella to defend
your head against the sudden thunder-shower of gold; or a
parasol to guard you from the sun-stroke of good fortune. The
danger to he apprehended when we step suddenly into the posses-
sion of such enormous wealth is, that our minds will be unpre-
pared to cope with our external circumstances. A thousand
schemes of expenditure will at once present themselves. While
our nerves are tingling with delight, and our veins are throbbing,
the brain will be oppressed by ideas too vast, too new, and too
numerous to be comprehended, and even the fatal explosion which
you apprehend may take place. To prevent such a calamity, we
must now calmly prepare ourselves for the great crisis. We
must familiarise our minds with thoughts of the possession and
the distribution of such wealth as will soon be ours. . . . Accord-
ingly, I have made charts of the travels I shall enjoy during my
first year in possession. ... If you could visit me now, you
would find among my papers some elegant plans and elevations
of houses (for after all that has been said in favour of the mannon,
I shall build another to suit my own taste) ; item^ an extensive
catalogue for a new library ; item, a plan for the benefit of the
tenants ; besides sundries, such as memoranda, '' to buy a Silber-
mann's pianoforte/' '' a good hunter," &c. &c
'You will not be surprised to learn that I intend to con-
tinue my authorship; but it will be in future conducted in a
princely style, as I shall maintain two clerks as quotation-makers
and copyists, and another man to correct the press. But my
great caro has been to prepare a code of laws for my 1,000 families
of subjects. . • . Allow me to remind you that you should be pre-
paring a magna chaHa for your subjects ; for all rulers must be bound
before they can be obeyed. . • • The old Egyptians wisely tied
together the fore-claws of the crocodile, in order that they might
worship him without danger.
' Prepare yourself according to my plan, and then you need not
fear that the great gold mine will iall in and crush you as you begin
to work it. At least let us enjoy for a few days the hope for
which we have paid twelve fiorins : let us not spoil it with
anxieties. This hope is like butter on a dog's nose, which makes
him eat dry bread with relish. With their noses anointed with
this butter, all our fellow ticket-holders are now eating their bread
(tilack^ brown, or white, earned by toil, ox teara^ or servility) with
XXIIIJ JBAN PAUL. 345
an extm relish. THib, for the present Ume, is a positive enjoy men t^
and if we are wise^ we shall not disturb it'
This is an example of Jean Paul's quiet stjle ; but it shows
only one side of his character. It was his humour to range from
one extreme to another, and a great part of his writings consists
of yariations on the themes given in ' The Invisible Lodge ' and
in ' Titan*^ ' the first idyllic, the latter containing some rhapsodies
according well with its title. The stories of * Quintus Fixlein/
* Siebenkas ' and * Der Jubelsenior/ are passages of transition be-
tween ' The Lodge ' and ' Titan.' Of the last-named romance* it
would be as hard to give a concise account as to give a notion of
a forest by selecting a few twigs. But, on the whole, we may
venture to say, that Jean Paul's success is in inverse ratio with
his ambition, and that his longest works are not his best.
In ' Siebenkas,' as in other tales, the author harps too much on
the contrast between the real and the ideal. The Ideal is here
represented in the person of a poor author ; the Real is his wife,
who plies her needle while Siebenkas writes. A collision between
the Ideal and the Real is thus described : —
' The evil genius who delights in raising matrimonial disputes
out of mere trifles had thrown into the way of our hero a classical
anecdote of the wife of Pliny the Younger, who (it is said) held
the lamp over her husband's table, while he was employed is
writing. Siebenkas admired this example, and, as he had no
lamp, he suggested that his wife might, by snuffing the candle fot
him, imitate, in a humble way, the conduct of that noble Roman
lady. Lenette — closely engaged with her needlework — allowed
the snuff to rise almost above the flame, and after receiving a
lecture on this oflence, promised to do better another time
This promise was duly remembered the next evening; for now she
would hardly keep her fingers from the snuffers for five minutes.
As Siebenkas expressed by £cequent nods his thanks for her
attentiveness, she imagined that she could not be too active, and
was thus led into an extreme. Her husband observed this, and
said, *' Try to preserve a just medium." But again Lenette was
too hasty. ** Really," exclaimed Siebenkas, " was there any need
of snuffing then?" Lenette now tried to find '^the just me-
dium," but it was too late. ''Now, now I" said the author.
*^ Yes, yes I " she responded, immediately perfonning the required
amputation. At length Siebenkas became deeply engaged in his
346 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [On.
* •
m
writing ; and Lenette, being left without a prompter, tboaglit so
much of her needlework, tbat the forgotten wick rose again in
dismal blackness as a witness against her. Siebenkas fixed fk
despairing look upon it ; then threw down his pen, and exclaimed,
** This is a miserable life for a poor author ! I have not in all the
world a friend who will even snuff a candle for me I '' So say-
ing, he hastily snuffed it out.
'In the interval of darkness which followed, he walked to and
fro, imd expressed some unfavourable views of feminine charac-
teristics. *^ Women," said he, '^ have no just sense of moderation ;
but win always do either too much or too little t " As this
abstract theory provoked no answer, he proceeded to apply hia
remarks, and complained that his wife had always been unwilling
to perform for him even the most trifling servicea. Even this ex*
torted no reply.
' *^ Indeed," he exclaimed, rising to a declamatory tone, '' when
have I required any save the slightest services P And when have
even these been paid to me P Now I demand an answer.
Speak ! "
' Lenette said nothing ; but lighted the candle, and placed it on
the table, while Siebenkas saw tears in her eyes for the first time
since their marriage/
These excerpts may serve as examples of the writer's quiet
humour and of two of his peculiarities ; his lo^ of bringing in many
references to his reading, and his minuteness in descriptions. The
account given of snuffing the candle (whioh we have closely
abridged) occupies four or five pages in ' Siebenkas.' To show that
such passages represent only one side of Jean Paul's genius, we may
refer to his terrible 'Vision of a Battle*Field,' and to the gloom
and despair of his ' Dream of Atheism.' But as a shorter speci-
men of lUchter's serious style we may translate two or three
paragraphs from the dream of * A New Year's Eve.'
' At midnight, when the old year was departing, there stood at
his window an Old Man, looking forth, with the aspect of a long
despair, on the calm never-fading heavens, and on the pure, white
and quiet earth, where there seemed to exist then no creature so
sleepless and so miserable as himself 1 Now near the grave, this
Old Man had, as the results of all his long career, nothing but errors,
sins, and diseases — a shattered body, a* desolated soul, a poisoned
heart, and an age of remorse. The beautiful years of his you£h
XXmj JEAN PAUL. 347
were all cbanged into dismal goblins slirinking away now, to hide
themselves from the dawn of another New Year. .... In his
desperation and unutterable grief, he looked up towards the
heavens and cried aloud : — ^ Oh, give me back my youth ! — O
Father I place me but once more upon the cross-way, that I may
choose the path on the right hand, and not again that on the
left" ....
' But his Father and his Youth were gone—for ever I He saw
misguiding lights (iffnesfahd) gleaming forth out of the marsh,
and fading away in the churchyard. ''There are my days of
folly I " he sold. Then a shooting star fell from heaven, flickered,
and vanished on the ground. *' That is myself I " said he ; while
the poisoned fangs .of remorse were biting into his bleeding
heart. • • • •
'Then, suddenly, a peal of bells — distant church music hailing
the New Year — sounded through the calm air, and his agony was
appeased. He looked on the dim horizon, and on the wide world
all around, and he thought of the friends of his youth ,* of the
men who — happier and better than himself-— were now teachers
of the people, or fathers of joyous children growing up to a pros*
perous manhood, and h^ exclaimed: — "Ah, my Parents'! I too
might have been sleeping now with eyes not stained with tears,
if I had followed your advice and had responded to your New Year*s
prayers for me 1 " . . . . He covered his face with his hands, and
a thousand burning tears streamed down his cheeks, while in his
despair he sighed :— " Oh, give me back my youth I "... .
' And his youth suddenly returned — he awoke, and lo, all the
terror of this New Year's Eve had been only a dream I He was
still young ; but the sins of his youth had not been dreams. How
thankful he felt now, that he was still young ; that he had power
to forsake the false path and to enter the road lighted by a bright
.sun and leading on to rich fields of harvest I
' O yoimg reader I if you have wandered from the right path,
turn back now I Or this terrible dream may, some day, be for
you a condemnation; and when you cry out: "O beautiful
Youth, return 1 " your prayer may not be heard } your Youth may
^ come back to you no more.'
A sermon like that may make readers pardon many of Richter*s
faults of style. He wrote, besides the romances already named
and others left unnoticed, several discursive, didactic works ', — ^th»
348 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUBE. [Ca.
Kampanmihai (an Esaay on Immortality) ; an ' lDtFoducti<Mi to
iBsthetics ; ' Levana, an Essay on Education $ and Selina, an un*-
iinished Essay on Immortality. This laat work was placed on
his bier and carried to his grave.
Jean PauFs virtues won the love of enthnmaatic readers,
especially of the young and of women. Their interest in
his sentiments made them overlook all his faults. Many who,
when young, admired his works, afterwards grew tired of them,
and readers of mature age, accustomed to read dry, sober authors,
could hardly be induced to read many pages of Richter ; but his
admirers forgave all his sins of taste, because he had, what many
correct writers have wanted — a sympathetic heart.
The subjects which he treated most charminglywere spring-time,
childhood, poverty, the patience of women amid the cares and
sorrows of domestic life, and the sacrifices made by the poor to
aid the poor. ' He loved to travel in imagination ' (says one of
his friendly critics) ' through mist and storm, and over the (k>ien
brook to the snow-covered cottage of the village schoolmaster;
there to shara in the. joys of the children on Christmas
£ve.' He was never less successful than when he attempted to
describe scenes in the so-called ' higher circles of society.' There
Jean Paul was quite out of his element. It must not be forgotten,
in his praise, that his general tendency is to encourage virtue and to
cherish all the best hopes of youth. If many women were counted
among his readers there was a reason for it ; they appreciated his
respectful sympathy.
BiciiTEB*s humour and earnestness have been represented as
fairly as our limits allow; but there remains to be noticed an
amiable phase of his character — his delight in dreaming of the
happiness of other men ; especially of a domestic happiness such
as the realities of thia world can too seldom afford*. — * Qo away,
sweet tones ! ' says Jean Paul (in a description of music), ^ for ye
tell me of a beautiful world that I shall never see.' The words
might have been applied to the author's own vision of ' The Morn-
ing and the Evening of Life/ which may serve as a conclusion to
our quotations. It must be given — ^like all our excerpts from Jean
Paul — ^in the form of an abridged translation : — ^
* GoTTBBicH Habthakn lived with his father, the aged pastor
Df a church in the village of Heim. Happy were the old man's
declining yeais ; for, as his strength failed, hia son tteppad into
XXni.J JEKS PAUL. 349
his place, and fulfilled his dutiee ; and truly edifying were the
homilies of the young preacher to the fathered heart. ... If it is
painful to differ in opinion from one whom we love, to turn away
the head from one to whom the heart is always inclined, it is
donhly sweet at once to lore and believe in accordance with one in
whom we find our own better self sustained and perpetuated with
youthful energy. Thus life is like a fair starry night, when no
star sets until another has arisen. Qottreich had a paradise
about him, in which he held the post of gardener for his father,
and enjoyed all its fruits, while he laboured chiefly for the
gratification of the old man. Every Sunday brought a new de-
light in a new homily prepared to gladden the father's heart. . . .
The moistened eye of the old clergyman, his hands folded now
and then in silent thanksgiving during the sermon, made for the
young preacher an Ascension festival out of every Sunday. Those
who imagine that the preparation and delivery of a course of
homilies throughout a year must be a dry task, should have heard
this father and his* son convernng on the last, or consulting on
the next discourse for the little congregation at Heim.
* A new member was added to this congregation. Justa, a young
maiden of considerable wealth, and an orphan, left her residence
in a neighbouring town to find rural happiness in the little village
where Gottreich lived with his father. Two may be happy to-
gether, but three may be still happier ; for two may talk on the
merits of the third, and so the harmonic triad of friendship will
allow of several pleasing variations. This required third person
was found in Justa ; for, after she had heard four or five of the
young preacher's homilies, she consented to listen also, very
patiently, to his addresses, and resolved to withhold her hand
Duly until the disturbances of the country (for It was then the
time of our war with the French) should subside into peace. . . .
' In the fresh delight of this May morning of his life, Gottreich
oould not avoid thinking that his morning star must some day
shine as his evening star. He said to himself: — " My prospects
are clear and joyous now ; the happiness of life, the beauty of the
universe, the glory of the Creator, the constellations of eternal
truths ; — I see and feel tjiem all clearly and warmly. But it may
be otherwise with me in the latest hours of my life ; for approach-
ing death sometimes holds an inverted telescope before the eye,
and then nothing is seen but a drear, void space, extending be-
360 OUTLINES OP GERMAN LITERATUKK [Ch.
tween ns and all whom we love. But should this mere optical
deception be taken as the truth P No ; this is the truth which I
see and feel now, in the youth and vigour of my life. Let me
remember it well, that the light of my morning may appear again
in my evening sky/' With this intention he opened a diary, and
wrote down his best sentiments under this title — " BecoUecticms
of the Fairest Hours preserved to cheer the Latest Hours of
Life." . . .
* From these happy occupations Gottreich was called away by
the demands of his country during the warfare of liberation. He
left his father under the care of Justa, and took a place in a
regiment of volunteers. He closed his campaign after some active
service, but, somewhat to his disappointment, without a wound.
And now, as peace again brooded over the rescued country, the
young soldier travelled homeward through towns and villages full of
festivity, but knowing that none were happier than himself.
' As he approached his native place, the littie church tower of
Helm seemed to grow up out of the earth, and as he went down
into the valley, the lowly parsonage again met his eye, while all its
windows were shining in evening radiance. But when he entered
the house, he was surprised to find the lower rooms empty. A
slight noise called his attention to his father's -chamber. He
entered it, and found Justa beside the bed of the old clergyman,
.who sat propped up by pillows, while his pale wasted fiice gleamed
strangely in the rosy light of evening. Justa related, in a few
words, how the father had overwrought himself in attention to
his duties, and had remained now for some days half sunk in
lethargy, taking no interest in all that had once been dear to him.
As she spoke the old man heard not, but sfat gazing on the setting
sun surrounded ^ith crimson and golden clouds.
* After a littie time the sky was overcast, a dead calm lasted for
a few minutes, and then a heavy shower fell, accompanied with
lightning. This disturbance of elements seemed to waken the
dying father from his stupor. '< See I " said he, pointing to the
sky ; *' see the glorious works of God t And now, my son, tell
.me, for my comfort, something of the goodness of the Almighty
One, as you told us in your sermons in the spring.''
* Gottreich wept, as he thought that the littie manual which he
had written for lus ovni consolation* must> tirst be read at his
Cdlher's death-bed. He drew out his littie book oi ** Recollections^"
XXIII.] JEAN PAUL. • 361
and read a passage with a faltering Toice, while the old man
folded his hands in silent prayer. ** Have jou not known and
felt/' said Gottreich^ ** the presence of that Being whose infinitude
is not only displayed in power and wisdom, but also in love P
Bemember now the sweet hours of childhood, when the dear blue
sky of day, and the dark blue sky of night, opened upon you, like
the eyes of your preserving Angel. Think how a thousand reflec-
tions of the Eternal Goodness have played around you, from heart
to heart, from eye to eye of mankind, as one light shines from
sun to sun, and from world to world, throughout the uni*
verse." . . •
'Gottreich read other passages from his manual, and adminifr-
tered Christian consolation to his father. The old man drank in
the words of his son, and seemed to be refreshed with the recol-
lections of his own life, as he whispered now and then, with fail-
ing breath, *' All is good—all is good I " At last the brightnesa
of these views of life was lost ; not in the darkuesi of death, but
in the superior light of another life.
' " He is gone/* said Gottreich. . . . '' The sun has set and
risen at once, and he knows now that the same light makes glorious
both the morning and the evening."'
'The accomplishment of verse' which was wanting in Jean
Paul was the chief talent possessed by several of his cotemporaries
who, writing in rhyme, were very kindly called 'poets.' The
lyrical verse- writers were better than the writers of epics who m ay be
briefly noticed here ; for they belonged, with hardly any excep-
tion, to the imitative class. If an exception must be made, it
would, perhaps, be in favour of the unhappy young writer Fbaitz
Anton von Sonnbnbebg (1779-1806), who, when only fifteen
years old, began to write a poem {Daa Weltende) on 'The End of
the World.' Another epic, Dcnatoaj on the same subject, was
completed only a short time before the writer committed suicide by
throwing himself from the window of a house in Jena.
The choice of such a theme as 'The End of the World' is enough
to show that the writer had no true conception of what an epic
poem ought to be. When the destruction of the world is Iflrst
meditated, an assembly of all 'the guardian-angels of men' is
convened, and the majority votes for annihilation. One angel,
Michael, who votes for a reprieve, justifies his vote on the ground
that two righteous persons — the old man Eliora and a youth
352 OUTLINES OP GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
named Heroal — are still living on the earth. The reprieve is
granted, on the condition that both tempting demons and guardian-
angels shall leave the world, and that men shall be left free to
determine their own course of li fe. Eliora and Heroal, as preachers
of repentance, travel from land to land; but everywhere their
warnings are despised. They are then called away from the earth,
and Donatoa, ' the angel of death/ receives permission to destroy
the world. Elopstock suggested the more ambitious passages in
this wild epic ; but Wieland was mostly imitated by epic versi-
fiers.
LiTDwio HEnrRTCH (von) Nioolay borrowed both his materials
and his style from Bojardo, Ariosto and Wieland, and the author of
' Oberon ' was the principal source of all such inspiration as visited
JoHANN VON Alxingeb and Friebbich Attgust MiJLLEB, whose
names are mentioned here only in deference to the judgment of
some conservative literary historians.
The irony th^ Wieland had made too fashionable was imitated
by ALors Blttmaxteb, a Jesuit, who, after his order had been
suppressed in Austria, settled as a bookseller in Vienna, and wrote,
among other trifles, a travesty of Virgil's epic. Eoseoabten and
Neuffeb, who imitated the homely idyllic style of Voss, may
be mentioned here as fair 'specimens of several other versifiero
whom we cannot even name.
Of several popular poets who wrote in German dialects, Johann
Mabtin Ustebi (1763-1827) was one of the best. Ilis idylls,
De Vikari and De Herr Heiri^ are in Swiss-German. Johann
Gbubel, a very homely but humorous versifier, employed the
Niimberg dialect in his comic stories, and Daniel Abnold wrote
a comedy and some poems in the dialects of Strasaburg and Alsace.
The poems written in Alemannian German by Johann Peteb
Hrbel (1760-1826) were truly popular and were praised by
Goethe; but the stories in prose contained in Hebel's SchaU'
hdstlein (' The Casket ') are, we think, more interesting than his
verses.
Among didactic versifiers Nettbeok gained a reputation by a
poem (so called) on ' Medicinal Waters,' and Tiedge wrote
' Urania,' an essay in verse on the Immortality of the Soul. His
diction is correct and harmonious ; but is more rhetorical than
poetical. ' Urania ' was, however, very popular in its day, and
ita topics were so often discussed in society that they were made
XXm.] LYRICAL POETRY. 3^3
tiresome. Goethe (who firmly believed in the soul's immortality)
was anpoyed by incessant arguments about it, introduced by
'ladies, who/ as he said, 'had nothing else to do.' ' When they
examined me on the doctrine/ said he, 'I told them, I hoped to
meet in another world none of those who believed in it here.
For how should I be tormented I The pious would throng round
me and say, '* Were we not right ? — Did we not predict it P —
Has it not happened just as we said P '' '
A less tedious didactic versifier, Christofh Friedrigh Haug,
was a humorist who wrote — besides lyrical poems and ballads —
one hundred epigrams, all sportively addressed to one of his
friends who had a very long nose. The following may serve as a
Buificient specimen of Hang's hyperbolical style : —
When yon were lying on the ground
And looking at the sky, the people,
In all the hamlets far around.
Said, * Look ! — they've built another steeple.*
Of all the young poets who were followers of Schiller, the most
promising wtis Friebrich Holderlin, bom in 1770. He studied
at Tiibingen, visited Schiller at Jena, and was afterwards engaged
as a private tutor. His enthusiastic admiration of the life, the
poetry and art, and even the religion of the ancient Greeks was
not an affectation, but a fixed idea. It was expressed in his
romance, * Hyperion, or the Hermit in Greece ' (1797), as well as
in odes and hymns written in antique metres and showing both
earnest feeling and imaginative power. After leaving a situation
iu Bordeaux, the poet wandered alone through France, fell into a
mood of deep melancholy, and, in 1802, was found almost entirely
deprived of his intellectual faculties. In this deplorable' condition
— still sometimes writing verses and often expressing a delight in
the beauties of nature — he lived on for the long space of forty-one
years.
The lyrical poems written by Friedrich von Matthison
(1761-1831) were praised by Schiller, and must, therefore, have
some merit ; but it consists mostly in their diction and their
melodious versification. The weD-known song, * Adelaide,' set to
music by Beethoven, was written by Matthison. His style was
partly imitated by his friend Jouann Gaudenz von Salis-Seewis
(1762-1834), who studied in a school at Colmar (kept by the
blind fabulist, Pfefiel), and, afterwardB, served in the French army.
854 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
His lyrical poems Have a melancholj but not unpleasant tone, and
there is true feeling in some of his descriptive passages.
JoHANN Gottfried Ssume (1763-1810), though included
among lyrical poets, was more noticeable as a prose-writer and a
bitter satirist. lie was for some years a soldier ; then a corrector
of the press, and to recruit his health travelled on foot through a
great part of Europe, and published an account of his tour under
the title ^ A Journey to Syracuse.' It tells more of his own cha-
racter and of his political opinions than of the scenery on his way.
When he climbed Mount ^Etna, he was accompanied, he tells us,
by a travelling Briton, to whom he ascribes the following plati-
tude given as an estimate of the view from the mountain : — ' Tis
worth a young man's while to mount and see this ; for there's not
such a sight in the parks of Old England.'
Jens Baogbsen (1765-1826), a Dane, who wrote some hu-
morous and other poems in German, deserves to be remembered
chiefly for his kindness to Schiller at the time when the poet's
health failed. A strange epic, intended to be comical, on the
subject of ' Adam and Eve,' may be mentioned as a proof of the
writer's bad taste. He represents Eve as conversing in French
with the Serpent. Ba^gesen was one of the most resolute oppo-
nents of the writers belonging to the Romantic School. He
hardly understood their best thoughts; but he justly ridiculed
some of their mannerisms. There is hardly anything in his lyrical
poems better than his philosophical, bacchanalian song~a parody
on some of the phrases or formulas used in Fichte's system of
philosophy. The first strophe may be rather freely translated as
follows : —
Since old father Noah, his cares to assuage.
First sqaeesed out the grape's purple hlood.
His example's heen followed from age to age,
Yet no roan has understood,
Hitherto, the strict logic of drinking :
Men have tippled, as if the act —
Like living — required not a word of instruction,
Or could always be properly done without thinking ;
Oftoping, in fact.
To this day, we have no scientific deduction I
•
The subsequent stanzas of the song are better than this, but
could not be readily put into English. Nothing of its kind can
be better than the assumed philosophical gravity and the strictaess
XXni.] LYKICAL POETElr. 355
of logical sequence -with which the Fichtean fonnulffi are applied,
and the conclusiye result obtained by the process must have been
amusing enough to the students at Jena, who respected Fichte,
but could enjoy a laugh at his expense.
The names of the minor poets, or yersifiers, already mentioned,
fairly represent the lower poetical literature of the age. We may,
however, yery briefly notice some specimens of poetry written by
women. Some of the idylls and other poemQ written by Amalie
voir Helwig — a court-lady of Weimar — are graceful. Friede-
BIKE Bbuk imitated Matthison, whose own poems can hardly be
called original. The name of another amiable poetess, Eakolike
KuDOLPHi, must be mentioned with much respect for her amiable
character; but her poems are less interesting than her book ^n-
titled 'Pictures of Female Education' (1808). She superintended,
for seyeral years, an excellent ladies' school at Heidelberg, and
gave in her writings the results of her own observations on
teaching. 'The formation of the characters of young women,'
says this writer, ' should be the matron's care ; but men ought to
be our teachers in all etudies that are purely scientific and in-
tellectual. In yain would men yie with us in quick intuitive
perception, or in delicacy of feeling, and as vainly might we
attempt to rival men in the depth or the close order of scientific
thinking. Women educated mostly among men lose their best
distinctive qualities, and women confined to the society of their
own sex become nairow in their minds and their sympathies.'
These remarks are noticeable as contrasted with more recent doc-
trines on the education of women. Karoline Kudolphi describes
as unnatural all riyalry between men and women.
In Schiller's literary journals — Die Hcren and Der Mutenalma'
nach — may be found several poems written by LuiSE Karoline
Braofhann, who was hardly more than fourteen years old when
the poet accepted some of her contributions. Her biography is
one of the most melancholy in the pages of literary history. At
'one time she maintained herself by writing romances, for which
she receiyed as payment only four dollars a sheet, with the under-
standing that one half of her pay must be accepted in the shape
of books. Her life, made miserable through adverse circum-
stances and by her own want of self-control, was terminated by
suicide. It would be too severe to criticise her novels, written in
the circunuitances referzed to. Seyeral of her ballads are good,
aa2
856 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
and her lyrical poems are far better than a reader of Her biography
might expect They contain, indeed, some passages remarkable
for a poetic expression of true feeling, such as inspired the following
stanzas on Consolation in Absence : —
Our eyes still drink from the same fomit of light ;
The same wind round us softly breathes or blows i
We both lie veiled in the same doud of night ;
One Spring to both its opening glories shows.
When morning dawns, I cry : ' Awaken, day I
And strew thy r^^ses wheresoever he roam ; '
When in the sea the sun is sinking — ' Stay I
And cast a gleam to light him to his home.'
In visionary, moonlit, silent night,
When ghostly forms on dislaot mountains shin^
My heart beats high — I say with deep delight :
' He lives — ^however distant, he is mine 1 '
And, when a star looks out, a gladdening ray
Sc«m8 darting from his eye to cheer my heart —
All thoughts of earthly distance melt away,
We meet in heaven — and never more to part I
These notices of verse- writers who had no association with any
new movement in imaginative literature may suffice, at least, to
show how great was the distance existing between 0chiller and
the majority of his cotemporaries.
Our attention must next be directed to the more fertile depart-
ment of prose-fiction. Here we find, besides a few didactic stories
by Pestalozzi (which will be noticed in a following chapter), the
^ Idylls ' of Fbanz Xayer Bronner and some humorous novels
by Ulrioh Hegster, who described scenes from life in Switzer-
land. The 'Parables' written by Friebrigh Adolf Erum^
MACHER may be commended for their style as well as for their
didactic tendency. •
Other works in prose-fiction include — ^besides mediocrities too
numerous to be named — some respectable novels and romances
written by ladies, and a host of inferior fictions by such popular
authors as Vulpius, Spiess^ Cramer, and Lafontaine. The works
of these four writers may, on the whole, be fairly classed together
as representing the Low Literature of their times. Before noticing
its characteristics we may name two or three ladies who wrote
respectable fiction. Bensdictikb Euobkie Naitbert (1766-1819)
published anonymously several stories, including ITtekia rxm
XXITI.] E0MAKCE3. 367
Thumf an historical romance from which Schiller derived eome
eaggeations for his Walienstem, The modesty of the amiahle
novelist was more remarkable than her knowledge of history.
Until a short time before her death she kept concealed the author^
ship of all her writings.
Johanna Schopenhaueb (1766-1838), the author of the ro-
mances ' Gabriele ' and * The Aunt/ and of an interesting book on
* Johann von Ejck and his Followers,' lived for some years at
Weimar. Her style, like her character, was lively and superficial,
and her novels were read and admired, while the original and
powerful writings of her son^ Arthur, were generally neglected.
Ills character was as strongly contrasted with her own as are
midnight and noon, and she disliked so much his gloomy theory
of human life, that she refused to dwell in the same house with
him. 'Your lamentations,' said she, 'about this stupid world
and the miseries of mankind deprive me of rest ac night and give
me bad dreams.' Arthur told her that his own books would be
read when her novels were forgotten, and the prediction has been
fulfilled.
The fault of prolixity is found in most of the novels written by
Eabolins Pichler (1769-1843;, but in their moral tendencies
they were well contrasted with many fictions too popular in her
times. Her best work, ' Agathocles ' (1808), was written in oppo-
sition to Gibbon's misrepresentations of Christianity. In several
of her romances she endeavoured to give a popular interest to some
passages in the history of her native land.
Another lady who wrote respectable prose-fiction was Kabolinb
VON Wolzoqen (1763-1847), the friend and sister-in-law of
Schiller, whose biography she wrote. This interesting work is
more valuable than her romances, ' Agnes von Lilien ' (1708) and
* Cordelia * (1840) ; though the former had a remarkable and
deserved success. This lady waa the latest survivor of all the
circle of Schiller's literary friends at Weimar.
These notices of female writers may be closed by naming
Therese Hubbr (1764-1829), daughter of the philologer Heyne.
Iler novels were, at one time, erroneously ascribed to her second
husband, Ludwig Ferdinand Huber. She wrote especially for
women, and one of her leading motives was to show the happiness
of— celibacy.
If any apology were wanted for notidng the fictions we include
358 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUllE. [Ch.
under the heading Low Literature^ it might be found in one of
two humorous epistles written in verae hj Goethe and addressed
to the father of a family. The anxious parent complains — not
without good reasons — of the character of such popular literature
ns the circulating libraries^ in his time, supplied. Goethe, in
reply, states his belief, that the demand produces the supply in
the class of fictions to which the letter refers. In other words,
he asserts, that the character of the people impresses itself on
their favourite literature j which is not the cause, but the con-
sequence of a depraved taste. To illustrate this doctrine, he
invents a humorous story of an improvisatore at Venice, who
gained popularity by telling a story of his adventures in Utopia.
There, he asserted, he had been severely and justly punished for
wishing to pay his debts and to work for his own maintenance.
The people, says Goethe, listened with delight to a romance which
expressed so clearly their own notion of a happy life. If we
accept this theory of literary success, tbe sensatiunal romances and
sentimental novels that gave delight to numerous readers during
a long period must deserve attention, when we would describe
literature as expressing the character of a people. A popular
seiies of extravagant robber-romances and ghost-stories may first
be noticed.
Goethe and Schiller, b/ their earliest dramas, called'into activity
the imitative talents of the men who wrote absurd tales of knights
and bandits, and, rather later, the * Ghost-Seer ' (1786-89), an un-
finished romance by Schiller, was accepted as a new model for
imitators ; though it was very unfavourably characterised by its
author. Then ' shrieks heard in uninhabited castles ' and ' noises
of chains ditigged about at midnight through long and mysterious
corridors ' were freely employed as materials in unearthly fiction.
But, on the whole, the robbers had a greater success than their
spectral rivals. Schiller was not allowed to forget the extrava-
gance of his own first play. When he came to Weimar in 1787,
one of his first visitors was a literary man, described as an insig-
nificant figure and oddly dressed. This young man was afteinivards
celebrated as Chkistiak August Vulpius, author of 'Riaaldo
Biniddini the Robber,' one of the most successful sensational
romances ever written, and a fair type of a numerous class of
umilar prodactloRS. It appeared first in 1797; and its great popa-
XXni.] 'EINALDO EINALDINL' 359
laritj is proved by the facts that it was translated into several
languages, and that a new edition in Qerman appeared in 1858.
^ Rinaldo Rinaldini ' might be called, with reference to popu-
larity^ the chieftain of a formidable gang of robber-romances com-
piled for the circulating libraries. But another hero — ^the re-
nowned great bandit ' Aballino ' — claims precedence in the order
of time. To readers who know Hsinrich Zsghokke (1771-1848)
as the writer of 'Hours of Devotion' and of numerous didactic
stories and historical works^ it may seem strange that his name
should be mentioned here; but his celebrated robbex^romance,
* Aballino the Great Bandit/ was written as early as 1798 (six years
before Schiller*s WaUenstem was completed), and was^ soon after-
wards, put into the form of a play which had great success.
Spiess, another writer of sensational dramas and romances, may be
mentioned, bnt merely with reference to his remarkable popularity.
'Aballino' and 'Rinaldo Rinaldini' were both respectable
when compared with some of the romances written by Cbaheb
and Lafontaine ; especially some stories of domestic life by the
latter, who wrote more than one hundred and thirty volumes of
unwholesome fiction^ made worse by the insertion of false moral
reflections. He was followed, at a later time, by Heite?, who used
the pseudonyme Clauren, and ruled in the circulating libraries as
Kotzebue ruled on the stage. The Low Literature represented
by these names, and including a host of bad romances aud play's,
enjoyed an extensive popularity during Schiller's time, and sur-
vived for several years after the War of Liberation. If we could
be deceived by the prominence given in literary hbtory to such
names as Lessing, Herder, Qoethe, Schiller, and Fichte, or could
suppose that they expressed the mind of a nation, the question
might arise : How could a people represented by such men fall
into the political degradation in which Germany was found at the
beginning of the present century ? There existed, in fact, no such
contrast as such a question would imply between the intellectual
and the political condition of the people. The taste and, to some
extent, the moral character of the majority of readers were repre-
sented by such writers as Vulpius, Spiess, Cramer, Lafontaine,
Kotzebue, and Clauren, whose fictions enjoyed a popularity ex-
tended over more than a quarter of a century.
J ASS J (the patriotic founder of the Gymnastic Unions, that have
360 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. LCh.
been so fruitful in good results) gives, in a few plain words, a
condensed inyentorj of many circulating libraries. 'Here we
have/ says he, ' romances with titles like mountebanks* placards ;
" Wonderful Stories ! '' (amazing, indeed, that men could be found
BO senseless as to write them) ; '^ Qhost Stories I " (where such
goblins make their appearance no mind exists) ; ** Botaances of
Knighthood " (I wish " the iron hand of Gotz " might fall on their
authors I) ; '' Robber Romances '' (in old times robbers took away
men's goods or, sometimes, their lives ; now they would deprive
us of our brains) ; and then we have Foison-Books ' . . . . The
more energetic part of Jahn's denunciation may be left untrans-
lutedy but not because it is too severe.
The popular drama of Schiller's times may be lastly noticed, as
it is historically connected with the movement in literature of
which some account must be given in the next chapter. In the
genial time when Goethe and Herder were friends at Strassburg,
literary men were divided, as we have seen, into two parties, who
might be called the old school and the new. Another division
took place a short time before Schiller's death. Several young
writers, led by the brothers Schlegel, and associated under the
title of the ' Romantic School/ made themselves prominent by
their opposition to the tendencies of popular literature in their
time. They had other and higher motives, which may be men-
tioned in our next chapter ; but here it is enough to say that they
were reasonably dissatisfied with such dramas as were written by
Iffland and Kotzebue, and with the romances of Lafoutaine and
Clauren. On the whole, this literature might fairly be called
low ; there was in it no breath of aspiration towards any higher
thoughts than such as would have been sanctioned by Nicolai, the
champion of commonplace, whose name may be once more men-
tioned^ ae serving to represent briefly, the characteristics of a
crowd of writers of plays, novels, and romances.
Among the dramatists here referred to the most respectable
was Attchjst Wilhelm Iffland (1769-1814). He was an
excellent actor in comedy and in such domestic plays as he
could write. In 1796 he was appointed director of the National
Theatre at Berlin, where he remtuned until the close of his life.
His dramas, founded on domestic interests, though prosaic, have
good moral motives, and contain passages of natural and powerful
XXin.] KOTZEBTJB. 361
pathoB ; but, in all tlieir edsential features, they haTe a close family-
likenees one to another. They conAist mostly of scenes from every-
day life; suchL as might be found in the lowliest of Crabbe's
domestic stories. Iffland's boundaries of thought and sympathy
were narrow ; but he was respected in his day, as he wrote better
plays than 'robber-tragedies/ and brought upon the stage such
men and women as may be seen in daily life. One of his best
pieces — Die Jager — enjoyed remarkable popularity. As fair spe-
cimens of the whole family group, we may mention ' The Old
Bachelors/ ' The Advocates/ and ' The Legacy.' In his moral
tendency Iffland was too respectable to be classified with his more
versatile coteroporary Kotzebue— a play-writer as remarkable for
tact and cleverness as for the absence of any higher qualities.
August Frisdrich Fbbdinanb (von) Kotzbbus was bom at
Weimar in 1761, held, in the course of -his life, several political
offices in Russia and Germany, and gained a wide reputation, by
no means founded on respect for his character. He was intensely
unpatriotic, and might be concisely described as the extreme op-
posite to Schiller. Kotzebue was a thoroughly practical man,
and wrote for the market SchiUer had tried to mn^~e a school of
the theatre \ but Kotzebue viewed it as a shop in which be could
carry on an extensive ti*ade. The same motive guided him in
politics. The cynical invectives published in the paper he edited
were directed against men whose motives were more generous
than his own, and he found delight and profit in writing to dis-
courage the hopes entertained by liberal politicians. This conduct
and the suspicion that he was acting as a Russian spy roused
to a state of fanaticism a young student (Karl Ludwig Sand), by
whom Kotzebue was assassinated at Mannheim in 1810.
It must be granted that he possessed one virtue — industry.
He wrote, beside several romances and a deplorable history of
Germany, a host of plays, comedies and farces, by which he gained
a European reputation. His play ^ The Indians in England ' had
a success that now seems incredible, and his ' Old Coachman of
Peter III.' gained for its author the patronage of the Czar Paul I.
of Russia. If Kotzebue's dramas had been written to make
Schiller's theory of ' an educational theatre ' appear ridiculous, it
could not have been done more effectively. Critics wrote severely
of such plays as ^ Brother Moriz ; ' but the unscrupulous author
862 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Oh.
had an applauding public on lib side. He had good tact in making
arrangements for stage-effects — especially in farces- and comedies
— and some of his tragedies are highly sensational. His farces are
pardonable, or may be praised when compared with some of his
sentimental or falsely-pathetic pieces ; especially such as end with
repentance and couTersion. In these his aims and the means
which he used to attain them are alike contemptible. One of his
most successful plays — ' Misanthropy and Repentance' — is also one
of the worst in its moral tendency. This frivolous exhibition of a
sudden, so-called ' repentance ' as a means of making an effective
closing scene to a base career is one of the writer*s greatest
offences. A few crocodile tears are shed, and are made effectual to
cancel, in a moment, all remembrance of transgression.
It is not intended to be said that Kotzebue, who ruled so long
in the theatre, gained and maintained his popularity merely by
pandering to the depraved taste of the public. Pieces that kept
their reputation for twenty years and more must have some merits,
such as lively action, a fertile invention of effective situations, and
some rather clever portraitures of the lower characteristics of men
and women. These traits may be found in such pieces as ' The
Epigram,' the •Affinities,* 'Reconciliation,' and 'The Two Klins-
bergs.' But the writer's offences against good taste and morals
are unpardonable. In several of his plays and farces he makes
age an object of ridicule. One of his ' amiable ' women opeuly '
declares her gladness when she finds herself a widow, and this is
a venial offence when compared with the bad taste that may be
found in * Brother Moriz ' and other pieoes that may be left un-
named. One high eulogium of Kotzebue's moral tendency appeared
in his own times; but it was written by himself: — ' There is more
morality in my plays,' he said, ' than can be found in the thickest
volume of sermons ever printed.'
Kotzebue was profoundly irreverent, and had not the slightest
•suspicion that he was in any respect inferior to Gbethe, whom he
seems to have viewed as an intruder in Weimar. On one occa-
sion, the playwright made arrangements for a showy coronation of
Schiller as poet-laureate, which was to take place in the town-
hall at Weimar ; but the sole object of the scheme was to give
annoyance to Goethe. It, however, gave greater annoyance to
Schiller, who declared that the bare suggestion had injured his
XXIII.] KOTZEBUB. 36
o
health. Kotzehue respected nobody. One of his farces (' The
Visit') was intended to make the philosopher Kant appear
ridiculous ; another (not worth naming) was directed against
Fichte ; * The Incoguito ' was a satire on the brothers Schlegel,
. and another farce, called ' The Hyperborean Ass/ was written to
expose the errors of the Romantic School, who had ventured to
suggest that people ought not to be satisfied with such plays as
were written by Kotzebae.
864 OUTLINES OF GERMAN IJTBRATURE. [Ch.
CHAPTER XXIV.
SEVENTH PERIOD, 1770-1880.
TES BOMAimC SCHOOIi.
It is like stepping out of the sunshine of an open £dld into the
twilight of a dense forest when we leave the society of Eant and
Schiller and enter the Romantic School, where Schelling teaches
philosophy^ where the brothers Schlegel read lectures on criticisnii
and Tieck reyives the poetry of the Middle Ages. How great the
transition from Kant's clear moral doctrine to Schelling's theory
of ' The Soul of the World ; ' or from ' Wilhelm Tell ' to Tieck's
* Genoveya ' !
A severely logical or rationalistic reader may he surprised by
thb transition from works in prose and verse that may be easily
understood, to writings in which an imaginative mysticiiim more
or less prevails. It should, however, be remembered, that the
object of these outlines is to give a fair representation of German
Literature, and not a selection of passages accordant with English
taste. Any history of German Poetry that would leave un-
noticed, or barely mentioned, the extensive department occupied
by mystical and fantastic fictions would be defective and false.
It is with deference to the judgment of several German his-
torians of literature that we have included the sixty years 1 770-
1830 in one period. The beginning of the nineteenth century was
an epoch in literature and philosophy, and was marked by ten-
dencies and innovations as important as any that we have noticed
in the eighteenth century.
In the years 1725-1770, there was a general t^ndencyTo make
all speculation, philosophy, religion, and poetry serve immediately
the interests of morality and practical life. If that tendency, as
promoted by Kant's doctrine of ethics, and as shown in the
XXIV.] THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL. 3G5
writings of such men as Moser, Engel, and Garve, had been con-
tinued, the Romantic School of poetry would never have arisen.
An English tone of sobriety and clearness' is prevalent in the
essays and other writings of the popular philosophers and their
cotemporaries, and if their style of writing bad been followed;
we should have heard nothing of German obscurity.
About the time of Schiller's death (or rather before), both
literature and philosophy seemed to be weary of their old topics
and desirous of enlarging their boundaries, especially such as had
been defined by Kant Men would seek to know what, as he had
said, could not be known.
It must appear strange to an English reader to learn that the
prevalence of a system of philosophy was closely connected with
a certain class of tendencies in the treatment of historical, political^
and religious questions, and also in the culture of imaginative
literature ; yet there can be no doubt of the fact It is clear that
the abstract-ideal character and the didactic tone of some of
Schiller's poems' on art and culture may be ascribed to a study of
Kant's writings and to the poet's respect for the judgment of his
friend, Wilhelm von Humboldt, who held a theory in favour of
the union of poetry with philosophy. This union, he said, must
be the centre of all culture and the source of inspiration'forall the
special sciences. The assertion seems a bold one in prose ; but
Wordsworth has said the same thing in verse.
As long as Kant's philosophy was accepted as final, it might
lead to abstruseness, but hardly to what we may, without offence,
call mysticism. This was avoided by refusing to attack the
problems that lead to it 'Of what nature may be- in itself,' said
Kant, ' we can know notlyng. We see only phenomena, and these
are beheld through a certain medium— our own mind. The world
around us supplies the objects we contemplate, but they are like
the bits of glass in a kaleidoscope. Our own faculties are the
slides by which the fragments are arranged in various designs.*
Kant thus left a division between the intellect and the con-
science, and drew lines of close limitation around metaphysics.
He taught that, as all our knowledge is derived from experience,
and our experience is finite, we can know, by theoretic reasoning,
nothing of the infinite. But he also taught that ' the truths which
never can be proved ' by the intellect may be found implied and
asserted in ethics.
866 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
Ficbte, like hU predecessor^ Had mostlj a moral aim in view,
and wrote and lectured to promote a union of the highest science
with political and practical life; but he protested against the
toleration of duality in a system of philosophy, and demanded
that all its parts should proceed from one centre^ and be indis-
soluhly united as one organism.
This severe demand led to the speculations of Schelling and to
Hegel's laborious dialectic method.
Philosophy, as understood by Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel, has
for its substance the results of all the special sciences and en-
deavours to find their union, or to reduce them to a general theory.
It, therefore, does not confine itself to abstract metaphysics, or to
a few questions of psychology ; but interferes in the several de-
partments of the physical sciences, history, ethics, politics, religion,
and aesthetics.
We say nothing of the wisdom, or of the hopelessness, of such a
comprehensive endeavour to grasp in their own union all the
results of knowledge j our object is OQly to show that a philosophy
such as we describe must, if accepted, produce effects on the ten-
dencies of general literature.
In the first eight or ten years of the present century, the bold
and imaginative theory of Schelling was closely — ^though in-
. directly— connected with the' tendencies of several writers who
were included under the general heading of the Romantic School.
This title had, at least^ two meanings; a wide and a narrow
one. If the latter only were accepted, as including the brothers
Schlegel and their fiiends who wrote. fantastic romances, the im-
portance of the new school would hardly be imderstood ; but, in
its wider meaning, it includes a number of writers on history,
politics, religion, philology, and archssllogy. The tendencies in
literature, politics, and religion of all the men who have been in-
cluded under the name of the Romantic School were by no means
derived from the brothers Schlegel. These two critics made
themselves very prominent in the defence of theories and senti-
ments that were called ^ Medisval ' or ' Romantic ; ' but such men
as Baader and Qorres, Adam MiiUer and Ludwig yon Haller,
Steffens and Schubert, must not be described as followers of the
Schlegels.
The fact is, that the title Romantic School has been used
by some writers bo aa to include at least five or aix distinct mean-
XXIV.] NEW TENDENCIES. 867
ings. In tbe first place^ it includes (in its most restricted sense)
the Sclilegels and their poetical friends, Tieck, Novalis, and Wack-
enroder. Then followed several imaginative writers known, in
literary history, as the ' Later Romantic School/ which includes
he names of Fouqu^, Brentano, Amim, and EichendorfF. To this
latter group the name of Hoffmann has been added. Again the
writers of patriotic songs, before and during the War of Liberation,
are associated, by their romantic tendency, with the authors of
some dismal dramas known as 'fate-tragedies,' which were written
during the time when a romantic literature prevailed. .
In its widest acceptation the title ' romantic ' is so vague as to
be useless. It includes, for examploi such a writer as Baadeii
whose mystic works are in favour of a moderated Catholicism^ and
Steffens, who endeavoured to unite philosophy with Luthenn doc-
trine. Then we find classed with the men of the Romantic School
several writers on German philology and archteology, studies
which were greatly encouraged by the tendencies of the times,
and were represented by the brothers Grimm and other able men,
including Hagen and Lachmann. Their nationality is, indeed,
almost the only bond that unites all the writers we have named,
as belonging to one school. Several might be more distinctly clafr-
sified, either as having tendencies in favour of Mediaeval Catholi-
cism, or as having become converts to the Roman Catholic Church.
These might be called the retrogressive men of their times. A
vague and imaginative tendency towards Catholicism was one of
the more important traits in the literature now to be noticed. In
the German literature of the eighteenth century, tbe controversy
between authority and freedom in religion was mostiy set aside or
regarded as concluded. The writings of ' the popular philosophers '
show this clearly enough. Li the nineteenth century the question
has been revived, and has led to a discussion calling forth, from
each of the parties engaged in it, abundant resources of historical
learning and controversial powers.
It is of the Romantic School, in the more limited acceptation
of the name, that some account must next be given.
In the first decennium of the present century, Jena, ' the Athens
on the Saale ' (as it was sometimes called), was the centre of a new
movement in literature and philosophy, which took place during a
time of national degradation.
Tn the couxie of the thirty years already reviewed (1770-1800)
868 OUTLINES OF GEBMAK LITERATUBE. [Oh
literature had received its new impulses^ first, from Eonigsberg,
where Kant, Hamann, Hippel^ and Herder resided; then from
Strassburg, in the days when Herder and Goethe met there, and,'
next, from Weimar (1 775-1800) ; bat about the close of the
eighteenth century, Weimar, though still famous as the residence
of Wieland, Herder, Goethe, and Schiller, was surpassed in intel-
lectual activity and innovation by its neighbour, the seat of learning
on the Saale. The University which, before the time of Schiller*s
appointment there, had been (as we have noticed) notorious for the
rudeness of the students, had been greatly improved by the liberal
measures of Earl August and his minister Gx)ethe, and, during
SchiUer^B lifetime, literature was represented at Jena by such men
as the brothers Schlegel, Tieck, and Novalis, and philosophy by
Beinhold, Fichte, Wilhelra Humboldt, Schelling, Stefiens, and
Hegel.
Literary society lost dignity, but gained energy and freedom,
when Jena was made the centre. The meetings of poetical and
philosophical men which took place here (in the elder Schlegers
house) were genial, and included some amusing contrasts of
character. There might be seen Fichte — a short, sturdy figure,
with hair flowing on his' shoulders — speaking imperiously, ' but
often in urgent need of a louis d*or ' (says Scherr), and sometimes
dressed 'not better than a rag-picker.* No sharper contrast could
be seen than when this philosopher seated himself beside Wolt-
mann, the historian, who was almost a dandy, and wore a claret-
coloured coat, with a blue satin vest and spotless snowy linen.
Li rather later years some romantic youths, in their endeavour
^ to blend life with poetry,' resolved to abjure thj use of tobacco;
but this grand design was not realised at the time of which we
write. Then, on the contrary, one of the cares of Wilhelm von
Humboldt, while he stayed at Jena, was to preserve his best suit
from the taint of that obnoxious herb. For this purpose (we
are told) he generally wore, when he went to spend an evening
with philosophers, an old and rusty coat ' which a barber would
scorn to put on his back.' Among the poetical men and the
philosophers who were assembled at Jena, there sometimes ap-
peared a young man with luminous eyes, a round head, and a
projecting brow. This was Schelling, who had recently pub-
lished several essays containing the outlines of a new philo-
sophy of nature. Whatever might be its intrinsic value, it had
XXIV.] JENA. 869
remarkable power as a stimulant in seyeral departments of study,
changed the tone of controversy on some religious questions, and
indirectly favoured the more important tendencies of a new school
of poetry.
It may be asserted — ^but without any attempt to write pre-
cisely— that each of the systems of German philosophy had an
ascendancy of about ten years. Eant ruled in 1780-90, and
fichte during the next decennium ; in 1800-10 Schelling*s
theories (or intuitions) were predominant| and were followed by
Solger's teaching. Hegel's system had to wait long before it
gained (about 1820} the predominance which it retained until
1830 and later.
It was about the time (1799) when Fichte left Jena, and when
Schelling began to rule there, that the Romantic School became
prominent in literature, and it had assumed some importance
before Schiller's death occurred.
The times were indeed gloomy when the enthusiastic men we
have mentioned were assembled at Jena, and endeavoured to
forget political degradation while they dreamed of new theories
in philosophy, or of a new school of poetry in which ' all the
picturesque life of th'e Middle Ages should be restored.'
These dreams at such a time might remind us of the men who
wrote pastoral fantasias during the horrors of the Thirty Years'
War, or of the amiable ' unknown philosopher,' Saint-Martin,
who, during the French Revolution, occupied himself in the study
of Bohme's theosophy; ^ut the apparently hopeless state of
political affairs may explain a retirement and quietism that was
not altogether voluntary. What could poets or philosophers do
at such a time P
Prussia was dismembered, and the spoliation of Oermany was
planned at Luneville; then followed the disaster at Austerlitz,
and events were moving on rapidly towards the greater cata-
strophe at Jena in 1806.
However oppressive the conqueror's rule might be, thoughtful
men knew well that ther6 was stem justice, not on the side of
the enemy, but in the punishment inflicted on Germany for its
lodg and obstinate policy of self-division. 'A house divided
against itself cannot stand,' and a merely militaiy union, even*
though animated by no spirit higher than a national or a personal
egoism, must prevail over disorganisation.
BB
S70 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATUBE. [Ck.
There was no trae national life in Germany. This was too well
understood by intelligent men. A disunion represented by nume-
rous and envious particular interests had been an institution in
Germany for at least two centuries, and how could its disastrous
results be remedied in a lifetime P
The French, who had been fighting, in 1702, to extend a formal
and external freyedom, were fighting soon afterwards to extend
such a mechanical and Oiiental despotism as had hardly been
heard of since the time of Xerxes ; but they had a union, though
one of the least durable character, and they were, of course, for
some time victorious over a mere aggregate of factions. The
'house divided against itself felL It was in accordance with
the law that governs the world; the greatest and the firmest
union must win.
Prussia lost half its territoiy ; a third part of Germany was
reduced to a state of vassalage ; the slavery of the Ithembwid was
made more oppressive than ever, and the great minister, VoM
Stein, who had in his mind, and at his heart, grand projects for
the deliverance of the nation from thraldom, was dismissed from
office.
Napoleon L, in 1807, ruled, formally or virtually,, over all
Europe, excepting England and Turkey. His despotism was as
minute and petty as it was extensive. Amid all his plans for the
final degradation of Germany, he could find time to wage warfare
against Madame de StaeL Palm, a bookseller at Niimberg, had
in his shop a few pamphlets complainiag of the Corsican invasion
(so it should be named, we think), and, though he had not sold
a copy, he was shot in obedience to orders received directly from
the emperor.
' I suppose,' said Napoleon, writing to his agent, ' yon have
arrested the booksellers at Augsburg and NUrnberg. It is my
will tliat they should be tried by a court-martial and shot, and
within the space df twenty-four hours.'
These were the times when (if we might believe all that Falk
tells us) Goethe wept with indignation, and talked of wandering,
as a ballad-singer, about the land, to complain of the wrongs
endured by his friend, the Grand-Duke of Saxe- Weimar.
Such political circumstances might, at first sight, condemn the
men who were writing poetry or dreaming and speculating in
1800-7 ; but, in another point of view^ the despair of their times
XXIV.] THE TIMEa 871
miglit serve as an apology even for the reveries of the Homantic
SchooL They might well look back to past ages of a national
existence and to such freedom as was enjoyed in medissval times ;
for the present condition of things was intolerable^ and of the
future there seemed to be no hope.
Freedom was nowhere to be found, save in abstract thought,
or in imaginative literature, and into these ideal regions men
retreated.
Goethe, after Schiller's death, wrote, to beguile care, first novels,
and then his autobiography. Wilhelm von Humboldt studied
SBSthetics and philology, while he waited for an opportunity of
rendering service to the Steto. His brother was arranging the
results of extensive explorations in tropical lands. Schelling
endeavoured ■ to animate with a new spirit the study of nature.
The brothers Schlegel were engaged in the culture of 'the world's
literature,' and called attention to the beauties of Spanish, Old
French, and Hindoo poetry. Their friends Novalis and Tieck
were dreaming of restoring to life and of uniting with modem
culture the poetry and romance of the Hobenstaufen period.
Hegel, who, at this time, had attracted the notice of Goethe and
Schiller, wad dissatisfied with the Sybilline and rhapsodical char
racter of his friend Schelling's teaching, and was laboriously
* planning the butlines of the most comprehensive of all systems of
philosophy. He had advanced as far as the conclusion of his
' Phenomenology of the Mind,' when the thunders of the French
artillery were heard at Jena. Deprived of such scanty means of
subsistence as Jena had afforded, he was then compelled to migrate
to Bamberg, Vhere he found employment as editor of ' The Mer-
cury,'
Fnough has been said of political circumstances to explain the
fact that, the men associated under the name of the Komantic
School expressed — ^though vaguely and under a disguise of fiction
— ^the national spirit that, subsequently, more boldly' asserted
itself in the war of liberation. The poetical dreams and sesthetic
theories of Tieck and the brothers Schlegel were followed by the
patriotic orations of Fichte and the warnsongs of Moritz Arndt
and Theodor Komer. This sequence alone would give some im-
portance to a school of fiction having tendencies that were medi*
esval but also national
The term 'romantic^' as used .by German critics and literaiy
872 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUEE. [Ch.
liistoriaiis, is generally equivalent to mediesyal, but refers more
particularly to the twelfth and thirteenth centuriesi when the
imaginative literature of the German people was partly borrowed
from ProTen^al poetry. This borrowed literature consisted mostly,
as we have seen, of romances founded on fantastic or extravagant
adventures ; hence the secondary meaning of the word ' romantic/
as commonly used by English writers. But, as we have already
noticed (ante, Chapter V.), the term is used, with a more extensive
meaning, so as to include the chief characteristics of art, poetry,
and religion during the Middle Ages, and to place them in contrast
with classic-antique art and literature.
The contrast intended to be expressed by the words clasdc and
romantic is found not only in sssthetics, but also in practical life
and in religion. The poetry and the sculpture of ancient Greece
are the symbols of a life that, long ago, ceased to exist, except in
history. The shrines of the Middle Ages are not yet utterly
deserted, but remain as symbols of a religious life that has not
yet passed away. On these facts August Wilhelm von Schlegel
based an argument in favour of his own mediasval tendencies. It
may be read in the book commonly ascribed to Madame de Stael.
We' cannot, he says, revive antique art and poetry; it is foreign,
and can give rise only to cold imitations. Mediasval poetiy is
national, and belongs to our own soil, to our own history and our
religion.
The eulogies of the Middle Ages that were written by the brothers
Schlegel and their friends may be contrasted with the popular
mediaeval literature of which some account has been given in
these outlines. That literature must not be altogether accepted
as either fair or complete testimony ; it was, no doubt, one-sided.
There was something better than popular satires tell of in the
times when the foundations of modem civilisation were laid;
when such grand poems in stone as cathedrals, abbeys, and in-
numerable parish churches were constructed, and when the
working-men of the guilds at Niimberg and other places were
accustomed to assemble after their day's labour, and to find solace
in competitive versification on moral and religious subjects.
Tliere existed then some bonds of society that were stronger than
gold.
But there are less pleasing parts in the story o^ those ages, and
these the brothers Schleipel, Gorres, and other writers of the
XXrvr.J MEDLEVAL HISTOBY. 373
medicBval school left in the shade. Thej referred to the pictu-
resque times of the Minnesingers. Why did they not go back a
little farther — say to the last year of the eleventh century ? They
would then have encountered among all the ' romantic ' events of
the Crusades such a fact as the Storming of Jerusalem. Thus
Von Kaumer concludes his narration of that event : — 'No dwelling-
house wad spared : grey-headed men, women, domestic servantSi
and children, were not merely slain^ but barbarously mocked and
tortured. Some were compelled to leap from towers ; others were
thrown from windows ; children were torn from the bosoms of their
mothers, and dashed against the walls. . • . Some victims wero
burned by slow fires ; the bodies of others were cut open, because
it was suspected that they had swallowed pieces of gold. Of
40,000 Saracens (or, as Oriental historians write, 70,000), there
weire not left enough to bury the dead. The meaner classes of
pilgrims, therefore, assisted in the work of burial ; while many
piles of bodies were burned, partly to prevent the infection of the
air, and* partly b^cau^e there was a hope of finding gold in their
ashes.
'And now the work was done; and the host of pilgrims,
fatigxted with massacre and pillage, washed themselves, and
marched in a long procession, with bare ■ heads and feet, and
chanting hymns of triumph, to the Church of the Resurrection.
Here they were received by the clergy with great solemnity, and
the highest homage was paid to Peter the Hermit, who, fifty years
before, had promised aid to the Christian clergy in Jerusalem, and
thus had kept his word.'
If it would have been inconvenient to the Schlegels and their
friends to have travelled back much farther than to the Hohen-
staufen times, to find the ideal Middle Ages, it would as little
have served t^e Romantic School to have referred to numerous
satires expressing the dualism of religious profession and practical
life, and the strife of classes that prevailed in the period 1350-
1526; 07 to have noticed such facts as 'burnings of the Jews in
all the towns on the Rhine.'
There were good men and able teachers living in those ages ;
but culture was mostly- confined to a few castes, religion was
mostly an external institution, and, if the concurrent testimony
of a host of witnesses is to be accepted, discontent was the spirit
of the times. The expression will hardly seem too strong^ if the
374 OUTLINES OF GEIUttAN UTEEATUEE. [Ch.
reader has made himself acquainted with the outlines of such
popular literature as was circuli^ted from the decline of chivalry
to the era of the Reformation. Many writers in these ages — at
least, many of those who wrote popular German literature— could
find hardly anything to praise, or on which they could dwell
with satisfaction. Everything they saw excited their serious
displeasure or their satirical humour. Brandt, though far milder
than many other satirists, thought that the world in his day was
ready for a second deluge. Geiler, the popular preacher and one
of the best men of the period, railed from the pulpit at the vices
' of his ago, and by no means spared either the aristocracy or the
highest authorities in the Church. It is more than probable that
the compilers of such books as ' Parson Amis ' and 'The Parson
of Kalenberg ' circulated some libels, but they were accepted as
truth by thousands. Lastly, Thomas Mumer appeared as an
embodiment of satire — a polemic to be described only by his own
pen.
It is true, there were some contented and conciliatory nf^n who
lived in these times; but they generally found rest only by
turning their thoughts away from this world. If we had noticed
the Latin literature of the period, we might have found, here and
therp, pence of mind in the cells of learned schoolmen ; but it was
abstract and intellectual, and implied a forgetfuluess of the world
with all its cares ; by no means a real victory in which the- laity
mi<j:ht'have a share.
This dualism, found nearly everywhere — between the Church
and the State, the hierarchy and the laity, morality and sanctity;
soul and body, heaven and earth — was reflected in poeti'y and
romance. There is, after all that has been said in pnuse of
'brave and gentle knights,' hardly a single hero of mediaeval
romance who is as manly, self-mastering, and contented as the
hero of the ' Odyssey.' The latter, it is true, expresses discontent
when ho is detained a prisoner on the island ruled by Calypso ;
but he is neither tired of the world, nor longing for any unearthly
state of existence ; he reasonably wishes to see his own realm,
Ithaca, once more, and he is contented when he is again settled
there.
This spirit of contentment breathed through old classic poetry
may be contrasted with the vague longing of ' Parzival ' in his
quest of the mysterious ' Oral/ or with many of the lyrical poems
XXI MEDMSVAL POETRY. 875
of Waltlier and bis cotemporaries. Among all the Minnesiogers
who wrote on any seriouB sabjects^ we remember only one
(Sonnenburg), who generally expresses himself as a man at rest in
the world that is his dwelling-place.
It was the unrest and discontent of meditative minds in the
Middle Ages that, by the force of contrast, gave an intense charm
to the most perfect of all the subjects represented by Medifeval-
Cbrlstian art — ^the Madonna. There was seen perfect love in
perfect repose — an absolute union of divine and human love. No
wonder that such a subject was so often repeated, and that it shed
its beautiful light over so many churches, chapels, and walls of
convents. But the harmony of this subject was unique; nothing
to be compared with it is found in mediaeval poetry.
. The want of artistic unity in the romances of chivalry ; their
endless episodes and didactic or reflective passages ; such traits as
are found in Wolfram's ' Parzival,* where the author inserts auto-
biographical scraps and passing comments on his own eccentric
style ;-^l these were so many expressions of a discontent and
unrest strongly contrasted with the general tone of ancient art and
poetry.
The contrast has been, sometimes, exaggerated ; for neither in
history nor in nature are the lines of demarcation drawn- so
strongly as in theory. There are classic passages to be found in
niedisBval art; but these exceptions may be allowed without
denying that a profound difference exists between antique Grecian
and Mediaeval- Christian poetry. It is seen, at once, if we compare
the most natural and truthful of all antique poems — the * Odyssey '
— with the 'Divina Commedia,' the poetic embodiment of the
Middle Ages.
Union is the prevailing characteristic of the ' Odyssey.* Every
adventure in the story is connected with the hero's return to
Ithaca, and the treatment of the subject is throughout epic. In
th6 'Divina Commedia,' dramatic, epic, and lyric elements are
mingled, according to the poet's will and pleasure, and philosophy
and theology are called in to aid- the poet in the expression of his
thoughts.
The author of the ' Odyssey * was contented in his own world of
poetry. There is no abstract theology and no philosophy, to be
found in Homer. He wrote no allegories, though critics after-
wards treated as allegorical some of his stories. Dante's gr^at
876 OUTLINES OF GERMAN. LITERATURE. [Ca.
poem ifl certainly not to be called an allegoiy ; but its meaning is,
nevertheless, twofold. Beatrice is, at once, a saint and a symbol
of theology, and several distinct departments of thought, and all
the forms of poetry, are blended in this unique poem.
The contentment of the old Qreek poet with the means of
expression at his command is another mark by which he is dis-
tinguished from both mediaeval and modern writers. He never
complains that he cannot find words to tell us what he wishes to
say; but nature and the language of the senses supply all the
symbols he wants. A poet can hardly recede farther from the
goal of art than when he confesses that he is unable to tell us
exactly what he means. Yet this confession is found, not only in
the poetry of the German Romantic School, but also in modem
English poems.
This defect of utterance was praised by the romantic writers.
The strangest of all their errors was a contempt of artistic forms. •
It can be understood how imaginative men found, here and there,
in 'Parzival,' 'Titurel,' and other romances of chivalry, some
half-expressed. ideas more sentimental and interesting than those
found in antique poetry ; but it was not only the meaning of the
romance that was commended ; its want of definite and intelligible
form \^a8 described as the expression of a freedom that was the
soul of art! How this notion of eesthetic freedom was derived
from Ilchte's philosophy, the romantic writers must explain for
themselves. Their doctrine of an arbitrary rejection of all the
laws of form was, apparently, supported by Schelling*s essay on
Dante's ' Divina Commedia.' The critic described Dante as ' the
high-priest of modem art,' and spoke of his great poem as * a
prophecy and a prefiguration of all modern poetry.'
Accepting these assertions as true, the romantic writers ima-
gined that they were authorised by the great medieval poet to
neglect all the natural distinctions of lyrical, epic, and dramatic
poetry, and, moreover, to confound poetry and prose, and to
mingle imaginative with reflective writing. Errors and defects
that had been inevitable in old times were recommended by
Friedrich Schlegel's criticism, and ' irony ' was described by him
as a substitute for art The mind of the poet or the artist, we
are told, can find in the external world nothing better than a
gross parody of divine ideas. A genius must therefore make his
own world of imagination, and must govern it by his own laws.
k
XXIV.] THE SCHLEGELS AND THEIB FEIENBS. 377
An ironical tone (like that of Socrates when talking with his /
inferiois) is the grand characteristic of a genius, with regard to/
any materials that he may condescend to borrow from actual life J
or tlie real world. This is SchlegePs * irony,' Other critics have
called it self-conceit. t
The men of the Earlier Romantic School — including the
brothers Schlegel, Wackenroder, Tieck, and Novalis — ^had three
leading notions, which they expressed^ on the whole, in a dreamy
and fantastic style in their imaginative writings. They talked of
uniting practical life with art and poetry, of restoring the Catholi-
cism of the Middle Ages, and of the culture of a ' romantic ' as
opposed to a classic or antique school of poetry and art. On the
whole, it may be briefly asserted that their more important
tendencies were mediaeval and retrogressive, in politics, as in
religion and literature. But their writings are by no means fully
described by such general statements as these^ which must bo
accepted as only prefatory to an analysis.
It can hardly be necessary to say that a class of writers having
such tendencies as hare been mentioned must have excited
controversy. The brothers Schlegel, who were the chief critics
and polemical writers of the school, began their literary careers
by attacking not only the low literature of their tipies but also the
rationalh«m {Auflddrtmg) to which we have already so often referred.
One of the more important facts in the history of German litera-
ture is the frequent recurrence of a contest between rationalism, in
one form or another, and all the tendencies that may (without any
implied censure) be included under the title of modern mysticism.
On the former side, we have clearness and simplicity in the few
tenets maintained as founded on common sense ; ' but the clear-
ness,' says the elder Schlegel, ' is gained mostly by an arbitrary
'' clearing-away ; '" or by putting out of sight ideas that have
guided the progress of mankind. ' Aufkldrung [^ clearing-up ']
is,' says Schlegel, 'nothing more than Ahlddrtmg [a 'clearing-
away '] of everything in history, in nature, or in man's conscience
that cannot be very readily explained.' Rationalism, he asserts,
does not seek for truth alone, but for a supposed utility ; it makes
a clear and definite uuderstanding the final standard of truth, and
dismisses as unworthy of notice all traditions and religious
sentiments which, though described as destitute of any basis in
reason, have exerted a powerful influence on the destinies of
878 Outlines of geeman literatuek [Ch.
mankind. In accordance with Schlegel's tendency^ to assert the
claims of tradition, of sentiment, and of imagination against the
negations of rationalism, Stefiens (another writer associated with
the Romantic School) used an argument that may be mentioned
here: 'How,' said he, 'can all the intuitions implied in the
highest poetry of all ages be described as destitute of any true
basisP'
Stefiens, most probably, borrowed that thought from Joseph
TON Schellhtg, whose writings are noticed here only with regard
to their influence on general literature. One fair example of
his attacks on rationalism is found in an essay written in 1806, in
which he replies to the accusation of Schwdifnereij which had
been prefeired against him and his friends. The foreign word
Schwdrmerei would not be used here if a true equivalent could be
found in English to express at once the two notions of fiBmaticism
and proselytism. Schelling clearly explains the sense in which
he uses the word : — ' The blindest of all fanatics,' says he, ' are
those whose seal is purely negative. All that is truly positive
occupies the mind and gives satisfaction ; but men whose zeal is
destructive find a vacancy in their own minds, and, therefore,
must seek beyond themselves for objects on which they can
employ their powers. Thus certain zealots for enlightenment
may be described. What do they wantP .... Qenerally
speaking, nothing positive; they would only dear away [or
destroy] all such things as religious superstition, with its monas-
teries and its images of saints. But what follows when the
convents, with all their absurdities, have been put out of the way
and have disappeared P The ''enlightened'* will then be left
standing idle, and there will remain nothing'better for them than
that some detachment from their company should sacrifice itself
for the good of the whole. Let them turn themselves into monks
or saints, or something of that kind, so that there may be left for
their friends something still to be destro3red.'
Schelling then goes on, rather vaguely, to confound extreme
rationalists with iconoclasts and leaders of the peasantry in the
sixteenth century. He then more tairly describes the arguments
of hist)pponents as based on an exaggeration of some commonly
accepted principles. 'Who would not,' he says, 'honour the
modest self-limitation of an honest mind that finds in itself no
calling to attempt any systematic study of things, but resta
XXIV.] SCHELLINa. 879
quietly in its own moral convictions — such convictions v that
the man who acts righteously has the Divine approbation ; that
the essence of all religions is included in morality, and that a
plain, practical man may leave further study uncared for P
' Bat a man now comes forward with the reputation of a philo-
sopher ; a man distinct from and superior to the common people
to whom he preaches their own doctrine, adding, however, his
new commentary. This is to the effect that, if we think of the
Supreme Being as more than the general idea of a universal moral
law, we must be suspected as superstitious men or as idolaters.
Can it be wondered at if the people, with all their good humour,
call out to such a teacher, ^* Hold your tongue and come down ;
you are a miserable comforter, and know no more about it than
we do, though you thus exalt yourself, and your discourse makes
a noise like the waves of the sea " P '
The above passages may serve as examples of Schelling's
declamatory power. But it was by his philosophy of nature and
by the imaginative style of his lectures on that subject that
he led young romantic writers into the recesses of poetical
mysticism.
Nature and the Mind, said Schelling, are in their essence one.
In Nature ideas are divided and become external and visible } in
the Mind they return to union. The processes of Nature are so
many ascending steps by which the Mind Qscapes from its subjec-
tion to external laws, recognises itself and becomes conscious of
its ovm freedom. Every phenomenon in Nature is the incorpo-
ration of an idea.
These doctrines, vaguely conceived by imaginative young men,
led them to write as interpreters of a meaning concealed and
revealed by the symbols of the external world. They gave, in
their romantic stories, sentiments and thoughts to landscapes,
heard tales of wonder told by running brooks and waterfalls, and
described, or implied, reciprocal relations existing between man
and the surrounding world.
The thought thus expressed in fantastic forms seemed new and
bold, when pronounced as philosophy and written in prose ; but
in poetry it was far older than the times of Schelling. It is
impHed in Milton's words —
The Mind is its own place.
380 . OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
When man fint sinned ' the sky loweredi' says the writer of
' Paradise Lost' Wordsworth speaks of —
ft
The human Boal of nnivenal earth
Dreaming of things to come.
He might have derived the thought from Schelling, through
Coleridge^ who wrote the lines —
We receive but what we giye
And in onr life alone doth nature live ;
Oars b hAr wedding-garment ; ours her shroud.
The Scottish peasant Bums, when he has to say farewell to
* the bonnie banks of Ayr,' makes the scenexy reflect his own
grief—
The gloomy night is gathering fast*
Loud roars the wild, inconstant blast.
But this is an accidental coincidence of which the poet makes use.
His words by no means represent Schelling*s doctrine. That it
may be fairly stated, we quote. a few passages from a dialogue
(written in. 1816-17) on 'The Connection of Nature with the
World of Spirits.' It was, afterwards, entitled ' Clara,' and was
published separately in 1862. The following passage shows that
iSchoUing could view as credible the virtues ascribed to holy
places and pilgrimagesj —
* There is a peculiar and mysterious power ' (said the physician)
* that dwells concealed in a locality. Certain tenets or views of
the world are found indigenous in certain defined localities, and
not only on large continents (as in the East) but in small districts
and such as lie in the' midst of regions inhabited by people of an
alien creed/> ... Were not the ancient oracles confined to certain
places ? And may we not thence infer generally, that locality, in
its relations with the higher [spiritual] life, is not such an
indifierent thing as has been commonly supposed P '
The writer of the dialogue then proceeds to state his belief of a
doctrine implied in a thousand superstitions, and often expressed,
more or less distinctly, in poetry : — ' How often should we be
surprised to find (if we had not the confirmed habit of seeing only
outward things) that the circumstances which we mistake for
causes are merely means and conditions, and that — ^whUe we axe
little thinking of it— spirits are active around us, and ready to
XXIV.] SCHELUNG. 881
lead U8| either to good or to otU, according as we yield to the
influence of one or the other.'
In another passage of the same dialogue, one of the speakers
expresses, at least, a -willingness to helieve that certain regions
are under the care of patron saints : — ' May it not be assumed/ says
Claiii, 'that the souls of the men who have long had reverence
paid to them in certain districts may, through the magic influence
of faith, actually become the Guardian Spirits of those localities ?
I speak of the men who first brought into these forests the light
of the faith, who first planted vines on these hills and com in
these valleys, and who were thus the authors of a more humanised
life in regions previtusly wild and almost inaccessible — is it not
natural, I say, that they should retain a permanent interest in the
district which they brought to a state of culture and in the people
whom they led to union in one faith P '
Schelling accepted, as we have seen, the intuitions of poetry
and even the general doctrine implied in some old Catholic
legends of saints. But he did far more than this. He asserted,
in its widest generalisation, the theory of a sympathy of the
Mind with Nature — a union which he describes in the following
passages : —
' O Springtime, the season of aspiration ! with what delight in
life thou fiUcst the heart 1 On one side, the spiritual world is
attracting us, and we feel assured that only in its closest bond of
union can our true happiness be found. On the other hand.
Nature, with her thousandfold witcheries, calls back our heart
and our senses to her own external life. It is hard that neither
the internal nor the external can fully satisfy our desires, and that
the souls in which the two are united .are so few. ... A life
purely spiritual cannot satisfy us ; there is something in us that
has a longing for reality. ... As the thoughts of the artist can
find no rest until he has embodied them in an external repre*
sentation; as the man of genius, when inspired by an ideal,
strives either to find it, or to reveal it in a bodily form ; so the
object of all our aspiration is to find in the perfect material the
^counterpart and the reflection of the perfect spiritual.' . . •
' It is the Springtime that has awakened in me this blossoming
of thoughts and hopes. I see it clearly, and feel it deeply. — We
are the children of Nature ; we belong to her by our birth, and
we can never be wholly separated from her, and if Nature does
382 OUTLINES OP GEKMAN UTEEATURR [Oh.
not belong to God we also cannot belong to Him. . . . Not we
alone aspire ; bat all Natare longs to return to the Source of her
existence. True^ she la now made sabject to the law of exter-
nality. . . . But this firm structure of the world will, at last, be
reaolyed into a spiritual life. . . . The divine fire that now lies
imprisoned there will finally preTail, and will consume all that
now exists only by means of a repression of Nature's true inner
Hfe.'
In an essay from which we have already quoted some passages,
Schelling asserts that he was accused of coinciding with some of
the doctrines of mystics whose works he had not read.- If he had
not, when he wrote this dialogue (' Clara ')^tudied the principal
doctrines of Jacob Bohme, their agreement with the last of the
above-quoted passages would be very remarkable. From one of
Schelling's poems it might be inferred that, as early as 1800, he
had read some works by the theosophist of Gorlitz. To him
must be ascribed the boldest enunciation of a thought that
gave to Schelling's earlier lectures their mysterious charm and
attraction.
A notion has so long prevailed (among some classes of English
readers) of the negative character of all German philosophy, 'and
of its tendency to destroy even the foundations of religion, that it
is a duty to represent fcurly speculations that might serve rather
to encourage superatition than to spread unbelief.
The passages that have been quoted are not selections made to
represent only the earlier Yloctrines of one speculative writer.
Numerous passages might be referred to in the writings of Meyer,
Schubert, and Baader, to show how prevalent was the doctrine
expounded by Schelling, and how deeply rooted was the mysticism
expressed in some fictions of the Romantic School.
* There is in Nature an ascending metempsychosis,' says Schu-
bert, ' and an aspiration that man alone can fulfil.' It is with a
reference to this view of his own doctrine that Schelling says,
' Teach a man what he is [as the minister and interpreter of
Nature], and he will be what he ought to be.'
The most extraordinary of all expressions of such mysticism as,
we have described 'may be found, not in German, but in a French
book (' Ijo Ministere de I'Homme-esprit '), by Louis-Claude de
Saint-Martin, 'le philosophe inconnu/ as he was styled. He
XXIV.] MATERIALISM. 383
thus describes ' tlie sun ' as ' setting, every day, with griei^' on
account of the ignorance and the sins of mankind :•-
' Oui^ Soleil sacr^, c'est nous qui sommes la premise cause de
ton inquietude et de ton agitation. Ton oeil impatient ne cesse
de parcourir successivement toutes les regions de la nature. Tu
te leves chaque jour pour chaque horn me ; tu te Ihvea joyeuz
dans Tesp^rance qu*ils vont te rendre cette spouse ch^rie, ou
l*4temelle Sophte, dont tu es priv^. Tu remplis ton cours jouma-
lier en la demandant k toute la terre avec des paroles ardentes oh
se peignent tes d^sirs ddvorans. Mais le soir tu te couches dans
raffliction et dans les larmes, parce que tu as en vain cherch^ ton
Spouse ; tu I'as en vain demand^e a Thomme.'
For the ideas so enthusiastically expressed Saint-Martin was
indebted to his study of Bohme's writings, from which Franz
Baader also derived his doctrines. To conclude these statements
respecting mysticism, it may be added, that Hegel, who has been
described as an enemy to religion, spoke with the greatest respect
of Bohme and of hb disciple Baader. For proof of an assertion that
may appear improbable, we refer to the preface to Hegel*s second
edition of his ' Encyclopaedia.'
The speculations we have mentioned are now almost forgotten^
or belong mostiy to history. The modem, or, we might say,
recent school of materialism in Germany — a school represented
by such writers as Moleschott, Vogt, and Biichner — is utterly
hostile to mysticism and religion, but also to everthing that was
accepted as philosophical teaching before 1832. Vogt^s teaching
represents a contempt for everything called speculation or philo-
sophy, and would confine us within the limits of the special
physical sciences. The origin of the school to which he belongs
should be sought in France, or in England, rather than in
Germany, where, however, materialism is now boldly enough
asserted. Such are the revolutions of opinions. A day may come
when ideas and even sentiments may be again esteemed as more
important than the things now exclusively called ' realities.'
For examples of the influence oi speculation on imaginative
literature we refer to the writings oi one of Schelling*s friends
and disciples — Heiitbich Steffens, a Norwegian, who was born
in 1773 and died in 1845. He was a man of versatile talents,
and wrote, beside several scientific works to which we can only
884 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Ch.
refer, a series of imaginatiTe stories, including 'Walseth and
Leith/ * The Four Norwegians/ and ' Malcolm/ They are defec-
tive as works of art, but may be commended for their originality
and deep religious sentiment. The mysticism that led other men
into the Roman Catholic Church led Steffens back to the Lutheran
faith, from which he had wandered. He describes the process of
his conversion in an interesting book, entitled, * How I became a
Lutheran once more/ which contains a remarkable argument in
favour of the Christian religion.
Despite all the progress of science, says Steffens, a belief in the
supernatural manifests itself everywhere as an irrepressible ele-
ment in human nature. Though driven back, again and again, it
always returns to the contest against exclusive physical science
and rationalism. A thousand cases of supposed supernatural
interference in the order of Nature have been found to be erro-
neous ; still the belief in such events remains, and can be neither
demonstrated nor refuted. There must be some ground for it,
says Steifens. He then refers to the popular belief, or notion,
that 'commotions or revolutions in human society have been
frequently or generally attended with extraordinaiy phenomena
in nature.' 'Everyone,' he says, * must acknowledge the fact
that man, as an individual, is intimately connected with the
system of nature ; that his existence, indeed, depends, as a part,
on the whole to which it belongs. But we assert more than this.
We maintain that history, as a whole, or as a total organisation
of all human events and relations, and nature, or the external
world, have always existed in mysterious and intimate union.
And as man was ordfuned to be the regulative principle in nature,
so when his influence has not been duly exercised, the restless
and violent elements of nature have displayed their ascendancy.
This assertion is founded on the general convictions of mankind,
which remain even in the present age. . . .. That a general
sentiment in accordance with our assertion has pervaded all
' nations, and that in every age of the world, during times of
commotion in human society, the people have expected with
' dread some extraordinary or destructive movements in nature, is
too well knqwn to be denied.'
This belief in the supernatural, says Steifens, when left without
control and guidance, must give rise to such terrors and supersti-
tions as history tells of. It is, therefore, necessary that the vague
XXIVJ STEFFENS. 385
faith inherent in mankind should find its true object and should
be confined within a system of religious doctrines, such as is found
in Christianity.
As an example of this writer's powers in blending picturesque
descriptions with mystical and highly imaginatiye reveries, we
may notice an essay on the sources from which old Scandinavian
and other popular legends were derived. Steffens is not a con-
cise writer. We may, therefore, give rather a summary than a
translation of some passages. Thus he speaks of some 'remnants
of superstitious legends found in the more lonely and romantic
districts of Denmark and Norway : —
* Tame scenery and tame animals, cultivated fields and educated
minds, orderly, rectangular streets, and logical notions, are natu-
rally found together, while, if we would discover any relics of the
wild and beautiful fantasies of early times, we must turn aside
from the abodes of civilisation, and wander among uncultured
mountains and secluded valleys. These old legends arose in the
days when rude Nature in her primeval mystery lay aU around
the haunts of men, while her phenomena sometimes excited
terrors, and at other times inspired delight.
' Well might our ancestors, who had to contend for existence
with the vast powers of nature, conceive of such adventures as
combats with giants and genii; for such tales, indeed, were
symbols of the condition of human society. The unmeasured
forests woro a threatening aspect, and the wild animals which
came out from their gloomy recesses sometimes seemed to be
united in a league against mankind; rocks impended over the
traveller in the narrow valley; loud waterfalls, with voices of
thunder, proclaimed the power of nature, and few and feeble were
the contrivances of art to relieve the gloom and mystery of long
and stormy nights in winter.
' Such were the external circumstances favourable to the
growth of a romantic imagination ; and we may also observe that
the feelings of men, not yet softened and relaxed by ease and
indulgence, were more intense in hope, or fear, or joy, than we
can expect to find them, in highly-civilised society. But with
stern and strong feelings, our Scandinavian ancestors united some
gentle virtues. Kesignation to want and sufiering was often
found connected with cotirage and energy jn the hour of
peril* • • •
00
886 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE, [Ch,
' Amid my researclies in natural history, I had always a great cu-
riosity in exploring what I may call the physiognomy of the legends
of various districts, or, in other words, the resemhlance which these
legends bear to the natural scenery amid which they had their
birth. Various districts are marked by the prevalence of various
kinds of plants and grasses ; granite, limestone, and other rocks
give peculiar formations to chasms, hills, and valleys^ and these
distinctions affect the varieties of trees. The effects of light and
shade in the morning and the evening, the aspects of waters, and
tones of waterfalls, are various in various districts. And, as I
i ..ve often imagined, the natural characteristics of a district may
be recognised in its legends.
* J know no better instances to support my supposition than
such as may be found on the northern side of the Harts Mountains,
where a marked difference may be noted between the legends of
the granite district and those of a neighbouring district of slate-
rocks. The old stories that may be collected between the Ilse
and the Ocker differ in their colouring from the tales preserved
among the peasantry in Budethal or Selkethal ; while the legend
of Hans Helling in Bohemia is a genuine production of a granite
district.
* Seeland, the island-home of my childhood, is, on the whole, a
level country, and only here and there hilly ; but in some parts it
can show prospects of surpassing beauty. The hills are rounded
with au indescribable gracefulness ; there is a charm in the fresh
greenness of the pastures; the beech-woods have an imposing
and venerable aspect; the sea winds its arms about amid the
verdure of these woodland solitudes, and lakes of silver brightness
lie encircled by graceful trees. The leaves rustling, brooks
murmuring, the sounds of many insects, tlie plaintive notes of
birds, and the gentle plashing of waves upon the lonely shore,
are the only sounds which break the silence. While I write of
such a scene, I feel a longing to return to the quiet home of my
childhood. In such a solitude I have sometimes felt as if I had
approached the sacred resting-place of one of the old northern
deities, and have almost feared lest X, should disturb his long
sleep. Here is the hiding-place of the old legends, and in such a
solitude we still may feel their power. When twilight gathers
over woods, lakes, and pastures^ we may see once more the
XXIVJ STEFFENS. 387
pLantom-sliips, guided by departed spirits of the olden timeSi
Bailing among the green islands; we may hear the melancholy
dirges for fallen heroes^ or the plaintive song of the forsaken
maid ; and when the storm is bending all the boughs of the beech-
wood, we may hear, blended in the gale^ the loud cries of the
wild huntsman and his followers.^
388 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUEE. LCi
CHAPTER XX7.
SEVENTH PERIOD. 1770-1830.
THB BoxAKnc SCHOOL {conHntud),
TjSE Eablieb Romantio School included the brothers Schlegel
(as critics) y Wackenroder, an enthusiastic writer on art, Tieck,
the poet of the school, and Novalis, who was called its ' prophet.'
ITie Lateb Komanhc ScnooL is represented by Fouqud, Amim,
Clemens Brentano, and EichendorfiT; all writers of prose ro-
mances.
The writings of the brothers Schlegel served greatly to extend
the culture of 'uniTersal literature which Herder had introduced.
The elder brother, August WiLHELM voN Schlegel (1767-1846),
iirst acquired fame by some specimens of a * Translation of Dante,'
and, soon afterwards, commenced a ' Translation of Shakspeare.'
At Jena he was united with his brother in the production of a
critical journal, 'The Athenseum ' (1798), and in writing a series
of ' Characteristics and Critiques ' (1801). He issued a translar
tion of ' Calderon's Dramas ' in 1803, and ' Garlands of Italian,
Spanish, and Portuguese Poetry,' in 1804. His Lectures on
Dramatic Airf; and Literature were given in Vienna in 1808.
Subsequently he devoted his studies with enthusiasm to Oriental,
and especially Sanscrit literature.
In all these writings August von Schlegel displayed a mind en-
dowed rather with comprehensive intelligence than with original .
creative genius. He was a genial interpreter or translator, and, when
prejudice did not obscure his views, an excellent critic, as may be
seen in his reviews of several of Goethe's poems. As we have
already said, the merits of Madame de Stael's work on German
Literature must be partly ascribed to her friend, A. von Schlegel.
XXV.] THE BROTHEES SCHLEGEL. 389
Ilis poems are, by no means deficient in elegant diction^ but may
be thus briefiy referred to; as they are not remarkable for originality.
' Ion/ a drama written by the elder Schlegel, was a failure, like
the tragedy of 'Alarcos/ written by his brother. Goethe, as
director of the Weimar theatre, had long ruled there with success^
but his authority was defied when he introduced' ' Alarcos ' on
the stage. The play was receiyed with derision, and Goethe's
loud and commanding call — ^ No laughing there I ' — was quite
ineffectual. The chief innoyation in the elder Schlegers criticism
is indicated by the facts, that he lavished enthusiastic praises on
Calderon and depreciated Moli^re. A partial tranRlation of Shak-
speare must be named as one of the best services rendered to
literature by A. W. von Schlegel, who translated seventeen plays.
The work was completed under Tieck*s editorship.
August von Schlegel received, during the earlier years of his
career, considerable literary assistance from his wife, Caroline
(1763-1809), ^hose correspondence (first published in 1871) is an
interesting contribution to the literary history of her times. She
was the daughter of the theologian Michaelis. After her marriage
with Schlegel she often presided over social and literary reunions
at Jena and wrote both criticism and controversy. In the latter
she ventured to attack Schiller, and described his character as
' too pathetic' Her union with A. von Schlegel was terminated
by an amicable divorce, and she afterwards married the philo-
sopher Schelling, who was twelve years younger than herself.
Kakl WiLHELM Ebibdkich vt)N ScHLSGEL, the younger brother,
(1772-1829) gained a reputation by a * History of the Poetry of
the Greeks and the Romans/ 1798^ and in the following year
wrote the notorious romance * Lucinde,' the tendency of which is
directly opposed to the institution of marriage. This publication,
which brought great discredit on the Romantic School, should not
be mentioned as representative of the c^eneral tendency of other
writera associated with that school. In 1808 Friedrich von
Schlegel went over to tbe Roman Catholic Church, and, subse-
quently, his lectures and writings were intended to advocate, more
or less directly, the faith which he had embraced.
His views in favour of Roman Catholicism may be found in his
treatise 'On the Wisdom of the Hindoos/ as well as in the
* Histoiy of Ancient and Modem Literature.' His lectures on the
* Philosophy of Histoiy * were written with religious and political
390 OnTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Ok.
purposes, to which he sometimes sacrificed a fair statement of facts.
The best argument contained in these lectures is that which ex-
poses the danger of ' negatWe ' reformation ; or, in other words, the
inexpediency of destroying old institutions before new ideas are
prepared to develope themselves in consistency with the order of
society. In the 'History of Ancient and Modem Literature'
(1811-12) the author describes its development in connection with
the social and religious institutions of various nations and periods.
The history of the world of books is thus represented ss no
pedantic study, but as one intimately connected with the best
interests of humanity. The design was noble, though its exe-
cution was disfigured by prejudices, as the following summaiy
may prove : —
The first and second lectures are devoted to Grecian poetry,
history, and philosophy; but the historian, instead of giving a
clear view of these rich departments of ancient literature, wanders
into digressions on religious and other topics. In the third and
fourth lectures, the imitative character of Roman poetry is exposed,
and the oratory and the historical writings of the Romans are
described as the most favourable exhibitions of their intellectual
character. The fifth lecture gives an account of the ancient lite-
rature of the Hindoos. The seventh and eighth describe the
poetry of the Germans during the Middle Ages, and the ninth the
progress of Italian literature during the same time. In the tenth
lecture Schlegel expresses his censures on the character of Luther,
and then proceeds to place in contrast with each other the poetry
of Catholic countries and the imaginative works produced after
the Reformation. He praises very highly Calderon and Gamoens,
and ascribes the wealth of poetical-genius found in Spenser and
Shakspeare to the influence of the Roman Catholic faith still
remaining in England during the Elizabethan age. Where facts
are apparently favourably to the author's theory, he exaggerates
their importance, as when he ascribes the French Revolution to
the theories of rationalists, and neglects to describe fairly their
historical antecedents. On the whole, it may be said that these
lectures, while containing abundant proofs of the vmter's great
capacity and extensive learning, must be viewed as the arguments
of an advocate. The brothers Schlegel provoked opposition by
writing in a controversial tone ; and, on the other side, it may be
noticed that some of the severest censures of the younger Schlegel's
XXVJ NOVAUS, 391
wriliogs were rather polemical than ftdrly critical. The errors of
his earlier life were not exdusiTe characteristics of the school to
which he belonged. His poems can hardly.be described as original
or powerfuL The epic ' Roland ' and the tragedy ' Alarcos ' are,
however, far inferior to his lyrical poems, which include some
genial expressions of national enthusiasm. It should not be
forgotten that the Schlegels and their associateS| with all their
eccentricities, gave new interest and a national tendency to literary
history.
It must not be imagined that all the literary associates of the
Schlegels borrowed ideas from them. On the contrary, with
regard to the depth and sincerity of 'his convictions, the author of
the mediflsval romance Hehtrick von Ofterdingen might be placed
at the head of the school to which he belonged. The tendencies
mentioned in the preceding chapter were all united in this young
author, who called himself Novalis, though his proper name was
Friedbich von Habdenbero. He was bom in 1772. After
residing for some time at Jena, he went through a course of study
in the mining-school at Freiberg, and prepared himself for the
duties of practical life. He was hardly thirty years old when he
died. His mind, like his physical constitution, was sensitive and
delicate, and it may be said that his life in this world was mostly
spent in meditation on another world. He dreamed of a church
that would unite all men as one family, and of a fiiiih that would
have for its symbols both art and practical life. He was not
content with the internal vision, but, seeking for its realisation on
earth, he imagined that he had found it in the Roman Catholic
church of the Middle Ages. He described that church as the only
centre from which a religious life could diffuse its influence through
society. To find peace for nations as well as for individuals, we
must return, said Novalis, to medi»val institutions. In his un^
finished romance, JSeimich von Ofterdingeny he endeavoured to
treat the common events of this life as symbols of a higher life,
and in his ' Hymns to Night ' he wrote of the vague longings or
aspirations of the soul as higher and truer than all science and
philosophy.
The poetry written by Novalis belongs only in part to the school
of which he was styled 'the prophet' Several of his hymns
should be noticed as true and melodious expressions of pious
feeling, and they are perfectly free from sectarian narrowness.
392 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
The gentlenesa, sincerity^ Aid piety of this young enthusiast
tended to make critics blind to the defects of his writings.
One idea — the consecration of art to the service of religion —
may be said to be the substance of all the tales and essays written
by another enthusiast, Wilhelm Heinbich WaceenrodeR; who,
like Novalis, died at a premature age.
The romantic and enthusiastic students associated with the
Schlegels at Jena (in 1799-1800) believed that they bad found a
great poet in LuDWia Tieck. He was born at Berlin in 1773,
and studied at Gottingen and Erlangen. Ilis early writings gave
proof of an exuberant imaginative power and of some depth of
feeling, but expressed also a dislike of restraint that made bim
too ready to accept Friedrich Schlegel's doctrine of art and poetry.
A neglect of classical forms might, it was said, be regarded as a
proof of original genius. Accepting this teaching, Tieck deve-
loped in his (so-called) dramas, Genoveva and Kaiser OctaviamtSf
the principles advocated by the Romantic School.
If his physical health had befriended his genius, Tieck might,
perhaps, have been known as one of the greatest actors of his
times. His powers of poetic improvisation were extraordinary
and, even in his later years, his reading of dramatic poetry could
hold the attention of his audience as if they were bound by a spell.
* When he read,* says Eckermann — referring to Tieek's reading of
Goethe's Clavigo — ' it seemed as if I heard it from the stage, only
better \ every character and situation was more perfectly felt ; it
produced the impression of a theatrical representation in which
each part is well performed.'
Steffens tells how Tieck could, for the amusement of his select
friends, extemporise and perform, as a solo, a farce introducing
half a dozen characters and including as their chief an ourang-
outang. The last-named character was represented as a sentimental
admirer of Kotzebue's dramas.
The extreme versatility which his friends admired was im-
favourable to the artistic culture of Tieck's talents. Studies of
old German literature and of the English Elizabethan drama, the
assistance given in a translation of Shakspeare, and numerous
contributions to poetical and dramatic criticism, must all be added
to a long list of works of fiction, in order to represent the literary
industry of Tieck during a career which was frequently inter-
rupted by a painful physical malady. He died in 1853.
XXV.] TIECK. 393
Variety without harmony is the general impression left after
reading many of Tieck^s poems and prose-fictions. In his early
life he derived from his study of Wackenroder's tales an impression
that art and literature should be more than playthings for adult
children. Thus he wrote (in 1799) of ' The Seductive Character
of Art ': — 'Surely it is a noble endeavour in man to create a work
of art, transcending all the low and common utilities of life — a
work independent, complete in itself, subservient to no utilitarian
purpose — a beautiful object shining in its own splendour. The
instinct to produce such a work seems to point more directly to a
higher world than any other impulse of our nature. . . . And
yet this beautiful art is a seductive and forbidden fruit ; and he
who has once been intoxicated with its sweetness, may be regarded
as a lost man in practical life. He becomes more and more
absorbed in his own internal pleasures, and at length finds that he
has no heart to feel, no hand to labour for his fellow-men. . . .
I am shocked when I reflect on my whole life devoted to the
luxury of music ! Here I have sat, a self- indulging hermit,
drawing sensations of sweetness from harmonious tones. ... I
cannot avoid knowing that thousands are suffering under as many
varieties of affliction : I know that isvery vibration of the pendu-
lum is like the stroke of a sword for some fellow-creature, and
that the world is crying loudly for all possible help — and still here
I sit, amusing myself with luxurious music, as carelessly as a
child playing with bubbles ; as if I knew nothing of the earnest-
ness either of the life around me or the death that awaits me. . . .
Here is evidently a seductive poison in the apparently innocent
love of art. ... In striving to be an artist, I may become like a
theatrical hero, who fancies his stage to be the real world, looks
on the world round his theatre as a very dull place, and only
regards the actions and sorrows of mankind as crude materials out
of which dramas may be manufactured.'*
It can hardly be said that Tijeck wrote, afterwards, in accordance
with these sentiments. His notions of a union of art and poetry
with social life were mostly dreamy and romantic. His Genoveva
and Kaiser Octavianus were both intended as representations of
the cHivalry, the piety, and the domestic virtues that flourished, we
are told, in Germany and elsewhere during the Middle Ages ; or
rather in such selected times and places as Tieck and his Mends
might wish to refer to.
394 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
The beautiful old legend of Genoveva — one of the hest of all the
old popular legends — is used by Tieck as a cord upon which to
suspend a series of pictures of life, religion and poetry as he
imagines them to have existed in mediaaval times. One fact that
makes the poet^s enthusiasm more remarkable, is that he was well
acquainted with some sections of mediaeval literature. He had
read and studied the Minnelieder and Ulrich von Lichtenstein's
didactic book (^Itwitz), which describes the refinements of chival-
rous manners as having become obsolete as early as the thirteenth
century. *
The two romantic dramas Kaiser Octavianus and Fortunaitu
contain some beautiful passages, but they want unity. Their
neglect of laws of art is the most inexcusable of all the errors of
the Romantic School. Granted that the chivalry, the mystic or
imaginative religion, and the social and monastic life of the
Middle Ages supply the best materials for modem poetry — it still
remains true, that the character of a drama is distinct from that
of an epic, and that every poem should have a beginning, a middle,
and a conclusion.
The best of Tieck^s shorter poetical tales are found in his
Phnntasu$ (1812-17), a delightful book for readera not too old or
too logical to enjoy the dreamy poetry of solitary foresls and
woodlands haunted by fairies. Several old and popular myths
and legends— such as ' True Eckart' and 'Tannhauser ' — are here
connected by a series of dialogues in which the author's notions of
{esthetic criticism are given. These conversations serve also as
examples of a style of writing in which Tieck excels.
The story of * The Love-charm * is quite unworthy of a place in
the book. On the other hand, * True Eckart ' may be noticed as
an example of the author's happy treatment of old popular legends.
The ethical character of. the story is so noble that the charm of
the original may not all be lost even in a summary, which is all
that our space will allow. It may be observed that Tieck departs
widely from the 'oldest story of Eckart (as given in the VUkmi"
Mga); but in doing this he has made more complete the character
of the hero, who might be called the personification of loyalty.
EcKABT, we are told, was the greatest hero employed in the
service of the Duke of Burgundy, whose life he had saved. The
result of this and other important services was that the hero
became the most powerful man in the state, and stood next to the
XXV.] TIECK. 395
throne. His enemies then plotted and represented that he wished
to make himself master of the whole realm, and that he had
already gained the fayour of a majority of the people. The duke's
jealousy was excited by slanders ; but — fearing to attack Eckart
himself—he listened too willingly to a false accusation of treason
preferred against two of the hero's sons, who were seized and
confined in one of the ducal castles. Their elder brother had
already fallen on the battle-field, where the duke's life had been
saved by Eckart. His third surviving son, Goni^d, having boldly
demanded that his brothers should be liberated, was also accused
ot treason, and, Portly afterwards, the three sons of Eckart were
put to death.
* When he heard that his sons were slain, he was so torn with
grief and rage, that he lost his senses. He left his fortress, and
wandered into a vast wood, where he roamed about like a wild
beast, and satisfied his hunger with roots and herbs. When some-
times light broke in upon his mind, and he remembered the death
of his children, he tore his gray hair from his head, and cried aloud,
** My sons 1 my sons 1 "... . Meanwhile the duke was uneasy
when he heard that Eckart had escaped, and that no man knew
his hiding-place. One morning all the duke's followers and
huntsmen were summoned to go in many parties, to explore the
forest and all the neighbouring hills, and Burgundy, attended by
his squire, rode at the head of one party. The day was spent in
endeavours to find Eckart; but the duke would not leave the
forest even when the sun was going down, for he said that he
could not sleep securely in his castle until the traitor Eckart was
found and impris6ned. . • .
* After sunset the sky was overclouded, and a black thunder-
storm lowered over the wood ; the wind howled among the trees,
the rain fell fast, and lightnings glittered among the branches of
the oaks. The duke rode as &st as he could through the twilight,
and lost himself in the heart of the forest, while the squire lost all
trace of his master. And now the exhausted steed which carried
Burgundy stumbled over a fallen oak and was lamed, while all
the huntsmen and followers were far beyond the sound of their
master's cries. He called loudly for help, until his voice failed,
and he was faint and despairing, when a tall old man, vnth long
gray hair, made his way through a thicket, and — coming near the
duke — stood and gazed earnestly upon him. Burgundy prayed
396 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEE. [Oh.
the stranger to show pitj, and to guide him out of the wood ; but
the old man drew his sword, and raised it over the head of the
trembling duke. In another moment the sword was put back into
its sheath, the stranger grasped the hand of Burgundji and led
him along until he fell to the ground exhausted with fatigue and
terror ; then the old man lifted his companion and carried bim.
They had proceeded some distance in this way, when the squire
found them, and gave his assistance. He climbed to the top of a
lofty fir-tree, an^ was glad to discover the light of a cottage
twiukling not very far off. Having descended, he pointed out
the way to the skirts of the forest, while the old man, still carrying
Burgundy^ followed but spoke not a word. . . . When they had
entered the cottage, the 'stranger relieved himself of his burden,
and gently placed the duke in a recumbent position. Then the old
man stepped to the shaded side of the room where bis features
were hidden. ** I feel assured," said Burgundy, *' that I shall not
long survive this night of terror ; and now, old man, step forward,
omd let me see your face, that I may reward you for your service.
You have saved my life, though, at first, you drew your sword
against me. I know not why you did that ; but I know that one
man (if still living) might have justly slain me— for I slew bis
three sons I "
'The old man stepped out from the comer and stood in the
light, so that his face was clearly seen ; but he spoke not a word.
The duke gazed upon that sorrowful face and recognised the
features j then, trembling and kneeling, he exclaimed : — '* Can it be
possible, that I owe my life to the man whom I made childless ? "
' " Say no more I " said the old man ; ** it is enOugb. You know
now that Eckart is true." '
Several stories of the class to which ' True Eckart ' belongs^
and such as ' Fair Eckbert/ ' The Runenberg,' and Die JE^en — make
' Phantasus ' a book that may still be read with pleasure by tbose
who care nothing for the romantic theory of poetry.
In 1819, or soon after a visit to London, (where he collected
materials for the study of English dramatic literature) Tieck
deserted the Romantic School, and began to write novels founded
oh real life. The change was accepted by some as an improve-
ment, but there were other readers who thought that fairies,
dreaming or half-intelligent trees and wild flowers, enchanted
XXV.] TIECK. 397
«
birds, and even the witches, young and old, to which we were
introduced by ' Phantasus/ were better than Tieck'a additions to
the pile of historical (?) novels and romances.
In his Dichterlehen (* Lives of Poets ') Tieck is presumptuous
enough to introduce us to Shakspeare I Some of the dia-
logues ip this audacious novel are clever and the style is good of
its kind ; but these subordinate merits can hardly make amends
for the writer's error in the choice of a subject. There is, however,
one trait for which Tieck deserves credit — he represents the
greatest of all dramatic writers as a modest young man. Shak-
speare, who is a lawyer's clerk (as Tieck eupposefl), goes, in company
with his theatrical friends, Kit Marlowe and Robert Greene, to
consult a fortune-telling astrologer, who, by means of a pack of
cards, can predict future events. The seer's prediction that the
unassuming lawyer's clerk will, some day, be more celebrated than
his friends, excites Marlowe's loud, derisive laughter, which how-
ever betrays some vexation.
* " By Saint George I " exclaimed Marlowe — striking his fist
upon the table so as to make all the cards dance about — " but the
prophet has made a rare, absurd guess at last! — What say you to
it, Mr. Clerk ? " — ^This is addressed to Shakspeare. ... " Why,
you are an idiot ; a miserable old imbecile I " Marlowe continued,
turning to the astrologer, '^ and we are still greater fools, to come
here and pay money for such low, commonplace imposition as this !
However, I will take care to let the stupid public know how
grossly you cheat them. You have fairly exposed yourself now,
you old necromancer I "
' *' Blind and arrogant man I " said the magician indignantly —
putting on his cap and assuming a commanding attitude — '^ say
just what you please I — You have drawn the bolt from my lips,
and have allowed words to escape that I intended to retain as
prisoners in my own breast, lest they should blanch your cheeks
and quench that brightness in your eyes. What care I for your
fame and your perishable works ? — ^your own life will be of still
shorter duration. . . . Not a month^ not a week will pass before
you are snatched away by a violent death I "... .
'Both Greene and Marlowe were pale and meditative when they
walked down the stairs and crossed the court leading into the
street, now dim in the twilight. • . •
398 OUTLINES OF GERJtfAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
•
' ^' Put ftway all that nonsense out of your head, my friend/* said
Marlowe to Greene. . . .
' " You are yourself more disturbed/' said Greene, *^ than I have
ever seen you before." '
This novel was recommended by lively dialogues and by such
portraitures of English life as many readers accepted for truth.
Success induced the author to write his ' Poet's Death/ a tragic
novel founded on the more romantic incidents in the life of
Gamoens.
Several other novels produced by Tieck after he had left the
Romantic School were more or less intended to express special
tendencies. In * The Young Master-Joiner ' he wrote vaguely of
the elevation of the working classes, and in ViUoria Accorombona
(one of the worst of all his novels) he suggested * the emancipation
of women.*
The unfinished novel Der Atrfruhr in den Cevennen (' The Insur-
rection in the Ceveunes ') meddled with subjects better left alone
by writers of fiction, who, in their * religious novels/ succeed too
often in making religion seem fictitious. Tieck fails to make a
clear distinction between the religion long cherished by the
Cevennes people and the stem fanaticism to which they were
excited by Louis XIV. and his ' dragonnades.'
One of the more remarkable parts of the story describes the
conversion of a spy who, disguised as a peasant, has entered one
of the secret Camisard conventicles. There is some graphic power
in Tieck's descriptions of scenery in this part of the story; but the
good taste of introducing such a subject as persoi^al religion in a
work of fiction may be questioned, and the accoimt given of the
so-called ' conversion ' of the spy is theatrical and shallow, though
it was probably intended to be reverent. Thus the spy describes
his visit to the conventicle : —
* As we advanced further among the bills, there passed us —
going stealthily along the narrow footpath — several dimly-eeen
figures. Following them, we arrived, after a two miles' walk, at
a solitary barn-like shed. They knocked at the door, and it was
opeoed. " I cannot describe the sensation with which I entered,
to play my part as one of this assembly of fanatical peasants. I
felt a shudder of horror pass, at once, through soul and body.
Some were kneeling; others were standing. I took my place
among the latter, and endeavoured to imitate their demeanour, at
XXV.] TIECK. 309
as to ftvoid detection. All, for a time, went on quietly. Every
eye was fixed upon the ground, and only a few aged women
interrupted the silence by their muttering of psalms ; but, sud-
denly, a boy of about' eight years old fell to the ground and
struggled as in convulsions. My feeling of aversion was at ita
height ; for I was now an eye-witness of that gross fanaticism of
which the mere description had so long offended my reason.'
The conversion that so soon follows aversion has no sufficient
psychological motives, but seems to have been physical, or, at the
best, imaginative, and by no means deep and true. It is followed
by an excitement thus described : —
'The assembly broke up, and the worshippers went forth to
find their ways to their several places of abode. . • .
' I followed them, and — like one introduced to a new world —
returned down the valley and plunged into the densest part of the
forest. " What is Nature P " I had often asked, when, in a fit of
imaginative inspiration, I had roamed far among wooded hills and
green valleys, decked in all the lights and shades of morning, or
fanned by the light wind, and breathing a charm to lull the heart
in soothing dreams. Now I could understand the deep voice of
lamentation in the forest, on the mountain, and in the murmuring
stream. I could hear and understand it now as the- voice of
the Eternal Himself uttering His sympathy with all His creatures.
His voice seemed sounding from every wave of the river, and
whispering from every leaf and twig of the forest. All things
around me seemed to rebuke me for my past, cold, unbelieving,
and indolent existence. I thought, at once, of the past and of the
future. Every thought was a prayer, and my heart was melted
down to one feeling of devotion. I plunged into the deepea
recesses of the wood, and gave free vent to my tears.' . . .
This excitement subsides, and the new convert is described a
wandering on until he reaches a desolate landscape, wbere no
tree, not even a shrub, casts a shade all around. There is scarcely
a patch of grass on the dry, white soil of limestone ; as far aa the
eye can travel, solitary blocks or massive groups of limestone are
seen, some splintered by frost, so as to resemble rudely forms of
men, cattle, and houses. It is a confusing and wearisome prospect
of bare shingle on the mountain-side, and far down below lies a
gloomy and lonesome little town. ' Here,' says the visitor to the
Camisards, ' I lay down in weariness and gazed around me on the
400 OUTLTNES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
scene of desolation and upwards on the dark-blue sky. A strange
change of thoughts and feelings came upon me here. I cannot, in
any words I know, express how entirely, how suddenly, every
sentiment of belief, every noble, inspiring thought, vanished —
died away — and left me utterly disconsolate. I cannot tell you
how Nature, the whole creation, and man, its greatest problem^
with all his marvellous powers and all his weakness and pitiable
dependence on these external elements were changed for me ; how
hopeless and dreary, nay, how absurd and contemptible all things
now appeared to me — to me who had so lately seen all things in
a new, celestial light ! —I could not repress my scorn — I could not
control myself ; but gave vent to a cynical, despairing laugh at
the whole world, as I now saw it. There was no immortal soul ,
nothing but absurdity, objectless' existence, and miserable delusion
in all that creeps, swims, or flies, and, most of all, in this head of
mine (the crown of the visible creation, forsooth !) that thinks and
mourns, and, at intervals, must condescend to the lowly necessity
of eating, to support this wretchedness called life. Oh let m« bury
such morbid thoughts in silence I Annihilation — dead, cold
negation— seemed to me better than all the sum of being. Faith
and hope and my whole inner life were, for tbe time, extin-
guished; and long and difficult was my return to the cheerful,
breathing world.'.
These passages have been referred to as dramatic and powerful;
but they are mostly theatrical, and convey a shallow notion- of
religious sentiments. Feelings and convictions that are worthy
to be called spiritual are not liable to be changed by a physical
accident like this of wandering out of a wood into a mountain-
limestone district, however barren and lonesome it may appear.
This story of the Camisards, though admired by many readers,
was judiciously left unfinished.
Tieck's imaginative powers were far greater than any possessed
by his friends the Schlegels, and his influence on the poetic
literature of his times was important. His romantic friends
described him as 'the rival of Goethe.'
The fictions of Tieck and his friends were all sober and practical
when compared with the diablerie written by Hofiinann, who, in
tbe order of time, precedes the writers of the Later Romantic
School. It is only fair to them to say that they are not repre-
sented by the author of the ' Night Pieces/ and other tales of the
XXV.] HOFFMANN. 401
same character. But on account of his fantastio style and the
merits of such a story as ' Master Martin/ he m.iy be named here
in association with the later romantic authors. The error of
describing bim as a follower of Jean Paul hardly needs a word to
refute it. As we have seen, Jean Paul has often a good meaning
which he is pleased to express in a rococo manner, while Hoff-
mann has delight in the excesses of a morbid ima^nation. His
works had in their day a considerable popularity in Germany,
and some influence on cotemporary French literature.'
Ernst Theodos Wilhblm Hoffhaivn (who styled himself
Amadous Hoffmann) was bom at Eonigsberg in 1776. He studied
law, and held several inferior offices under government until 1806,
when war deprived him of his means of subsistence. He was
afterwards engaged as music-director at Bamberg, and in connec-
tion with the theatres at Dresden and Lieipzig, but found time to
write many grotesque and horrible fictions and some stories of a
better description. He died in 1822.
His ' Fantastic Pieces in Callot's Manner ' belong to the gro-
tesque department, but include one good fiction — ' The Story of
the Golden Pot' Other clever pieces — such as the shorter novels
'Master Martin/ 'Fraulein von Scudery,' and the *Doge und
Dogaressa' — may be found in a series of tales entitled 'The
Brothers of Sera^on.' Jean Paul said — ^with reference to such
dreams as are found in the 'Night-Pieces' — that 'belladonna'
(deadly night-shade) ' was Hoffmann's muse,' and the criticism
may be applied to several other wild. fictions that may be left
unnamed.
Hoflmann had versatile talents. He composed music, drew
some clever caricatures of Napoleon, and wrote musical criticisms
in a rhapsodical style that was too often imitated. His audacity
in narrating as facts the most marvellous adventures is his chief
trait, and he does not condescend to give explanations according
to the method of Mrs. Eadcliffe. One of his more sober stories
may be noticed to show something of his manner.
In the tale here abridged Hofimann describes, in a lively style,
an adventure in Berlin. The writer of the story, strolling in the
Thiergarten, was listening to some indifferent music, when his
attention was attracted to a stranger — a tall old gentleman, who
spoke disrespectfully of the Berlin opera, and particularly of the
performance of Gluck's music. After some conversation with the
402 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Oh.
Btranger (who has a highly intellectual expression when he talks
of music), the author receives an invitation, and pays a visit to an
obscure part of Berlin, where the old man has his lodgings. It
soon becomes evident that the critic who condenms the Berlin
opera knows something of music.
' I shall now give you/ said the old gentleman, ' some notion of
the style in which Gluck*s music ought to be played.'
So saying, he opened a pianoforte and a music-book, which
was labelled on the back as- if it contained the opera ' Armida.'
There was, in fact, nothing in the volume except blank paper.
' You will please turn over the pages for me/ said the stranger,
and the author obeyed.
' Now comes the overture I ' said the old man, and immediately
began to play in a masterly style the introduction. Almost every
note was exactly correct according to the best edition of the opera.
In the following Allegro the leading subjects were given, with
several genial variations and bold modulations that excited
•wonder. The face of the player glowed with enthusiasm; his
features assumed now a stem expression, then an air of sadness^
and while he played, as if from the full score, his voice would
imitate, now and then, the low muttering of the drums. At the
close of the overture, he leaned back in the chair, closed his eyes,
and rested a few moments.
'Now,' said he, 'we will have Armida's grand scena' Then
he sang, now in low, then in high and thrilling tones. Love,
hate, despair, and madness^ all were expressed with intense feeling.
His voice seemed to have recovered all its youthful qualities. ' I
trembled,' says the writer, ' while he was singing, and, when he
ended, I exclaimed, *^ What can this mean P — Who are you P "
' He arose and looked at me with an earnest expression ; then
took up the candle and walked out of the room. I had been left '
in the dark about a quarter of an hour, when the door was
opened. There stood a tall figure richly dressed as for attendance
at Court, and with a small sword at his side. He held the
lighted candle in his hand. I stood dumb with amazement He
stepped towards me, grasped my hand gently, and*wd^ with a
peculiar smile, "I am the Ritter — Gluck."'
This adventure, Hoffmann assures us, took place at Berlin in 1809.
We may add that the composer Gluck died at Vienna in 1787. The
difficulty suggested by these dates is, howeveri a trifle when
xxv.j FouauA 403
compared with the wondera that in other stories are found mixed
-with A dry 'statement of facts in every-dajlife and with the coldest
and most sceptical reflections. But enough of a class of fictions
that were once more popular than any of the romances of hotter
tendency which we have still to notice.
Tieck, Brentano, Amim, Fouqu^, and Hoffmann might all he
classed together as writers of romances in which will he found a
fantastic mixture of scenes from real life with grotesque or
visionary adveotures. But Hoffmann stands almost alone as a
fantastic dreamer, and it would he erroneous to confuse with his
morhld stories such romances as were written hy Fbiedbich
Babon ns LA MoTTB FoT7au£ (1777-1843), a romandst whose
early popularity was reyiyed in recent years hy the influence of
the English author of ^ The Heir of Redclyfie.' A good meaning
is often expressed by means of a fantastic narrative in Fouqu^*s
best fictions, aud his wildest dreams have sometimes a clear inter-
pretation. He leads his readers through enchanted forests and
among mysterious wandering knights, gnomes, fSuries, * koholds,'
and talking waterfalls; but we come out of the wood, at last,
and find a moral interest in the wonders through which we have
been led.
The well-known story of ' Undine ' (1819), which was trans*
lated^into almost all European languages, is the author's best
work. He might have borrowed the idea of the fiction, either
£rom the JEntrettens du Comie de Qahalisy by the French Abb^ de
Montfaucon de Villars (a writer of the seventeenth century), or,
more probably, 'from the strange romance, Der Bitter von Staufen"
berff, which was written in the fifteenth century, or earlier. Its
story has, however, no close resemblance to that of 'Undine,'
which is too well known to be further described here.
Of other tales by Fouqu^ — such as ' The Magic Ring,' Thio-
dolph the Icelander,' iUid * Sintram ' — it may at least be said that,
as their incidents are too visionary to be mistaken for realities,
they are more harmless than novels that misrepresent facts in
social life, or serve as vehicles of sectarian or political satire.
Instead of merely naming or noticing very briefly several
romances by Fouqu^ and other writers of the school to which he
belonged, it may be better to give a summary of one of his shorter
stories as a specimen of fictions that may be styled ethical and
dd2
404 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATrRE. [Ca.
symbolical. It should be premised tbat^ in old Gormao demono-
logy, the ' kobold ' or * hausgeist ' is a ghodt of domesticated habits
who is attached to some locality or homestead^ where he is often
found harmless, or even useful (like Milton's ' lubber-fiend '), though
he demands respectful treatment, and can, at times, be spiteful and
mischieTouB. In the following story it will be easily guessed
what human passion is symbolised by the * hailsgeist, Kedmantle.'
The whole story may be described as a moral truth decorated with
picturesque scenery.
Bebtholb, we are told, was an enterprising commercial man,
who was very eager in the acquisition of wealth. On one^ of his
loDg and solitary journeys,^ when travelling on horseback and
carrying with him much gold, he lost his way in a hilly and
Uiickly wooded district, and began to feel anxious, if not fearful,
' when the twilight gathered over the oak-trees around him, and
no path was visible.
' He now felt assured that he had wandered into a very lonely part
of the country ; for even the wild animals, which came out from the
thickets, looked upon him without fear; they seemed, indeed,
altogether unacquainted with the dangerous powers of man ;
while the gray owls, with melancholy hootings, fluttered about
his shoulders so nearly, that he often bowed his head to prevent
their flying in his face. Berthold felt so lonely that the face of
any honest man would have been the most pleasant sight in the
world, and great was his pleasure when he saw a man dressed in
the garb of a charcoal-burner. In reply to Berthold*s questions,
the stranger pointed the way to his lonely hut in £he forest, and
offered to the traveller a night's secure rest and guidance on his
way in the morning. Though Berthold could not distinctly see
the face of his friend, he followed him tmtil he came to his lonely
hut* ...
Soon after Berthold had entered the hut and had been made
welcome by all the charcoal-burner's family, the door was gently
opened, and * a gray-headed, quiet-looking old man of low stature
entered, and accosted all the family in a fiiendly way, but gazed
with an expression of wonder on the stranger. Berthold returned
the look in a similar style, while the new-comer went to the round
table and took a seat on the lowest stool, which seemed to have
been left vacant for him. There was an expression of sorrow on
his face, which excited the sympathy of Berthold, who wished to
XXV.] FOUQu:^. 405
ask if this was the grandfather of the children. But the old man
folded his hands, and asked tlie host if he was ready for evening-
prayer. At this question the husband immediately began to sing
the old hynm — '
" Now all the woods are Bleeping,
Peace over all is spread '' —
while his wife and all the children joined softly in the melody.
But the voice of the old man was predominant, and he expressed,
by several angiy glanceis, his displeasure against Berthold, who
did not sing. When the hymn and the evening-prayer were
concluded, the dwarf suddenly rose and left the house ; but, after
closing the door, he opened it again for a moment, and, looking
in, threw upon Berthold such a fierce and angry glance, that our
traveller was amazed at the sudden change of a countenance lately
composed in an expression of quietness and devotion.
^ '^ This is not the old man's usual way,'' said the charcoal-burner,
as an apology to Berthold.
' " He is crazy, I suppose P " said Berthold.
<'^He may be," said the host: ''but he is quite harmless: at
least he has not done any harm here for a long time. You need
have no fear, though he has free entrance into our house at all
hours of the night. The door of the chamber where you must
sleep does not shut, and the old man often wanders into that
chamber ; but I assure you he will not hurt you, nor will he even
disturb you, if you are as sleepy as myself; -for, as you must have
observed, he has a very light tread, and glides about like a ghost.''
At this story Berthold tried to smile, but he did not feel easy in
such mysterious circumstances.'
Some sleepless hours passed away slowly, and, about midnight,
the avaricious traveller opened his portmanteau, to see* that his
gold was all safe. He hardly knew whether he was waking or
dreaming,* when he imagined that he saw, close beside his bed,
the face of the gray old man, who was also' looking eagerly at the
money ! ' "1 love," said he, '' to see such shining gold as you
have hero I Yet I know where there is far more of it — gold —
heaps of gold — ^plenty. ... I will show you if you will come
with me. It is under the earth — ^in the forest — under the moor-
land." The speaker's face showed strange excitement.
< » Well 'f if I yentuze to go with you P " said. Berthold*
406 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
' ** I will be back in a minute/' said tbe old man; going out of
the chamber. " I must put on m j mantle.''
' He had not been out of the chamber more than a minute,
when another figure entered. This seemed taller than the former
one, and was covered from head to foot in a blood-red mantle.
''Now/' said Redraantle^ ''come al<Mig! Let us hasten to the
forest I "
'Berthold seized his weapons. "With you I" be exclaimed:
"I will not leave the house with you ! Where is the little old
manP"
'"Ha t 3rou do not know me in this dress t" said Redmantle,
throwing back the red cloak from his face. Berthold recognised
the features of the dwarf : but their quiet aspect was changed into
a fierce and eager expression.' . . .
6oon afterwards, the iutruder, offended by Berthold's reftisal to
assist in digging for gold, suddenly left the hut and hastened
away into the forest. The traveller, excited by the hope of
finding great tireasure, at length resolved to follow the tempter.
' Courage ! ' said he, as he rode into the forest, ' the adventure of
this night may make me a wealthy man 1 '
' He had hardly uttered these words, when, turning his head,
he saw Bedmantle close beside him. The- apparition seemed to
have beard the soliloquy, and nodded his head in approbation of
the resolution of Berthold, who now endeavoured to maintain all
the courage he had summoned, but could not speak a word to his
strange companion. Redmantle soon broke the silence by saying,
" I say, my friend, I have had a very dull life for some years
with the poor charcoal-burner and hift family there. The perpetual
psalm-singing and praying quite wore me down, until I became a
little, feeble, low-spirited old man, such as you saw. But your
coming at first excited me strangely, and then encouraged me to
return to my old ways again. I saw in you something that
reminded me of my former self; for I know jou love hunting for
gold as I used to love it, and as I love it now again. How the
company of a fellow-spirit animates me I You see how much I
have grown in one night ; and I shall now continue to grow higher
and higher still ! But no more words ! Let us dig for the gold !
You see that hillock P There it lies I Ho, ho ! the charcoal-
bumer is too stupid for this work. I could never excite him to
it. Come along 1 " '^
XXV.] FOUQui. 407
' Berthold dismounted, and after tying the bridle to the branch
of a tree^ followed the apparition to the hillock, which was covered
with the cones of the fir-tree. ^* Dig — dig/* said Redmantle -, and
Berthold began to turn up the earth with his dagger, while his
companion laboured violently with his bare hands^ tearing up the
ground, until thej discovered two earthen vessels, which broke
in pieces^ and disclosed their contents — mere ashes I
^ At this disappointment the restless demon began to wring his
hands, moaned dismally, and pointed to another hillock. Berthold
followed^ and both began to dig ; but their efforts ended again in
the same disappointment — ^they found nothing but ashes ! From
one hillock they passed to another, and laboured vainly, again and
again, until our traveller was exhausted, but still durst no^ dis-
obey the commands of Redmantle, who, becoming more and more
exasperated and violent, struck his fists against the ground until
sparks flew from it, and angrily accused Berthold of having found
and secretly buried the gold again, instead of sharing it fairly.
The red mantle streamed in the air, the figure of the spectre rose
higher and higher, and assumed violent and threatening attitudes,
until Berthold caught a glimpse of morning light, and hoard the
cock crow and the moming^bell tolling in a neighbouring vilfage.
Redmantle was seen no more by our traveller, who sooa found his
steed, and rode away, hardly able to determine whether he had
been awake or dreaming during the night. . . .
' Years passed away and, once more, Berthold, in one of his long
journeys^ found that his road led him near the great forest. He
felt a longing to see once more the charcoal-bumer*s hut, and to
hear the sequel of Redmantle's history. Late one evening, he
arrived at the lowly dwelling, and was recognised by all the
family. All things here seemed unchanged, except that the
children had grown taller. Again the family were assembled
around the table at the hour oi prayer, and Berthold saw, with
some dread| the same low stool left vacant for the unearthly
visitor. The host seemed to guess the thoughts of his visitor and
said : — ^* Sir, I know not what passed between you and our other
visitor, when you lodged with us some years ago ; but I assure
you that, after that time, we had great trouble with him. He
had been so much excited by your presence that, night after
night, when you had gone away, he was roaming through the
forest and disturbing our household. But all that is over, and he
408 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ck.
is aigoin subdued. . . . When our own minds are subject to evil
passions, we are liable to be disturbed by such a Tisitor as Ked-
mantle. ... It is our time for prayer, and I trust you will join
in our devotion."
* Then the father beg^an the old hymn, and the children and
Berthold joined in singing : —
** Now all the woods are sleeping,
Peace over all is spread," '
It is hardly necessary to say that the above is not a common
ghost-story, but a dream with a truth in it. The poor charcoal-
burner, who had once been vexed and haunted by avarice, had so
far subdued the passion that it might be aptly represented as a
feeble old man ; but the presence of the covetous trader, acting by
a powerful sympathy, called again into life the demoniac energy
that was almost extinct. Eedmantle, in fact, was created, not by'
Berthold's imagination, but by his will, and was afterwards sub-
dued once more by the piety . and contentment of the charcoal-
burner. Stories of this class must not be classed with the wild
fictions written by Hoffmann.
The best characteristics, and some of the worst faults of the
school to v^hich he belonged, are found in the romances written <
by Ltjbwig Achiic von Arniic (1781-1832), the brother-in-law
of Clemens Brentano, whom he assisted in editing the Wmder'
horn, a book of old popular songs. Amim's unfinished romance 'The
Grown Guardians,' and his numerous novels and some dramas, may
be left imnoticed here ; for all his merits and his extreme defects
may be found in one romance — * The Poverty, Wealth, Guilt, and
Penance of the Countess Dolores ' — which was highly commended
by Jean Paul. The character of the heroine, her sinfulness, her
long penance of poverty and disgrace, and the circumstances of
her death, are described with imaginative power and true feeling ;
but the romance may be said to be ruined by the intrusion of too
many episodes and reflections, and when it is ended it begins
again.
Several of the episodes are in themselves attractive, and one
deserves notice, as it casts some light on a class of literary men too
well known in Amim*s time. His sketch of an egotistic and
sentimental litterateur seems now very fantastic, but was founded
on facts. It was of such a poetical phenomenon as ' Waller,' that
XXV.] VON ARNIM. 409
•
Fichte was thinking when he warned young men of the danger
of making light literature serve as a suhstitute for moral culture.
Waller is a poetaster who supposes himself to be a genius, culti-
Tntes no faculties except fancy and self-conceit, and neglects the
common duties of life. We meet him first when, travelling with
his wife, he pays a visit to a nobleman to whom he is thus intro-
duced : —
. * The poet's wife addressed the count, and after thanking him
for his kindness, assured him that in this instance his hospitality
was well bestowed -, for he had the honour of entertaining in his
mansion the "celebrated poet Waller,*' whom to call her husband
was her highest pride and delight. Hereupon various compliments
were exchanged, but not without some awkwardness ; for the
count and his lady differed in their opinions of the poet's merits.
The count could not say that he regarded all Waller's verges a&
counterfeit coin, and the countess dui*st not say how much she
admired them. . . . Waller soon became so confidential, that,
with little invitation, he gave, in an animated style, various
details of his personal history.' [We must condense his narra-
tive, as it was inflated with many passages of questionable senti-
ment, and numerous quotations from his own poems.] ' He first
explained how^ like other men of genius, he had been poor, but
had found a wife who possessed some property. ... He per*
Buaded his wife to sell her house in town, in order to purchase a
rural cottage and a garden which had charmed his fancy once as
he rode through a lonely part of the country. The lady at once
c(Hisented ; for " in all things she obeys my pleasure " (said
Waller), and he travelled down to the romantic cottage to
prepare it for her reception. . . .
'One day was passed after another in vain attempts to be romantic
and happy. He determined that his wife should be, like himself^
an enthusiastic admirer of nature; so he led her over the damp
pastures, and through plantations of firs, in the early morning, to
see the sun rising ; but this practical poetry was accompanied
with such nnromantic realities as wet stockings, colds, and coughs.
Waller was surprised to find that real Nature was not so pleasant
as she had appeared in the verses which he wrote when ip town,
and that the rustics who lived near his cottage were not of the
Arcadian kind. He read his verses to some of them, but they
<5ould not understand such poetry, and preferred their own rude
»>
410 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATURK [Cii.
stories and jest-books. This was in the summer, bat in the
winter rural happiness waa sad indeed for Waller. He wrote to
all his friends, beg^ging them to come and see *' a poor poet in a
wilderness ; " but the roads were deep in snow, and no friend
would undertake the journey. The poet was therefore left in
domestic quietude,, until he became quite weary of the company of
his wife, and expressed his unamiable sentiments in such verses as
the following : —
" In this, my lonely nest,
I see no welcome gaest ;
In vain my letters go —
The ways are deep in snow.
My heart is restless as an aspen-tree —
Ah, why did fortune link my wife and me ?
In the spring Waller was glad to escape from his solitude, and
hastened away to Leipzig to sell, if. he could, a manuscript poem.
' In my pleasure ' (he continued) ' at finding myself once more in
the society of civilised men, I quite forgot my wife, the rural
cottage, and all the beauties of nature, until one day, as I was
sitting at n:y dessert in Mainoni's hotel (I was eating almonds and
raisins), the bookseller's boy brought to me a letter from my
wife; and what did it contain? My absence had excited her,
for the first time in her life, to write verses Well,
what could I do after receiving this touching letter ihtreating me
to return ? I hastened away from Leipzig, and left my transac-
tion with the bookseller unfinished. For a time I continued my
studies in our lonely cottage, and my wife (who is a clever artist)
made some drawings to illustrate my poem. But now a new
trouble arose. I had bought a little estate, and knew nothing of
its management. I was losing money ; so I persuaded my wife to
' let me sell the cottage, and we returned to live in town once
more. Here our circumstances were straitened; she was very
anxious, and worked hard, so that all her drawings were finished
before half of my poem was written. To indte my industry, she
wakened me early every morning, and prepared for me a cup of
coffee in my study. Of course she meant well in all these little
attentions and indulgences bestowed on me ; but she did not know
that all such things tend to depress poetic genius. In a gloomy
mood I now wrote an elegy, in which I represented myself as a
weaver, and my wife as a spinster. 1 will read it to you.' Here
XXV.] CLEM FINS BRENTANO. 411
Wallefr tried the count's last degree of patience by reciting some
absurd, sentimental verses.
Bbttina yon Arndc, the sister of Clemens Brentano and the
wife of Von Arnim, may be mentioned as the authoress of an
enthusiastic book, ^ Goethe's Correspondence with a Child/ which
was once read with great interest and may be referred to as a
strange psychological romance. In Bettina von Amim's stories it
is impossible to determine where facts end and imaginations begin.
Her melancholy memoirs of a friend, Caroline von GUnderode (who
committed suicide), read like chapters from a wild romance, but they
are founded on facts.
There is, however^ hardly anything in Bettinn's writings as
rhapsodical and obscure as some of the tales and poems written
by her brother, Olemeits Brenxa.no (1778-1842). A want of
harmony, or, we might say, a love of discords, was the chief trait
in his life, as in his fantastic novels and dramas. His cantata, 'The
Merry Musicians,' if it could be translated, might serve to repre-
sent his own characteristics. The miseries of a strolling company
are here placed in extreme contrast with their merry and bois-
terous music. The following is one of the less tragic stanzas : —
like nigbtingalea, uDseen, that sing
So sweetly all night long in spring.
We come to sing and play, at eve ;
For we could not make the listener grieve. .
Then all the family of strolling singers and players severally
relate their misfortunes. The blind mother, a deformed boy, and
his two miserable brothers, tell their sorrows, one after another,
and their lamentations are, here and there, followed by a wild
chorus : —
While we're stmmming and thrumming the tambourine.
The shrill little bells in it jingle and tingle,
And while we are singing the cymbals are ringing
A cling and a clang to our sing and our ' sang/
And the little fife, shrill, with a squeak and a trill,
Pierces the heart, with a joy and a smart.
This strange cantata was set to music by Amadous Hoffmann.
Brentano*s prose fictions and poems include the romance
^Godwi,' the dramatic and lyric poems ' Ponce de Leon ' and ' Vic-
toria,' the story of * The Brave Kasperl and the Fair Annerl ' (des-
cribed as the writer's best work), and the humorous and pleasant
412 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEEATUBE. [Gh.
fable of 'Qokel, Hinkeli und Qakelia.' ^We have cultiYated
nothing but our imagination/ said Brentano^ 'and, that has
been the cause of oux failure.' This was a just criticism
on his own writings and on several fictions written by his
friends.
One of the best of the writers who, after the War of liberation,
endeavoured to maintain the poetic traditions of the Romantic
School was Joseph von Eic^enbobff, who was called 'the last
knight of the School.' He was bom in 178S, served as a volunteer
in the Prussian army (1813-15) and subsequently held several
offices under the Prussian Government. He died in 1857.
There is nothing strong or remarkably original, but much that
is gentle and beautiful, in Eichendorff's writings, which consist of
lyrical poems, romances, and dramas, besides some works on
literary history. His genius is lyrical, as may be seen even in his
dramas. The world described in his poetry is not extensive, and
the characters we meet in his romances are few and hardly to be
called individuals. In his lyrical poems he loves to meditate in
secluded dells and to enjoy the quietude of sunset, or of Sunday
mom as described in one of his songs beginning with this
stanza : —
How deep the calm o'er all extending I
How lonely all the field, the sky.
The woods ! — their boughs so gently bending,
• As if the Lord were passing by.
In tones still more subdued he speaks of a common domestic
sorrow — the loss of a child : —
Then there came, at break of day,
Notes of music far away,
Breathing over dale and hollow ;
And the singing seemed to say,
* If you love me, father — ^foUow I *
The author^s dramas, though they contain some fine passages,
are rather lyrical than dramatic, and his longer fictions in prose
want sustained interest. Among his short novels Das Marmorhild
(' The Marble Statue ') may be mentioned as one of the dreamy
and romantic class ; but the best is entitled Aw dem Leben einea
TaugenichU {^ Passages from the Life of a Good-for-nothing ').
The story is full of the youthful buoyancy and careless good-
humour of the hero, who is a wandering fiddler — a vagabond in
XXV.] VON EICHENDORFP.. 413
tHe milder and more imflginative sense of the term. He can
nowhere find a place of rest in this prosaic world, but, wherever
he goes, some good fortune generally attends him. For example,
he has scarcely arrived, in a state of destitution, on the confines of
Austria^ when he finds there three genial though poor companions
who are ready to aid him, as he tells us, in the following cheerful
passages from the story of his youth : —
* I see the pleasant countiy — ^hail,
AustrUn ivoods and birds and streamsl
The Danube glitters from the vale,
St. Stephen*8 steeple yonder gleams
Over the hills so far away»
As if it welcomed me to- day I
Vivat, Austria !
'I was singing the last verse of the song, as I stood on the hill
which commands the first prospect of Austria, 'When suddenly a
trio of wind-instruments sounded out sweetly from the wood
behind me, and accompanied my voice. I turned round, and saw
three young men in long blue mantles. One blew an oboe, another
a clarionet, and the third played the French horn. To mend the
concert, I pulled out my fiddle and played away with them,
singing heartily too. At this they seemed amazed, and looked one
at another, like men who have made a great mistake. The French
Horn (the player I mean) allowed his puffed-out cheeks to collapse,
and looked very earnestly at me, while I civilly returned the stare
of surprise. He stepped nearer to me, and said : ''The fact is, we
guessed, by your frock, that you were an Englishman, and thought
we might win a trifle from you ; but it seems you too are a
musician.'' I confessed that this was the better guess of the two,
and that I had just returned from Rome, and had found it neces-
sary to scrape my way over the country with a fiddle.
* '• Ha I '* said he, "a single fiddle cannot do much now-a-days : *'
here he stepped to a little fire on the ground beside the wood, and
began to fan it with his cap — ** the wind instruments do the woric
far better, you see. When we pop on a respectable family at
dinner-time, we just step quietly into the portico, and blow as
hard as we can, until one of the servants comes out, glad to give
money, or victuals, anything to stop our noise. Won't you take
breakfast with us P " I readily accepted the invitation. We sat
near the fire on a green bank, and the two i^usicians began to
414 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
untie little bundles, and took out some slices of bread. A pot of
coffee and milk was soon prepared, of which the Oboe and the
Clarionet drank alternately ; but the French Horn siiid, as he
handed to me half a buttered roll, ^' I don^t like that black mix-
ture : this is better/' he added, drawing out a flask of wine, which
he presented to me. I drank boldly j but as I took the flask frofti
my mouth, I could not suppress a slight distortion of my face.
" Ha 1 it is only home-made stuff/' said he* ** you have lost your
German taste in Italy, I suppose P "
' He^drew from his pocket an old tattered map of Austria, which
he spread out upon the grass, and his companions joined their
heads over it, pointing their fingers over various routes. " Vacation
ends soon/' said one. ** We must turn away from Linz here on
the left hand, so as to get back to Prague in good time." '* Ridi-
culous I " said the French Horn ; *^ that road will only lead you
among woods and ignorant peasants. You will not find a man of
refined taste on that road.** " Fine taste 1 Nonsense ! '' said the
Oboe ; '* the peasants are good-natured, and will not complain of
our false notes/'. . .
' Their scraps of Latin, and other remarks, made me understand
that my new friends were Prague students. I felt melancholy
when I thought that three young men, who could talk in Latin so
fluently, should remain so poor. The French Horn seemed to
guess my thoughts, for he said, ''You see we have no rich friends:
80, when the other students return home, we put these instruments
under our cloaks, stroll away from Prague, and find the wide
world at our service. Ours is the best mode of travelling. I
would not be a tame tourist, with my bed warmed and my night-
cap laid in a certain hotel every evening. 'Tis the beauty of our
way of life that we go out every morqing, like the birds over our
heads, not knowing under what chimney we shall eat our supper."
• • • •
'Our plan was soon completed. We resolved to go by the
next pad^et down the Danube, and accordingly hastened to the
place of embarkation. Here stood the stout landlord, filling up
the doorway of the hotel, while maidens were looking out of the
windows at the passengers and sailors. Among these stood an
old gentleman wearing a gray frock and a black cravat I and
my friends emptied our pockets, and the steward smiled satirically
when he saw that^dl our fares were paid in copper. Bat I cared
XXV.J VON EICHENDOEEP. 415
nothiBg for his sconi. The morning was brilliant, and 1 was
enraptured to find myself once more on the Danube. As we
steamed rapidly along between pastures and hills, the birds were
singing, Tillage clocks were chiming, and a caged canary, belonging
to a pretty maiden among the passengers, began to whistle charm-
ingly. I guessed the old gentleman in the gray frock to be a
clergyman, as he was reading in a breviary with a splendidly
gilded and decorated title-page ; and I found that my guess was
true, for he soon began to talk in Latin with the students.
' Meanwhile, I walked to the bow of the packet, and stood there
gazing into the blue distance, while towers and spires arose one
after another over the green banks of the Danube. I took out my
fiddle, and began to play somo old tunes. Suddenly I felt a tap
on my shoulder, and turning round, saw the old gentleman. '* Ha ! ''
said he, ''do you prefer fiddling? Come and join us at lunch."
I expressed my thanks, putting up the fiddle, and followed my
host under a little canopy which the sailors had constructed on
the deck. Here I found a plentiful supply of sandwiches and
some flasks of wine spread out before my companions. The old
gentleman filled a silver goblet with wine, and passed it round.
Our reserve soon melted away. My companions related their
adventures, and the old gentleman laughed, and said he also had
been a student, and had often wandered far during vacations. At
his request, we took out our instruments and played. So the hours
passed away, till the evening sun was gilding the woods and the
valleys, while the banks were resounding with our strains. As
we came near the end of our voyage, we passed the diver goblet
round once more, and then all joined in singing a vacation-song
with a Latin chorus.'
For the purpose of placing together several specimens of prose-
fiction, we have deviated from the order of time to which we re-
turn to notice some productions in dramatic literature vmtten
before the years of the War of Liberation.
The tendencies of the ' fate-tragedies ' already named were indi-
cated in the first drama written by Hbineich von Kleist, who
was bom at Frankfurt in 1776. He gained in early life the
patronage of Goethe, who, at one time, had hopes that the drama
might be cultivated with success by Kleist. The gloomy and
morbid temperament of the poet led to the disappointment of such
hopes. His life yras a series of almost aimless wanderings in
416 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
France and Switzerland and in his native land. At one time he
was a prisoner in France^ at another he conceived a plan of re-
tiring from society and living in solitude. The unhappy circum-
stances of the time might serve to increase his natural melancholy }
hut it does not appear that they were the cause of it. He died hy
his own hand in 1811.
His first drama, ^ The Family Schrofienstein/ 1803, was a dismal
foreboding of the ' fate-tragedies ' which were afterwards vmtten by
Werner and Milliner, and served to deprave theatrical taste.
There are proofs of dramatic talent and poetic power in Eleist's
comedy *The Broken Pitcher/ as in his most popular play,
Kdthchen von Heilbronny and in ' The Prince of Homburg ; ' but^
excepting the first-named piece, they are all made painful by some
morbid traits. Somnambulism forms a prominent part of the plot
in Kdthchen^ and the same expedient is employed in another play.
Kleist wrote several tales in prose, of which the most remark-
able-ren titled 'Michael Kohlhaae ' — is founded on facts that oo-
curred in Luther's time. The true and original story of inexorable
revenge was gloomy enough, without the aid of fiction. Kohlhaas,
a trader, had been unjustly treated by a country squire, against
whom he brought an action at law. But no amount of damages
awarded by law would satisfy the vengeance of the injured man,
and he was pacified only for a time when Martin Luther reminded
him of the duty to forgive. The anger Cherished at first against
an individual, directed itself aflerwards against society. Kohl-
haas was found guilty of robbery and other crimes, and died on
the scaffold in 1540. As Goethe said, Kleist showed a morbid
temperament in choosing to treat minutely the details of such a
gloomy story as this of ' Michael Kohlhai^.'
Kleist's dramas, with all their serious errors, are respectable
compared with the 'fate-tragedies,' of which one, at least, is
unfortunately associated with the literature of the Romantic
School. The triumph of these dramas on the German stage took
place in the years of depression that followed the War of Liberation ;
but the prototype of the whole class was written by Werner in
1811, and must, therefore, be noticed here. The fact must not be
disguised that German literature has its 'night-side.' To this
region we are introduced by Werner. It has been said that
Kotzebue might have written his worst, but not least successful
plays, with the intention oi refuting Schiller's ideal theory of ' the
XXV.] WEENER 417
moral power of the stage.' The remark may, however, be still
more fairly applied to such triigedies as were written by Werner
and Miillner.
Faiedrich LuDWie Ziohabias Webnjbb was bom at Konigs-
berg in 1768. It is enough to say of his life that it accorded well
with his own theory, that religion and morality belong to two
separate worlds. His dramas 'The Sons of Thales' (1803-4) and
' The Cross on the Baltic ' (1806) were both intended to have a
religious tendency, which was more clearly pronounced in * Martin
Luther.' It was by his notorious fate-tragedy * The Twenty-
fourth of February' (written in 1811) that he exerted a disas-
trous influence on the German stage. In 1811 Werner entered
the Roman Catholic Church. In his later life he gained much
popularity as a preacher in Vienna, where he died in 1823.
Werner had a fervid imagination, and wrote with uncontrolled
energy. His earlier dramas have pompous situations and some
good scenic efieqts, but are less remarkable than the 'fate-
tragedy ' already named. Its success led to the appearance of a
series of other pieces of the same class, which had a long popularity
in German theatres. Their character may be indicated by the
following analysis of the plot in Werner's deplorably successful
drama : —
In a miserable cottage on the Grimsel we find the peasant
Kuruth and his wife reduced to such destitution tJaat to live
honestly, seems no longer possible. The wife, urged by want,
advises the man to commit a robbery, and he consents to do it,
as soon as an opportunity presents itself.
While they are talking of this, a stranger arrives and brings
with him a good supply of food and wine, but begs for a night's
shelter in the miserable cottage. In the course of conversation
Kuruth and his visitor soon become confidential, and both relate
some incidents in their own lives. The former confesses that by
his marriage he greatly offended his father, who would never
forgive him.
' One day,' says Kuruth, ' the old man vexed me so much by
his objurgations, addressed to me when I was working in the
harvest-field, that I hastily hurled at him a knife which I had
been using in sharpening a scythe. The knife missed its aim ; but
the old man, in a frenzy of anger, uttered the bitterest impre-
cations on myself, my wife^ and all our children. He spent his
£ £
418 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
last breath in that maledictioD, was Boon afterwards seized by
apoplexy, and died.
' This wretched tragedy took place/ says Kuruth, ' on " The
Twenty-fourth of February," and, on one of the anniversaries of
that fatal day my infant daughter was slain by her own brother,
whom I drove away from my house.'
The visitor is so far excited by sympathy and wine that he con-
fesses that in his youth he was guilty of manslaughter, and the
act, he remembers, was committed on 'The Twenty- fourth of
February ; * but this coincidence leads to no recognition.
The guest then goes on to tell how he emigrated and made a
fortune. ' I intend now,* says he, * to gladden the hearts of my
old father and mother by making them sharers in my riches.*
Before retiring to rest, the stranger hides gold under the bed
of straw. The destitute peasant wrestles hard with the tempta-
tion presented to his mind. His wife consents to the robbery
meditated, but implores Kuruth not to commit a greater crime.
He would yield, it appears, to her entreaties ; but when he
enters the guest's chamber a knife falls out of its sheath, that
hangs upon the wall. It is the weapon that was once flung at
his own father by the wretched man, Kuruth, who now makes
it the instrument of a greater crime. All this is represented as
the result of ' fate.'
When the murdered' traveller's pass is examined, it is soon
found out that his name is ' Kurt Kuruth.' The wretched mother
identifies the body of her only son, and hurls bitter reproaches at
the criminal. But he heeds them not ; he only reminds her that
this is another anniversary of the fatal day — * The Twenty-fourth
of February.'
Such are the outlines of a drama in which absurdity and ev)l
tendency are combined. It would be wasting words to argue
that the 'fate' described in such a plot as Werner's is utterly
unlike the Nemesis of antique Greek tragedy. Werner's notion
of 'fate ' is opposed, not only to morality, but to eveiy rational
notion of human existence. JIan is here made the slave of a
' fate ' which is itself nothing more than a trivial accident A
dream, an arbitrary prediction, or some angry words spoken by a
gipsy, may be enough to control a man's destiny, according to
Wemer^s notion. If th^re is any meaning in his play, it is that
nothing whatsoever ought to be done on the ' Twenty-fourth day
of February/
XXV.] COLLIN. 419
Wernei's absurd tragedy was imitated by MftLLmEB in bis
' Twenty-ninth of February/ which (incredible as it may seem) is
considerably worse than ' the Twenty-fourth.' Such productions
would not be worth naming if they had not enjoyed a long life
on the stage.
Frakz Grillparzeb, who afterwards wrote superior dramatic
works, first gained his reputation by his fate-tragedy Die Ahnfrau
(' The Grandmother ') ; and Houwald repeated in Dm J?t/</(1821)
the old story of ' fate/ of which the public were hardly weary
when Platen produced (in 1826) his clever parody-play entitled
'The Fatal Fork.' Its plot is complex and tiresome, but it is far
better, in art as in moral tendency, than the dramas fitly de-
scribed as belonging to the 'night-side ' of poetical literature.
Two dramatic writers may be named here as contemporaries of
the Komantic School, with which, however, the author first
named had no association.
Heinbich Josbph von Collin (1772-1811) wrote, in oppo-
sition to romantic tendencies, several dramas on such antique
subjects as 'Regulus' and ^Coriolan.' Collin, who might be
called, with regard to his islear style and construction of plot, one
of the Vienna disciples of Lessing, was once loudly praised and
then soon forgotten. His merits were hardly more than formal. '
A more productive and imaginative author, Adam Gottlob
OEHLBNscnLAeER (1779-1860), a Dane, wrote many 'dramatic
poems, including *• 4.1addin,' Axel und Waiburff, and * Correggio,'
besides lyrical poems, romances, and legends. His command of
the two languages enabled him to translate with facility into
German his own Danish poems. The graceful and sentimental '
style of several of his dramatic works is singularly contrasted with
the stem character of some of his subjects, which were selected
from old Scandinavian legends. His writings have more im-
portance in Danish than in German literature.
Enough has been said to show that the theory and the practice
of the Romantic School led to a serious degradation of dramatic
literature. It could hardly excite either surprise or regret when,
after the dismal reign of Werner, Milliner, and their followers,
Kotzebue's plays once more gained possession of the stag«.
Two or three epic poems and idylls writtenr by prelates of the
Catholic Church deserve notice for their Christian character, but
are not otherwise remarkable. Ladislas Pykkeb, a native
ss3
420 ofjTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUKE. [Ok. ^
HuDgarjy and well known as the Archbishop of ErUu (1772-
1847), wrote two long epics — 'Tunisias' and 'Rudolf of Habs-
burg * — in which he supplied the want of a mythology by intro-
ducing as agents the spirits of departed heroes. Iqsaz voir
Wessenberg (1774-1860), already named -as a writer 'On the
Moral Power of the Stage ' (see Chapter XXI.), wrote a poem %
entitled 'F^nelon.* The choice of the subject truly indicates
the pious and amiable character of the writer. He was con-
demned for heresy^ and was expelled from his bishopric by the
Ultramontanes.
XXVI.] THE WAB OF UBEEATION. ' 421
CHAPTER XXVL
SEVENTH PERIOD. 1770-1830.
THB WAB OF LIBEBiiTION (1812-16) — PATRIOTIC 8TATBBMMN—
PHILOSOPHERS — PUBLICISTS — POSTS — THB 8UABIAX SCHOOL OF
POETBT.
'The heroism of the man who saeriiices his life for the \>'elfare of his
country may raise some doubts and scruples, even in the midst of our ad-
miration, as long as we do not see clearly that it was his absolute duty so
to act. Bub when we see in an action a sacrifice of apparent honour, or
happiness, or life, to the fulfilment of an undoubted duty, the neglect of
which would be a violation of divine and human law — when there is no
choice save between duty performed at the cost of life, and life preserved by
an immoral action, and when the former course is resolutely taken, hero
there is no scruple, no reserve in our approbation ; we sa}"* at once, *' It is
good," and are proud to see that human nature can thus lift itself above
all the inclinations and passions of the sensuous world.'— Imm. Kant (1787).
It was at Eonigsberg that Kant taught the doctrine above
quoted, and in the same town, in 1808, soon after the peace con-
cluded at Tilsit; the Tugendbund, or ' Bond of Valour/ was insti*
tuted. It was befriended, though not founded, by the patriotic
minister SiEiir. The brave and true Gneisenait was a member
of the uuion, and Schabkhobst, the military reformer, was its firm
friend. The objects of the union were to elevate the depressed .
spirit of the people, to relieve the miseries caused by war, and to
prepare the way for liberation.
The predictions of Schiller were demanding fulfilment ; a new
life was awakening among professors and students in universities,
and at Berlin Fichte, in the same year in which the Tugendbtmd
was founded, delivered the addresses to the German nation which
served to kindle a fervour of patriotism. Some passages from his
concluding appeal may besi express the spirit of the times: —
422 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEEATURE. [Ch.
* Gerq^ans ! the voices of your ancestors are soundiDg firom the
oldest times — the men who destroyed Rome's despotism, the heroes
-who gave their lives to preserve inviolate these mountains, plains,
and rivers which you allow a foreign despot to claim — these men,
your forefathers, call to you, * If you reverence your origin, pre-
serve sacred your rights, hy maintaining our patriotic devotion/'
. . . And with this admonition from antiquity there are mingled
the voices of patriots of a later age. The men who contended for
religious freedom exhort you to carry out their conflict to its ulti-
mate results. . • • And posterity, still unborn, has claims upon
you. Your descendants must be involved in disgrace if you fail
in your duty. Will you make yourselves bad links in the national
chain which ought to unite your remotest posterity to that noble
ancestry of which you profess to be proud ? Shall your descend-
ants be tempted to use falsehood to hide their disgrace P Must
they say, '^ No I we are not descended from the Germans who
were conquered in 1808 P " . . . . And many men in other lands
conjure you now to maintain your freedom. For amongiall
peoples there are souls who will not believe that the glorious
promise of the dominion of justice, reason, and truth among men
is all a vain dream. No 1 they still trust in that promise, and
pray you to fulfil your great part in its realisation. . . . Yea, all
the wise and good in all the past generations of mankind join iu
my exhortation. They seem to lift up iniploiing hands in your
presence, and beseech you to fulfil their ardent desires and aspira-
tions. May I not say even that the Divine plan of Providence is
waiting for your co-operation P Shall all who have believed in
the progress of society and the possibility of just government
among men be scouted as silly dreamers f Shall all the dull
souls who only awake from a sleepy life, like that of plants and
animals, to direct their scorn against every noble purpose, be
triumphant in their mockery P You must answer these questions
by your practical career. . . .
* The old Roman world, with all its grandeur and glory, fell
under the burthen of its own unworthiness and the power of our
forefathers. And if my reasoning has been correct, you, the de-
scendants of those heroes who triumphed over corrupted Rome,
are now the people to whose care the great int^ests of humanity
are confided. The hopes of humanity for deliverance out of the
depths of evil depend upon you ! K you fall, humanity falls with
t
XXVL] FICHTE. 423
you I Do not flatter yourselves with a vain consolation, imajrining
that future eventa, if not better, will be not worse than the events
of past ages. If the modern civilised world sinks, like old Home,
into corruption^ you may suppose that some half-barbartHn but
energetic race, like the ancient Qermans, may arise and establish
a new order of society on the ruins of the old. But where will
yon find such a people now P The surface of the earth has been
explored. Every nation is known. Is there any half-barbarous
race now existing and prepared to do the work of restoration as
our ancestors did it ? Everyone must answer ^* No." Then my
conclusion is established. If you, who constitute the centre of
modem civilised society, fall into slavery and moral corruption,
then humanity must fall with you — and without any hope of a
restoration.'
It is impossible to mention here all the literary men whose
services to their country at this time deserve to be remembered.
All classes were united for one common object, and, for once in
the history of modem times, philosophy and political science,
poetry and reality, literature and life, were joined in a firm
alliance. Philosophy, as we have seen, was represented by Fichte;
to represent theology, Schlbiebmicher came to the front, and
Steffens, the imaginative man of science, not only spoke for
freedom, but served bravely in the army and gained the dibtinction
of the Iron Cross.
Among the historians and publicists who aided the national
movement Joseph Gorres (1776-1848) must be mentioned as
one of the leading representatives of the Romantic School. He
was enthusiastic and imaginative in his writings on the faith and
the institutions of the Middle Ages, and ultimately declared him-
self a believer in Ultramontane doctrine. His zealous services
to the national interest made his name very prominent in 1814
and afterwards, when he edited ' The Rhenish Mercury.'
Karl vok Rotibck (1776-1840), the author of a * Universal
History ' (1813), and of many writings on political and military
affairs, should be named here, if only on account of his just de-
nunciation of Napoleon's despotism. The facta stated by Rotteck
serve to explain and to justify many expressions of indignation
that might seem intemperate. A few sentences may convey the
purport of the denunciation here referred to : —
* The victory of Austerlitz,' says the historian, ' was as ruinous
424 OUTLINES OF GER3MLAN LITERATURE. [Cu.
to tbe liberty of the French people as to the independeDce of Ger-
many/ After that, the armies of Napoleon fought for the en-
thronement of a despot, who had no respect for the principles
asserted in the revolution which had conferred on him his enormous
power. His flatterers declared that he derived his authority from
the approbation of the people; but at the time when this was
boldly asserted, the most stringent measures were used to prevent
every free expression of public opinion.' . . .
'All the governments of Europe were to be reduced to a state of
vassalage under one military power^ and this vast scheme seemed
likely to be realised ; for in 1807 only England and Turkey re-
mained free. The despot's own relatives, Joseph at Naples, I^uis
in Holland, and Jerome in Westphalia, were^ like the members of
the Hhemhundf mere cieatures moved by one will.'
In a material point of view the system founded only on the
strength of that will seemed firm ; but a mighty moral power
arose and overthrew the mechanical empire. Poets and dreamers
were found to be practical men, and Schiller, Fichte, Arndt,
Korner, and many other men of a class despised by the tyrant
called up a power more formidable than that of legions, and greatly
aided the nationtd movement that led to victory at Leipzig and
at Waterloo.
Patriotism and Religion, represented by both Catholics and
Protestants were both united, as they ought to be, with Poetry
and Philosophy. But the great efFoi-t demanded was physical as
well as moral, and to preach the duty of training the body as Well
as the mind for the service of the State, Fried rich LuDWie
Jahn (1778-1852), the great gymnastic trainer, came forward^
and not in vain. His services were urgently required, and he
gave them with a}l the zeal that was the characteristic 6f his
nature. His book on ' Gymnastic Training,' published in 181G,
gave the results of his practical efforts made before that time, and
led to the establishment of the Tumveretn (^ Gymnastic Union *)
as an important attendant on mental culture. Jahn gathered
together, at Breslau, a body of volunteers whom he led to battle
in 1814 It may be added, as a pleasing instance of national
wisdom as well as gratitude, that a monument raised in honour
of Jahn, the physical reformer, was unveiled near Berlin in 1872.
Such honour paid to the good and brave men of the past is a good'
sign for the Empire's futui-e.
XXVI.] ARll^DT. 425
But, passing over other names of statesmen, soldiers, preachers,
and puhlicists, we must hasten to note a few of the poets who now
a&erted their power. Schiller, though dead, was still speaking.
As we have said, he holdly predicted the rising of the nations
against oppression, and his writings' helped to hasten the fulfilment
of his own prophecy.
Next must be named the steadfast veteran Ernst Mobitz
Abndt, who died, at the age of ninety, in 1860. In 1806-12 he
was travelling from one place to another, to escape from Napoleon's
inquisitors. Their zeal in the pursuit of Amdtwas not to be
wondered at, for he was more formidable than a regiment of sol-
diers. His words were as truculent as any ever uttered by Hagertj
the fierce man of the Ntbeltmgenlied, and, at the present time, we
can hardly read them all with approval. But no cold and unreal
criticism must be applied to burning words kindled by an in-
tolerable sense of oppression. Amdt might have tajcen for his
motto the words of Juvenal, in the well-known passage beginning
with ^ Ef^o bonus miles/* (*Be a good soldier ! ') Thus Arndt
begins one song on the right use of iron in times of bondage :-^
The God who made the iron ore
Will have no man a slave ;
To arm the man's right hand for war
The sword and the epear He gave,
And He gives to ub a daring heart,
And for burning words the breath
To tell the foeman that we fear
Dishonour more than death.
One of Amdf B most fervid ballads tells of the fate of the brave
Ferdinand Ton Schill^ who^ in 1609, made a premature and un-
successful attempt to cany out the design of the Tugendbund,
Schill hoped, by making a bold attack on the enemy in West-
phalia, to give the signal for a general rising of the people ', but
the time was inopportune. He was compelled to retreat on Stral-
sund, where his scanty forces made a brave resistance against
superior numbers. Schill was shot and afterwards beheaded;
then, as Amdt tells —
They gave to his corpse a mean fxmeral, damb»
With no music of fifes and no roll of the drum,
And no rattle of musketrj' over the grave
Where they buried in silence otir hero brave.
Another of Amdt's patriotic songs—
"426 . . OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [C2k.
JFas Ut de» Deutschen VaUrhtndf^
is so well knowD; and has been sung so often, that it may he called
the national hymn of Germany ; but it haa been justly observed
that it tells too much of the old times of division (Zerstuckehmg)
that led to the degradation of 1806. The latter are far better than
the earlier stanzas, of which we translate only one :—
Where is the German's Fatiierfand ?
Is 't Prussia, or the Suabiau land?
Where by the Rhine the grapes are growing ?
Or where the Baltic waves are flowing?
<Ohnol Oh no!
Far wider is our Fatherland I '
• • ■ • •
Where is the German's Fatherland ?
Declare to us where is that land.
' As far as 'neath the spreading skies
Our German hymns to God aris^^
All that wide land.
Brave brothers, call our Fatherland I
' All Germany we call our own I
May God behold it firohi His throne ;
And give to all who in it dwell
True hearts to love and cherish well
All this wide land —
All Germany, our Fatherland ! '
Theodob Kobi7£b's life and writings are enough to prove how
the spirit of Schiller*s poetry stirred the hearts of thousands
during the War of Liberation. It was remarkable that the youth
whose brave example had such an effect in kindling patriotic
enthusiasm was the son of Schiller's most faithful friend. Theodor,
bom at Dresden in 1791^ was an earnest student of Schiller's
poetry; and wrote several dramas^ of which Zriny was the most
successful. But the sounds of war called the young poet away
from his studies and recreations at Yiennay where he had gained
the appointment of poet to the theatre, and, tearing himself away
from flattering circumstances and kind friends, he, with his
father's consent, joined a troop of volunteers, in which he was soon
made a lieutenant. He fought bravely, was severely wounded,
but i^tumed to flght again, and animated his companions by
martial songs — 'The Prajfer before Battle;' 'The people rise, the
storm breaks loose I ' ' Thou sword at my left side,' and others--
which were collected under the title 'The Lyre and the Sword,'
XXVI.] • KEENER 427
Thus Komer addressed the youth who could stay at home in
1818 :—
Let our last hour come in the midst of the fight I
O welcome the death of a soldier brave I
While you, *neath you coverlet silken and bright^
Cower like a dog, in jour fear of the grave ;
Yoa will die like a base and a pitiful wight.
,. • • • .,•
Here, come along I whoever is strong,
A sabre to swing in defence of the right I
There was no idle boasting in Theodor's battle-songs. He was
ready to make the sacrifice which he demanded of others for the
welfare of the nation. After serving bravely as adjutant in
Liitsow's corps of volunteers^ Komer fell, mortally wounded, in a
skirmish which took place near Gadebusch, August 26, 1813/ and
he was buried under an oak at Wobbelin, where there is a
monument to his memory. lie anticipated such a close of his
career when he -sang thus of IAitzow*8 Wilde Jagdx —
See there in the valley thej rush in the fight,
Where sabres and helmets are clashing;
From their blades, as on helmets of steel they smite^
Through the smoke of the battle there glistens a light,
The sparks of our freedom are flashing.
What mean the black horsemen who ride such a race ?
That is LUtzow's fearless and desperate chase X
Who lies mid his foes on the battle-place ?
Though from life and from friends he must sever.
Though no more he must join in the desperate chaae^
There is not a shadow of fear on his face,
For our country is f^ and for ever !
The bold and black rider has ended his race :
That was Ltttzow's fearless and desperate chase t
Not only buch bold anB restless spirits as- were led on byKSner,
but also men of a quiet and pious character, like that of Max yoit
SoHBNKEirooKF (1784-1817), shared the enthusiasm of the time.
Schenkendorfy who wrote soothing and Christian poetry, was the
author of aeyeral good patriotic songs, including the * Soldier's
Matin Song'—
Awaken.! — ^from the dust
Arise, ye sleepers all I
and the ' Rhine-song ' (not easily translated), beginning well with
the line— '
E$ kUngi em heUer Klang,
428 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE.' [Ck.
The following lines may giro some notion of the first stanza of
thia excellent song: —
The sound how clearly ringing
Of that dear old German name I
Tie heard where men are singing
To spread abroad the fam^
Of one whose ancient line is royal,
A king to whom all hearts are ioyal ;
It cheers the heart, like wine^
» To hear that name — ^the Rhine I
Another of the martial singers of the time called himself
Freimund Raimar, and wrote battle-songs and a series of sonnets
entitled ' Sonnets in Armour/ He was afterwards better kno^
as Fbissrich Rijckbrt, the writer of a great number of
melodious verses and of some excellent translations of Oriental
poetry. Headers who are acquainted only with his later writings
might not believe that Riickert ever wrote, in a song, the 'Battle
of Leipzig/ such lines as these : —
There, at our Leipzig three dayv' fair,
We gave yon good measure — good measure of steel —
And we balanced accounts with our creditors there.
Some of the other stanzas were even less poetical than that» and
might be censured as almost savage ; but can we wonder at the
national anger of the Prussians, when we remember Wordsworth's
poems against Napoleon P When the despot committed the &tal
error of leading his army to fight against a Kussian winter, it was
a British poet who thus expressed his exultation in the vast
disaster that followed : —
Fleet the Tartar's reinless steed,
But fleeter far the pinions of the Wind
Which from Siberian caves the Monarch freed
And sent him forth, with squadrons of his kind.
And bade the snow their agiple backs bestride,
And to the battle ride.
No pitying voice commands a halt.
No courage can repel the dire assault ;
Distracted, spiritless, benambed, and blind.
Whole legions sink, and, in one instant, find
Burial and death.
Even after such a disaster as that in Russia, the despot could
raise new annies and agsin assert his will to hold Europe in
XXVI.] LATER WAB-SOKGS. 429
chaiou9. Bat it was too late. The people were rialDg in maases
to repel invasion, and the victory at the Katzhach soon followed.
Echoes of the songs called forth bj the War of Liberation
lingered in German poetry long after 1816. Qpe of these echoes is
Julius Mosen's short ballad on ^ The Katzhach Trumpeter/ which
may be given here : —
Upon the field at Kutzbach the dying trumpeter lay.
And from hia breast a red stream was flowing fiut away.
Hark ! as he straggles, reeling, what lifts him from the groond ?
Hark 1 o*er the field comes pealing a well-known Joyons sound t
It gives him life and vigoar ; he grasps his horse's mane ;
He mounts, and lifts his trumpet to his dying lips again.
He gathers all his strength, to hold it in his hand.
Then pours, in tones of thunder, * Victoria ' o'er the land.
* Victoria 1 ' sounds the trumpet*- * Victoria I * all around—
* Victoria 1 '—like loud thunder it runs along the ground.
And in that thrilling blast the trumpeter's spirit fled ;
He breathed in it bis last,, and firom his steed fell dead.
The regiment, assembled, stand silent where he lies ;
' That,' says their brave Commander — ' that's how a soldier dies I '
That battle won at the Katzhach gave promise of the greater
triumph at Leipzig and of the final victory won by Wellington^
Bliicher, and Gneisenau at Waterloo.
It cannot be expected that we shall find, in the war-songs of
this time, any sympathy with defeated invaders. At a later time,
the fidelity of tiie French soldiers to their Corsican leader was
made the subject of one of Heine's ballads, from which a few lines
may be quoted. They tell how the news from Waterloo was
received by two veterans who had escaped from a Russian jail :—
Then wept the two old Grenadiers
To conquered France returning —
Said one, when he had heard the news,
* How my old wound b burning 1 '
* Our game is lost I ' the other gioaned—
* I would that I were dead ;
But I have wife and child in France^
And they must still be fed I '
* Who cares for wife and children now ?—
Our standards are forsaken ! —
Let wife and children go and beg-*
The Emperor is taken ! '
430 OUTLINES or GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
Among many young students who served as volunteers in the
war, Erkst Schvlze^ bom at Celle in 1789, is remembered as
the author of two poems — * Cacilia ' and the * Enchanted Rose ' —
noticeable chiefly for their excellent Tersification. The long epic
poem first named contains twenty cantos, all written to im-
mortalise the memory of an amiable young woman who died at
an early 'age. When he had written several * cantos, Schulze
found his health declining, but a new interest called him back
to life. He joined a regiment of volunteers in 1814, and, during
the time of his soldiership, hardships, field exercises, and marches
restored cheerfulness to his mind. At the close of his military
excursion he returned to Gottingen, and devoted himself to the ,
completion of his ' Cacilia.' During his last illness he wrote the
poem of ' The Enchanted Hose,' which is a good specimen of the
smoothness and ^egance of his versification, but has not enough
of human character, adventure, and intereiist to attract many
readers. Schulze died in 1817, aged twenty-nine years.
It cannot be said thal^ the excitement attending the War of
Liberation had any permanent good infiuence on literature. Hopes
that had been cherished of a restored empire, or of a republic,
were destined soon to fade away. The enthusiastic students of
Jena, at their WaHhargfeA (1817), made an attempt to assert
national unity, at least in the universities ; but the movement was
imkindly suppressed, and such patriots as Arndt, Jahn^ and
G5rres were harshly treated as demagogues.
The policy of the day was retrogressive, and literature for a
time followed the example of the State. The plays of Werner and
Miillner still had possession of the stage ; Hofiinann's wild and
unwholesome fictions were extensively read, and the leaders of
the Romantic School recommended, as an opiate, the study of
Hindoo poetry. In doing so, they were following Goethe, who,
when deprived of Schiller^s stimulating friendship, sought
quietude in the studies of physical science, art, and Oriental poetry.
It was a natural tendency at his time of lif^ ; but, strange to say,
his example was followed by young men. A want of all strong
interest in the affairs of political and social life is one of the
privileges of age ; but it was out of place in Riickert and others,
who in some of their poems adopted the quietism and pantheistic
indifference; as weU as the forms and metres, of Pereian lyrical
poetry.
XXVIJ RETROGKESSION. 431
Meanwhile seTeral writers of the later Romantic School con-
tinned their dreams of the Middle Ages, But the inflaence of
these writers Was not popular. They were accused of loving an
imaginatiye quietism, of having some aristocratic tendencies, of
forming cliques for a fair exchange of adulation, and of making
for themselves idols of quietistic art and poetry. There was
some truth in these charges ; hut, on the other side, the services
of the Romantic School in the revival of German archasology and
philology. Oriental literature, and literary history must not be for-
gotten.
It would be unjust to ascribe to the tendencies of the Romantic
School all the depression and retrogression in literature and in
political life that followed the War of Liberation. We have seen
that neither the best poetry of the dasilfc time, nor the romantic
poetry that followed, fairly represented popular literature. That,
unfortunately, consisted mostly of such productions as Tiedge's
dull * Urania,' Mahlmann's and Muchler's poems, Eotzebue's plays,
and Olauren's novels. Milliner and other writers of the deplorable
' fate-tragedies,' and, rather later, Raupach, ruled on the stage ;
Van der Velde and Ilaring supplied a large demand for imitations
of Sir Walter Scott's romances, and Zschokke, already named as
a writer of sensational fiction, was, at a later time, industrious
in writing tales of a utilitarian and homely description, which
were, at least, wholesome antidotes to Clauren's tales and Hoff-
mann's morbid fictions.
Other opponents of low literature had good motives, but no
great success. Wilhelm Haufi^, who ridiculed Clauren's manner,
Karl Spindler, the romancist, and a few other names might be
mentioned as exceptions to the general literary dulness of the
time when Ludwig Uhland and his friends of the Suabian School
arose and«gained success by writing poetry that was at once
romantic, national, and popular. Uhland's first iinpuUe came, it
must be remembered, from the Romantic School; but his ten-
dencies in literature, as in politics, were progressive ajs well as
national.
JoHAiTN Ltjdwig IJHLAin) was bom, in 1787, at Tiibingen, where
he studied law an4 was appointed professor of German literature
ia 1829. He wajs active as a member of the German Parliament
in 1848, and died in 1862. Hia first volume of poetry (1815)
was very successful, and soou passed through several editions.
l32 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATITRE. [Ch.
In bis lyricftl ballads the imaginative scenery of old times was
well united with a livipg and popular interest. His dramas —
' Ernst, Buke of Suabia ' and * Ludwig the Bavarian ' — ^though
founded on medieval history, avoid errors of the Romantic
School, but cannot be classed with the poet's best writings,
Uhland's contributions to the literary history of his native land
include an excellent collection of old popular songs and a bio*
graphy of the Minnesinger ' Walther von der Vogelweide.'
Uhland's lyrical and lyrio-epic poetry tells of no expansive and
eventful life. It leads us into a picturesque region haunted by
knights and dames in mediesval costumes ; or to some pleasant
valleys in Suabia inhabited by quiet, honest people, dwelling
among their gardens, orchards, flowers, and children. The preva-
lent form of Uhland's pdltry is lyric-epic ; he often tells a story
very briefly, suggests its appropriate scenery, and expresses well
its pervading sentiment It is one of his merits that, without
-writing in a dull didactic strain, he can suggest some wholesome
thought while he tells a stoxy. Here is one example — the robber
steps out of the forest and is disarmed by the aspect of inno-
cence:—
The robber chiefs one April day,
Looks out from the forest dim ;
Fear^eas, on her woodland way
Walks a maiden fair and slim.
' If, instead of flowers of spring/
Said the forest-chieftain wild,
' You bore the jewels of a king,
Ton should pass unhurt, my child 1 '
Then he gazed, with musing face.
While the Qiaiden, with a song,
Through the solitary place
To her hamlet paced along ;
Till, at home, amicL the bloom «
Of her garden-flowers she stood—
Then he stepped into the gloom
Of the silent fir-tree wood.
Another short poem, consisting of but a few simple words^ may
serve as an example of the writer's pathos : —
* What music wakes me from my fleep ?
Mother, who can they be
That, in the night so dsrk and deep,
Come here to sing for me ? '
XXVI.] UHLAND. 433
'I nothing hear, I nothing
Tour fancy was beguiled ;
Thfsy have no serenade for thee^
My poor, aflSkted child I '
It 18 no earthly music this !
It fills me with delight I
The angels call me to their bliss—
O mother dear, good-night I '
. In other poems Uhlaod leads his readers into dream-land, or into
the weird enchanted forest, where * Harald ' iat transformed into a
statue. It may be, that the tale is told only for the sake of
the scenery; or the poet may kint that warriors who have
escaped from all the dangers of open battle may be overcome in
places where they see nothing whatever to be feared : —
Before his warlike company rode Harald, hero bold ;
They travelled through the forest wild, in moonlight still and cold.
m
Their banners, won in many a fight, were waving in the air;
Their battle-songs were echoed back, from mountains bleak and bare.
Then the ballad tells how all the company^ except Harald|
were led away by beautiful elves into fairy-land. Their leader
after escaping &om one snare, falls into another. He stays to
drink at an enchanted fountain^ and, as soon as be bas quenched
bis thirsty be falls into a deep trance—
And there he sleeps, upon that stone, a hundred years away—
His head reclining on his breast — his hair and beard are gray.
When lightnings flash and thundns roll, and all the woods have roared
He startles, in his long, long dream, and grasps his idle sword.
Another poem that, like ' Harald/ may be called mystic, is less
obscure, and, if fairly translated, would be a good specimen of
Uhland's versification. The poet wanders far into a forest, where
the distant tolling of bells caUs up a vision of 'a lost churcb/ a
secluded sanctuary, &r away from all sectarian strife :^>
In the deep forest, far away,
The wanderer hears the sound of beHs :
Whence comes the music who can say ?
For scarcely one old legend teUs.
It cometh from the old church gray
That lies in deep, unbroken dka^
Where hundreds went, of yore, to pray,
Or Joined to raise the holy psalm. ^ ,
434 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEEATURR [Ch.
I went into the wood to pray,
From every path I wandered wide;
For freedom from this evil day.
For rest and sanctity I sighed.
The music from the ancient tower
Came, soothing, through the forest air,
And rose and swelled with greater power
As higher rose my soul in prayer.
• • • • ■
The solemn glory of the shrine.
As at the altar-steps I kneeled —
The sounds of harmony divine
Can never be in words revealed.
He who would learn these things most go
Far in the forest lone to pray,
And follow well the sounds that flow
From the old church-tower far away.
Other writers of the Suabian school may be but briefly noticed,
for all their best characteristics are found in Uhland*s poetry.
GusTAY Schwab (1792-1850) was the pastor of a church at
Stuttgart, and, by his prose writings as well as hb poetry,
rendered good service to national literature. His j^oems, consists
ing mostly of songs and ballads, are national and Christian in
their tone. His other works include a good biography of Schiller,
some well-edited anthologies of German prose and verse, and a
useful bibliographical guide to German literature.
It is only with regard to the character of some of his ballads
and lyrical poems that another Suabian, Justin us Kerneb (1786-
1802) should be classed with Uhland's followers. Kemer's other
writingiB, in prose and verse, might lead us too far into the region
of dreams and mysteries. He might have pretixed to one of his
works a motto from an old Scottish author —
Of brownies and of bogles fuU is this buick.
Kemer was a physician who practised at Weinsberg and gained
a wide reputation as a writer on visionary subjects. But he wrote
also popular songs, several spectral and dismal ballads, and some
humorous fictions in prose. One of his books has the alarming
title, ' Incursions from the Ghostly World into the Sphere of
Human Life ; ' another gives an account of 'the Visionary of Pre-
vorst'
It would be hardly fair to select from Eemer*s poems a stoiy
having no unearthly interest. The following may be given as
one of the least dreadful of the writer's tales of apparitions : —
XXVI.] CHAMISSO. 435
In tbe mild-beaming, blossoming month of May,
The maidens of TUbipgen dance and play.
They danced one ere, as the day grew pale,
Bound the old lUne in the Neckar vale.
There came a yonng stranger, proudly arrayed.
And led to the dance the fairest maid.
To the dance as the maiden, deep-blushing, he led^
A sea-green chaplet he placed on her head.
* Young stranger I oh why is your hand so white ? *
—-In the water tiie sunbeams lose their might.
He leads down the dance, far away from the tree :
— ' List, stranger I my mother is calling for me.'
He leads her along by the Neckar's side —
< Oh leave me^ oh leave me ! ' the maiden cried.
He clasps her, and presses her dose to his side—
' Fair maid ! thou shalt be the Water-sprite's bride.'
They dance till they come to the Neckar's brink —
' O father I O mother ! * she cries as they sink.-
To his hall of crystal he leads her pale —
'Adieu 1 O my sisters in yonder green vale I *
As a writer of melodious and popular songs^ Wilhbiv Mulleb
(I794-I827) was one of the best of all Uhland's numerous
followers. Still higher praise might be given to the earlier
Ijrrical poems written by ATieTTST Hsivrioh HoFFHAinr, who was
bom at Fallersleben in .1798. His later writings may be Noticed
in a subsequent chapter.
There was a latent tendency in Uhland's own poems to give to
fiction an earnest and practical tone, and this led to the political
poetry of a later time. It is chiefly with a reference to this
tendency that Ohamisso's poems may be here noticed.
In literature, as in his life, the Frenchman, Adalbibbt yoit
Ohamisso — ^who not only thoroughly mastered the German lan-
guage, but almost made himself a German — stood alone ; though,
on account of his dear style, his tendency, and his frequent choice
of popular subjects, he may be associated with Uhland and the
other Suabiaa poets. Ohamisso, bom in 1781, waa a member of
ff2
436 OUTLINES OF GEllMAN LITERATUBB. [Ch.
the old and aristocmtic French ^mily, Chamiaso de Bonconrt,
who were expelled from France hy the reyoluiion in which they
lost their estates. Adalhert, when only nine years old, emigrated
with his parents, and, after 1797, lired with them in Berlin, where
he entered the Prussian army. He accompanied the navigator
Otto von Kotzehue in a voyage romid the world, and, subsequently,
held for some yea;? an appointment at the Botanic Garden in
Berlin, where he died in 1838. Ilis character was dignified end
amiable, but was shaded by the melancholy that finds expression
in many of his poems.
Ghamisso is remarkably versatile in his choice of themes and —
like Heine — can tell a story concisely ; but he too often writes
gloomy tragedy, as in ' the Grudfix ' and Matteo Falcone.' The
tone maintained In these stories is strongly contrasted with the
gentle and sentimental character of the lyrical poems included
under the title lyauen^Liebe und Leben,
'I am a Frenchman in Germany,' Ghamisso once said, 'a
Gatholic among Protestants, and a Protestant among Gatholics.'
His story of Peter Schlemihl — * the man who lost his shadow * —
gives expression to the author^s own feeling of solitude. Many
readers have asked what could be intended by the shadow. Some
have said that it represents the author's native land ; others, that
it indicates the superficial advantages on which success in society
seems often to depend. The loss of the shadow may, we think^
represent any unhappiness that leaves a man alone in the world.
One of the merits of the story is its artful blending of a fantastic
adventure with a serious interest.
The hero of the tale — Peter Schlemihl — tells us how he sold
his own shadow for an inexhaustible bag of money, and how he
found out — when it was too late— that serious annoyances fol-
lowed this remarkable bargain : —
< <' Done I " said I, taking the bag : — '^ for this good purse you
shall have my shadow 1 " The man in the gray frock instantly
struck the bargain, and kneeling down before me, he, with ad-
mirable dexterity, rolled up my shadow from head to foot on the
grass, then took it up, and put it into his pocket. As he walked
away, I fancied that I heard him inwardly chuckling, as if he had
outwitted me, but I never realised the consequences of my bargain
before it was done. Now I stood, astonished and bewildered, in
the fUU glace of sunshine, and without a shadow ! When I re-
XXVI.] CHAinSSO. 437
covered my senses, I likastened to leav6 the place. Havbg fiUed
my pockets with gold piecesy I pat the cord of the purse roimd my
necky and hid it in my bosom. Then I escaped unnoticed from
the park, found the public road, and walked towards the town.
I was lost in a reverie until I approached the gate, when I heard
a scream behind me, and looking round, saw an old woman, who
followed me, and cried out, ** Why, sir — sir, you have lost your
shadow 1 " I was really obliged to the old dame for her reminding
me of my case ; so I threw to her a few gold pieces, and then
stepped into the deep shade under some trees. But when I
arrived at the town-gate, my memory of the strange bargain was
again refreshed as I heard the sentry mutter, *' Where has the
gentleman left his shadow ?*' As I hastened along the street, I
passed two women, one of whom exclaimed, '' Blessed Mary, pre-
serve us ! that man has no shadow.*' I hastened away from them,
and contrived to keep under the shade of the houses until I came
to a wide part of the street which I must cross in order to arrive
air my lodgings ; but, most unhappily, just as I passed into the
broad glare of the sunshine, a day-school was turning out its
orowd of unruly boys, and a wicked, high-shouldered little imp (I
remember him well) immediately detected my imperfection. ''Ha,
ha ! " he shouted maliciously, ''here's a curiosity ! Men generally
have shadows when the sun shines. Look, boys — ^look at the
gentleman with no shadow I " Enraged, I threw about me a
handful of money, to disperse the crowd of boys, and then called
a hackney-coach, into which 1 leapt, to hide myself from my
fellow-creatures.'
The sentiment of solitude that gives interest to fantastic cir-
cumstances in Peter Schkmihl is more nobly expressed in one of
the writer's best narrative poems — Solas y Gomez. It is founded
on a thought that occurred to his mind when he was on a cruise
in the South Pacific Ocean and in sight of Solas y Oomee — ^a bare
precipitous reef, haunted only by sea-fowl. It was said that
some fragments of a wrecked ship had been found on the reef, and
this suggested to the poet the image of a solitary man^ more
unhappy than Crusoe— a wretch left alone on that bare crag and
kept alive too long by such food as the eggs of sea-birds might
supply. His transitions of feeling — ^from grief to hope and from
hope to despair — are well told : — A sail appears, like a speck upon
the line where tha sky and the sea join ; it cornea neaser and grows
438 OUTLINES 07 GEBMAK LTTEEATUBE. [Ck.
deiBTer; but soon fades away from the strained yuion of the
solitary, and the ocean, the sky, the wailing sea-birds are once
more all his world. Then follows his deepest despair ; but it is,
at last) transmuted into submission. As he looks up to the con-
stellation of the Southern Cross, shining on the deep, that sign of
suffering and patience suggests to him these thoughts of peace and
zedgnation : —
The tempest that within me nved has passed ;
Here, ivhere so long IVe suffered — all alone —
I will lie down in peace and breathe my last.
Let not another sail come near this stone
Until all sighs and tears have paased away !
Why should I long to go^a man unknown —
To see my childhood's home, and there to stray.
Without a welcome or kind look, and find
That all my dear old friends are 'neath the day ?
Lord I by thy grace, my soul — to Thee resigned —
Let me breathe forth in peace, and let me sleep
Here, where thy Cross shines calmly o*er the deep.
BsBNBABD Gabys and JoHAinfr Baptist ton Albebtist, both
members of the church of the United Brethren, and Albebt Ejtapp,
a pastor at Stuttgart, should be mentioned here as writers of
religious lyrical poetry in which piety and good taste are com-
bined.
In Dramatic Literature no great progress was made, but some
improvement took place when Milliner's disgraceful ^fate-tragedies '
were followed by the productions of an industrious playwright
named Ebnst Benjamik Haufach (1784-1862), who wrote,
beside other plays, a cyclus of sixteen dramas, all founded on the
history of the Hohenstaufen Emperors. . The merits of Kaupach's
plays are theatrical rather than dramatic.
Such plays were, however, preferable to the crude dramatic
poems written by Dibtbioh Chbistian Gbabbe (1801-36), whose
life was as wild as his dramas. They attracted notice by some
. energetic passages of imaginative declamation, but repelled readers
who cared for good taste. The title of one of Grabbe's works,
' Don JCian and Faust,' may indicate its character, and a few lines
may show that the author could here and there write poetry: —
The day is wonderfully beautiful I
Bome's old gray roins glisten in the light
Like spirits glorified. Such autrmin days
Are only seen at Borne. Like the old Romany
XXVI.] IMMEBHANK. 439
These fields in purple robes of victoiy
Clothe themselves ere the^ die.
In the South of Germany the dramatic works of Febdin^kb
Kaiuunb (1790-1836) and Joseph von Auffenbebq (1798-1867)
had considerahle success. The former skilfully combined some
traits of actual life with his plots, which were founded on old
popular stories and fairy tales.
Another dramatic writer, Kabl Lebbecht Ihmebhavn (1796-
1840), though possessing a truly poetic genius, failed remarkably
in his attempts to write for the stage. His ineffectiye dramas,
Cardenio und Celinde, Kaiser Friedrioh II., and Alexis, were
followed hy a dida8tic work in prose-fiction — Die Epigonen — and,
rather later, by a far better romance, MUnchhausefi, which is the
author's best work. It is subject, however, to a justly severe
criticism ; for it divides itself into two parts, which have no true
union. In the first part we have an extreme caricature of vain,
idle, and dissolute life at the ruinous old baronial castle of Schmch'
Schnack'Schnurry which is inhabited by the friends of Munch-
hattsen — a descendant fronl the notoriously mendacious baron of
the same name. In the other part of the romance, we have a
pleasant idyll founded on scenes from peasant-life in Westphalia
which is described in a tone of genial delight and is placed in
strong contrast with the so-called ' high life ' at the castle. At
last, the caricature and the rural romance are united, but in a most
unartistic mode. ^ Lisbeth,' the heroine of the idyll, is discovered
to be the daughter of the &aron Miinchhausen.
Immermann's successful story of rural life in Westphalia gave
a new impulse to popular fiction, and was followed by a series of
tales of the peasantry.
To conclude this chapter — ^it may be remarked, that the general
latent tendency of Uhland and his followers was to give to poetry
a social, popular, and political interest. This was, afterwards, more
clearly expressed in the popular fictions above referred to, and in
other depnrtments'of poetical literature*
440 OUTLU^ES Of GEBMA27 LITEBATUBE. [Ch. ^
CHAPTER XXVn.
SEVENTH PERIOD. 1770-1880.
aOXTKB*S 1ATB8T W0BK8 — BUCXBBT — VLAMS — BBIKS.
The literary productions of Goetbe*8 youth (1768-79) and the
best works of his manhood, or middle life (1779-1810) have been
noticed. We have still to mention soipe of the more important
works which were either entirely or partly written by Goethe in
the time of his old age (1810-32). If we had placed together all
our notices of his works, the arrangement would have failed to
represent the long interval existing between the first and the
latest. A short time before his death he ascended the heights
near Jena, and thence looked forth into the free expanse of sky ;
then down on the well-loved landscape. Of all the friends whom
in his youth he had known in the valleys of the Hm and the
Saale, how few were surviving I — * I feel well here/ said Goethe ;
and he added — forgetting that he was* nearly eighty years old —
^ we will often come up here again ! ' That good resolution was
not fulGlIed.
Goethe lived so long, that he was acquainted with three genera-
tions of literary men. The poet, who knew the once-dreaded
Leipzig critic (Gottsched), was Schiller's friend, and lived to hear
such young men as Platen, Heine, and Ebert, talked of as rising
poets. During the Seven Years' War, Goethe was studying
French and drawing ; he was writing autobiography and poetry
during the War of Liberation, and he was studying zoology when
the July Revolution of 1830 occurred. The author who read
Goldsmith's poems soon after their first publication, and who was
writing good lyrical poetry when Burns died and when Words-
worth was so despised by the Edinburgh, reviewers, lived so long
that he might have read Mr. Tennyson's first volume of poems,
published in 1830.
XXVII.] 'WILHELM MEISTER.* 441
It is obyions tbat it would be impossible to notice here all the
later writiDgs of an author whose career was as remarkable for
industry as for duration. He wrote, during the ten years 1810-
20— beside the ' West-East Divan ' (already noticed) and several
contributions to the literature of physical science, of art, and of
archsBology — an account of an ' Italian Journey ' and a part of the
Wanderjahr$. In 1820-80 he continued his contributions to his
journal for 'Art and Antiquity,' made some additions to his
autobiography, and completed the WanderjahrB, During the last
two years of his life he completed the Second Part of Fauat,
The more important of Goethe's later contributions to general
literature which still remain to be noticed are his Social Romances;
including the Wah^verwandUchafien (^Elective Affinities') and
Wilhelm Meistef^s Lehrjakre and Wanderjahre, Of the first-
named of these works (which was written in 1808-9) it may be
enough to say here that, while the author's want of reserve in
the treatment of the details of unhappy marriage has been
condemned, it must be admitted that his general aimis to assert
the authority of law over passion. In an artistic point of view,
this has been described as the author's best work in prose-fiction.
Wilhelm Meiater*8 Lehrfahre (' Wilhelm Meister's Apprentice-
ship '), a romance with a didactic tendency, was written, with
many interruptions, in the course of the years 1777-96. Though
written during the author's middle age, the work may be noticed
here in connection with its sequel. The title Lehrfahre prefixed
to the romance refers to the law of apprenticeship in the old
Zunfte (or ' trade companies *), as the tiUe Wanderjdhre (years of
travel), in the sequel, refers to the old trade-rule, that a journey-
man must spend some years in travelling and working under seveiid
masters before he could be admitted as a master in his trade.
Wilhelm Meister begins life with ideal expectations, writes
poetry — and wishes to cultivate art apart from all the cares and the
duties of practical life. In a fit of dejection he bums all his
poems and, at once, resolves to employ his talents in commerce.
But his purposes are easily changed by accidents and circumstances ;
he becomes acquainted with the members of a company of strolling
players, joins them, and finds a painful contrast between his own
ideal notions of the drama and the realities of an actor's life. In this
part of the story several characters are distinctly drawn and well
contrasted ; but the narrative is, here and there, interrupted by
dramatic criticism and other didactic passages.
n
442 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEBATUBE. [Ck.
The training received by Wilhelm during his apprenticeship is
by no means given in a direct didactic form, bat is often rather
implied than expressed. His education is placed under the
superintendence of a mysterious Union, or Brotherhood, whose
members meet Wilhelm from time to time, and afford some
guidance to his career. Their teaching is less clear than such as
we find in the WaAderjahre^ but indicates the doctrine that a
true education should embrace the whole character of a man, and
not only one or two of his talents. The hero is found, however,
at the close of his apprenticeship and after all the training that he
has received, still so weak and vacillating, that he hardly seems
deserving of all the attention that has been bestowed on his
education. His want of success. in art has le^ some readers to sup*
pose that the author's purport was to show how useless teaching
must be, when bestowed on a man destitute of genius. Thia
merely negative tendency, however, will not agree with the purport
of the Wandeijahre—tYi^ sequel to Meister's Apprenticeship.
Some of the stories inserted in this sequel were written as early
as in 1806 ; but the whole was not completed until 1821. Goethe
reconstructed this work in 1829, when he was eighty years old.
The romance may be regarded as intended to serve as a frame
inclosing the author's latest views of society and education, which
are interspersed with several episodes. The narrative is thua
broken into fragments, but the work is still interesting, for it
contains views of society that may, perhaps, be called prophetic
Goethe anticipated the social questions of the present times, and
pointed for their solution to free but well-organised educational
and co-operative institutions such as still belong to the future, k.
free union of work, religion and intellectual culture is the ideal of
a complete education, as it is described in the more important
sections of the Wanderfahre,
The lover of light fiction will not find delight in these 'Years
of Travel.' Their interest depends mostly on a few pervading
thoughts. Nature (as Goethe teUs us) will tolerate no omissions
of duty. We must not avoid ^ the lowlier duties of life,' and soar
away to enjoy high art Another doctrine is implied in the
book, namely, that the question of improved relations between
capital and labour is eminently a moral and educational question.
These are the most importaiit thoughts in what we may call tha
more speculative part of the ' Years of Travel.'
XXVn.] 'DIE WANDEEJAHRB/ 443
We are there introduced to an educational and industrial Utopia
where a solution is found of problems still connected with property
and labour, co-operation, the results of machinery, and plans of
emigration that are still unsettled. Capital is described, at once,
as a common fund and as property, and its holders are called
stewards. In the Utopia planned by Goethe, labour is educated
and organised, while the old guild laws for apprentices, journey-
men, and masters are reTived with some modifications of their
details. Education i^ made physical as well as mental and
religious, and is founded on 'the three reverences;' the first
having a regard to the supernatural world, the second respecting
the world placed in subjection to man, and the third expressing
itself in the social relations of men. The future dignity of
educated and co-operative labour is predicted in the idyll of
the modem 'Joseph the Carpenter ' and his family, and a co-
operative society of weavers is described at great length and with
many minute detuls. It seems strange to find the author of
' Faust ' writing of the culture of potatoes. He gives a warning
against dependence for food on these uncertain tubers, but does
not rail against them as Cobbett did. It is noticeable that
Goethe's warning was written eighteen years before the potato
famine of 1847.
' Some of the views on art expressed in the Wanderjahre may
also excite surprise. Goethe will have no theatres and no players
tolerated in his Utopia ; but vocal music is ^ be generally culti-
vated, and is used as a means of stimulating a cheerful industry.
The religion of this Utopia is described as a liberal and practical
exposition of Christianity — something like what is mysteriously
indicated, rather than explained, in Die Oeheimnisse, an unfinished
poem written by Goethe in 1786. The institution of the day of
rest in every week is preserved ; but worship is free.
The Co-operative Utopia has a strict system of police. Taverns
and circulating libraries are, like theatres, abolished. The land
is not demoralised by a standing army ; but drill is an important
part of education, and every man is trained to fight in his own
defence. Neither bells nor drums are tolerated, but companies of
working-men are summoned to their labour by the harmonious
sounds of wind instruments. Lastly, a Union is formed for the
promotion and regulation of a free and extensive Emigration, well
supported by capital, labour^ and good organisation. Like the
444 OUTLINES OF GERBiAN LITERATURE. [Ce,
labotuera who stay at home the free oompames of industrial emi-
grants, who go forth to America, are enoooraged by hopefiil
song. Here is one stanza from ' The Song of the EmigSADta ' :— *
Stay not here, as if fast bonnd I
Boldly ventare, freely roam ;
Labour's hand, on foreign growu^
Soon shall make another home.
Enterprise, onr cares dispelling,
Leaids us fiur as shines the sun ;
This wide world is all our dweUing,
And has treasures to be won.
The works already mentioned by no means represent the whole of
~Goethe*s literary activity i but our limits will aUow us only to note
Tory briefly his numerous and valuable contributions to esthetic
criticismy his endeavours to promote an international literary
union, and his researches in several departments of- phyrical
science. His extensive correspondence must alao be at least
mentioned, as supplying important aids towards every attempt
made to estimate fairiy his own character and that of the times in
which he lived. Of several reports of his conversations with
friends, the well-known work by John Pe1»r Eckermann may be
noticed as the most interesting. It contains reports of convexaa-
tions with Goethe during the last nine years of his life — &om
September 1822 to a few days before March 22, 1882, when
Goethe di^, at noon, in his eighty-third year.
In any attempt to estimate briefly the value of Gkmthe'a
writings — more partfcularly his poetical worka — ^we might notice^
chiefly, either their excellence aa works of art, or their extent
and variety, or, laatiy, their general moral and social tendencies.
Instead, however, of adding anything to the abundance of criti-
cism already written on theiae subjects, we would simply notice
here one grand characteristic of Goethe and his works. Hia
genius was expansive, conciliatory, and unitive in the highest
degree. He was one of the least abstract or insular of all the
literary men of all nations and of all times. There was, indeed^
hardly any one department of life or thought— excepting al-
ways mean party politics, polemic theology, and abstruse metap-
physics — that was excluded from the range of his sympathies and
studies.
Whatever may be said by men of sdenoe .of the value of
Goethe's researches in physicid science, his healthftil and reverent
XSVn.] GOETHE. 445
•
love of nature was one of the fineet traits in his character. In
his descriptions of human nature as it is, he incuired censure by
that want of exclusion and reserve to which we liave alreadj
referred as a common characteristic of literature in the time when
Gk>ethe passed his youth. It must be freely admitted that he
never entirely forgot all the tendencies of that age. He was a
naturalist, and could not write in the abstract and ' diy-as-dust '
style, eithtf of surrounding nature or the human life in which
that nature is summarised.
Severe censures have been lavished on Goethe for his indifference
with regard to the contentions of political factions, and to the
respective merits of several mere dead forms of government. It
is, at least, probable that his thoughts^ were employed on more
important subjects. He had a prevision of a coming time so
closely occupied with social questions and reformations as to find
hardly any leisure for the study of abstract politics, or for the
strategy of factions. He foresaw, and not without gloomy fore-
bodings, the character of the age in which we are living, and,
accordingly, his later writings — ^particularly, his social romances
'—consist partly of studies on the prospects of society.
If he refused to meddle with barren party politics, he en-
deavoured, on the other hand, to unite literature with practical
social interests. In the Wanderjahre — one of the least finished
works, in an artistic point of view — he suggests, as we have seen,
a vifflon of the future — a dream, perhaps, it must be called — of
a poetry, not printed on paper, but having for its words or symbols
industrious men and women and theur well-trained children. It
is a theory of music, having for its chords free educational and
industrial unions, in which all our lamentable divisions and con-
tentions of classes shall be abolished for ever. It may be only a
dream \ but it is the dream of a widely sympathetic mind«
Of Goethe's religious principles, neither an exposition nor a de-
fence can be here given ) but it may be observed that they were
neither negative nor polemical, but unitive and conciliatory.
The general notion implied in some of his writings, of a future
union of some form of Christianity with Hellenism, may be
understood in a very shallow sense, so as to appear merely absurd ;
but it admits a higher interpretation, as a theory demanding the
harmonious culture of both soul and body.
To estimate the aartistic excellence of Goethe's poetry we may
446 OUTHNES OF 0EBMAK LITEBATUBE. [Cb.
•
employ Hegel's rule — ^that tlie yalae of a work of art rises, firstly,
in the ratio as its thought is more deep or comprehensiye, and^ain
in the ratio as that thought is more poetically and vividly ex-
pressed. When judged by this rule, not only such a drama as
'Iphigenia' and such an idyll as 'Hermann and Dorothea/ but
several of Goethe's baUads and lyrical poems must be described
as excellent works of poetic art.
Among literaiy men who gained reputations during the last
ten or twelve years of Goethe*s life, we must name here three
poetical writers who^ while differing widely in their tendencies,
were alike in this — that they all contributed their aid to the
culture of an artistic style of poetry. The writers to whom we
refer are Ruckebt, Platen, and Heine.
Fbisdrigh Rx7Ce:ert (1780-1866^ studied at Jena, and, in hia
youth, wrote the * Sonnets in Armour,' and other patriotic poems
already referred to (ante, Chapter XXVI.). He was for some years
professor of oriental languages at Erlangen. His chief writings
include * Love's Springtime,' a series of lyrical poems highly com-
mended for their melody and purity of sentiment; numerous and
excellent translations of oriental poetry, and a very long didactic
poem (or rather a series of Alexandrine verses) entitled ' The Brah-
man's Wisdom.' Riickert's epic poetry (of which Sodent und
Suhrab is a specimen) has some fine passages here and there, but
is inferior to his best lyrical productions. His dramas ' Saul and
David,' ' Herod the Qreat,' and others, may be fairly described as
failures.
HircKEBT wrote the most melodious verse to be found within the
compass of German poetry, yet he wrote also some of the most
prosaic pieces in verse. A great part of his ' Brahman's Wisdom'
consists of nothing better than mere preaching or uttering strings
of proverbs in rhyme, but the prevalent didactic strain is, here
and there, relieved by some significant oriental story or legend,
told in a pleasing style. Riickert's translations from oriental
poets have been highly prtdsed by the most competent critics. In
his translations from Jellaleddin Rumi and several other Persian
poets, we find not only the sense of the original, but the metre,
the rhyme or assonance, and the mannerism of the oriental poet,
all clearly represented as if in a mirror.
Riickert's poetical merits are hardly to be foimd concentrated
in a few verses, or even in any few poems, but are rather seen in
XXVn.] BtJCKERT. 447
the wide extent of his cultuie. He has a perfect command of
language, and the versification of his best lyrical poems is so fluent
and musical, that it cannot be fairly expressed in a translation.
The following lines give, in the form of a paraphrase^ the import
of a passage in Biickert^ sketch of an ideal dtj, or a poet*s
Utopia. There, he says, the fine arts — music, painting, and
poetry — shall find their home : — *
Not dwell in dull seclusion lone,
But in the streets and round the throne,
As friends of every one, shall stand
And throw their magic o'er the land.
* And not to please a pedant's taste
The artist shall his labour waste,
But in the people's gladden'd eyes
Find his labour's richest prize.
There shall music's temple rise
And fill with harmony the skies,
And palaces where art divine
flakes eaith in heavenly colours shine.
The poets shall not tell their tales
To moonlit woods and nightingales,
Nor give the cheerful lyric strain
To old-world fables dull and vain,
Of knights and saints in ancient days,
Nor fill with idle dreams their lays ;
But in the city bards shall dwell.
By king and people honoured well*
And poetry, no idle art,
Shall cheer the universal heart.
Biickert and Platen were alike in three respects : — ^both wrote
with a tendency to introduce a political school of poetry; and
both were generally veiy careful students of versification; We
regret to add, as the third common trait, that both were remark-
able for their indulgence in the luxury of self-laudation. Riickert's
self-complacency is amusing; Platen's is stem or defiant, and
implies a contempt for many of his contemporaries. In two or
three of his poems, he speaks as proudly as Horace in the ode
beginning with Sxegi monumevium.
Platen owes his fame more to the beauty of his versification
than to the vigour or originality of his thoughts. Several of his
best poems are like ancient statues, classical, cold^ and pale. He
could gracefully bend his mother-tongue to the metres of Horace ;
but could not move the feelings of the people. Yet Platen,
though deficient in original invention and popular purpose, wins
448 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cta.
our favour by his taste and elegance; qualities too rare in these
days of hasty writing.
Max Gbav yok PLATBN>HAi.LEBHinn>E was bom at Ansbach
in 1796. Though titled, his family was not wealthy, and, in
accordance with his father's wishes, fhe young count entered
into the military service — an ungenial school for a mind whose
greatest delight was found in the elegance of classical literature.
He was soon weary of the army's discipline, and went to pursue
his favourite studies at the University of Wiirzburg. Soon
afterwards he removed to Erlangen, where he listened to the
poetical philosophy of Schelling, and became the friend of the
poet Kiickert. The result of this friendship was, that Platen
began to write verses in the oriental strain then fashionable.
These oriental poems are less remarkable than Platen's fine
imitations of the spirit and style of the old classic poets, especially
Horace. We ought hardly to call it imitation, it was something
more ; be threw off his German nature and modern style, and not
only wrote elegantly in the metres, but in the very spirit of his
ancient models. As in literature he left Germany and seemed
to live in Rome, he determined to realise, bodily as well as in-
tellectually, his classical ideas, and accordingly went to Italy.
After this he had little to say in favour of his Fatherland. Italy
was the land of life and poetry ; Germany was the land of dull^
prosaic routine and soul-burdening studies. In shorty Platen was
wholly seized veith that enthusiastic love of the warm blue South
which carries so many northern youths from Sweden, Denmark,
and Germany to Home and Naples. It may be observed how
much easier it is to yield to the fosdnations of the South, and
celebrate its climate and scenery, than to master and convert into
poetry the less pleasing but more energetic life of the people of
the North. In the South Platen wrote one of his most consider-
able poems, the ' Abassiden,' a long story, full of oriental fantasies
from the ' Arabian Nights.'
Platen, as far as possible, threw off his German nature^ and
gave his poetry to southern and classical themes. On his second
visit to Italy, he lived three years at Naples, and described the
lively scenes of ' Soft Parthenope.' On the death of his father
he returned into Germany, and resided a while at Munich, where
he wrote an historical drama ; but his native country was now no
home for him^ and he spoke of it in a very uncomplimentary
style :— *
XXVn.] PLATEN. 449
Trae, there are some advantages at home —
State-honours, dull respectability,
And a great load of learning I
•
PJaten died, and was buried in Sicily, in I8S5.
One part of the poet's duty this writer fulfilled well; lie gave
to his productions the highest finish and polish. In his choice
of language he exercised the care and patience of a lapidary :
hence some of his poems may be*likened to the pebble-
When, cat by art, and polished with nice care,
Vdns it discorers, beautiful and rare,
Which for the loss of that moist gleam atone
That tempted first to gather it.
Platen's lyrical poems include several odes, hymns, and sonnets,
which, with respect to their versification, may be classed with the
best in the German language. The ' Venetian Sonnets ' are re-
markably elegant In several dramatic poems, including the
' Fatal Fork ' already noticed^ the author misemployed his talents
in writing long parodies of some oddities found in the works of the
Bomantic School. The ' Komantic CEdipus,' which is the best
of these dramatic parodies, was intended to serve as a satire on
the plays of Immermann and Raupach, and on the eccentricities of
some inferior Writers.
As examples of Platen's skill in the use of antique classic metres,
his ode on ' Florence,' the ' Invitation to Sorrento,' and an address
' to Marco Saradni ' may be mentioned. From another poem of *
this class, 'The Pyramid of Cestius,' (a well-known monument in
the Roman burial-ground for heretics), two or three strophes may
be translated, to show how the poet sometimes adopts the heathen
sentiments of Greek or Latin poets, while he writes well in their
antique metres : —
Here, mid the strangers, I would lay my bones.
Far from my own cold region in the North,
Far from the land where on the poet's lips
His song is frozen.
Gladly I'll forfeit, mid these heathen tombs.
That heaven of which Rome holds in charge the portal,
That paradise which Peter's golden key
Can shut or open ;
460 OUTLINES OF GEKaiAN LITERATURE. [Ck.
Rather conduct my shade into the realm
Where dwell the mighty poets of the past.
Where Homer sings, and tragic Sophodea
Rests, crowned with laurel.
•
That Platen can tell a story with good effect, though in a few
simple words, may he seen in his lines on the retirement of the
Eukperor Charles the Fifth to the convent of St Just: —
It is hIaQk night ; lond i»the tempest^s roar ;
Good Spanish monk, open your convent*s door.
Here let me rest till, ere the dawn of day.
The convent hell awakens me to pray.
Prepare for me such robes as are allowed ;
First the monastic gown, and then the shroud.
Give me a little cell within your shrine —
Once more than half this hollow world was mine.
The head I offer to the tonsure now
Wore diadems and jewels on the brow,
And on these shoulders that a cowl must hide
Purple and costly ermine showed their pride.
Now, before death, I would be reckoned dead,
like my old realm, in ruins round me spread.
An anecdote in the life of the great painter, Luca Signorelli| is
told almost as simply as the above. Luca, now an old man, is
> working in his studio, when he hears the news that his son — a
handsome youth — has fallen in a duel, and that his body has been
carried into the minster : —
Straight lo the church the master went«
He shed no tears — ^he said no more ;
His pupil, knowing his intent.
Beside him brush and palette bore.
He steps into the minster dim ;
From many a shrine his paintings gleam;
The monks their drear funereal hymn
Chant by the lamps' undying beam.
There Luca gazes on the dead ;
. Then aU night in that solemn place
He sits, with colours near him spread
To paint the dear boy*s sleeping face.
XXVn.] PLATEN. 451
He nits and paints beside the bier,
With father's heart and painter's skill.
Till morning dawns — ' I have him here-«
Buy the corpse whene'er yon wilL'
«
One more specimen of Platen's narratiye style may be giYen.
The poem from -which the following stanzas are quoted tells how,
after the Moslem conquest of Persia, the Persian hero, Hannos^n,
appeared before the caliph Omar to receive the sentence of
death : —
Then Omar darkly frown*d on him, and thus the victor said : —
' Know yon how crimson is the hand that faithful blood hath shed ? '
' My doom awaits your pleasure now — ^the power is on yonr aid»—
A victor's word is always right ! '—so Harmosin replied.
I have but one request to make, whatever fate be mine —
For these three days 1 have not drunk — bring me a cup of wine 1 '
Then Omar nodded, and his slaves brought presently the cup,
But, fearing poison, doubtfully the captive held it Ap.
* Why drink you not ? The Mussulman will ne'er deceive a guest :
You shall not die till you have drunk that wine — 'tb of the best'
The Persian seized the cup at once, and cast a smile around, •
Then dash'd the goblet down — the wine ran streaming o'er the ground.
As Omar's chieftains saw the trick, they drew, with savage fh>wn,
Their ^eeo and glittering scimitars to cut the Persian down ;
But Omar cried — * So let him live !--Faithful I the word was spoken ;
My word is sacred as an oath, and never shall be broken.'
The writer whom we must now mention may be said to be the
diief connecting link between the close of the period 1770-1830
and the new school of literature that followed the July EeTolntion
of 1880.
HBnrBiCH Hbinb, the son of Jewish parents, waa bom at
Biisseldorf in 1799. He studied law at Berlin, assumed the pro-
fession of Christianity in 1825, and, after 1830, resided mostly in
Paris, where his literary services were rewarded by the French
Government. He died in 1856.
Heine rapidly gained a reputation by his first volume of lyrical
poems, his JReisebilder ('Pictures of Travel') and his 'Book of
Songs,' which were all published in the course of the years 1822-
27. These works were followed by ' Germany, a Winter-Tale '
and 'Atta Troll,' which were both vehicles of satire. Heine
published, at a later time, a series of poems entitled ' Romanzero
oo2
452 OUTLINES OF GEBHA27 LITERATUER [Ch.
(1851), which contains some sad proofs of fiiyolitj, followed bj an
expression of repentance that seems to be ironicaL
The lively and humorous style and the frivolous character of
several of Heine's prose works are too well known to be described
here. Some of his polemical writings are very disgraceful, as
might be easily proved by a reference to his controversy with
Luowia BoBNB, an enthusiastic, but earnest and truthful political
writer.
It is as a writer of lyrical poetry that Heine chiefly claims our
notice in an account of German literature. His songs and other
short lyrical poems are varied, lively, and original, though (it
must be added) his verse, as well as his prose, is too often dis-
figured by the coarsest sentiments and most irreyerent expressions,
apparently thrown in with no other motive than to excite attention,
by offending good taste.
Heine's best lyric poems, while retaining their own distinct
character, have often some glimpses of epic or dramatic interest,
and give us a series of outlines for genre pictures. The poet pro-
duces effects by the use of the simplest possible means — ^a few
words, seemingly thrown together without any care — ^and one of
his mannerisms is to leave his thought only half expressed, but so
that the sequel may be easily guessed. It is not diflicult^for ex-
ample, to understand all that is implied in the following very
brief but striking story of two trees, which are here made to servo
as symbols of a hopeless separation : —
A Pink upon a barren steep
Stands, in the Norland, all alone,
Cover'd with ioe and snow — asleep,
With a white mantle o'er him tlirown.
The Pine is dreaming of a Palm
That, *mid the glow of a tropic day,
On a burning soil, in the sultry calm,
Mourns— lone and still, and far away.
In one series of the lyrical poems that suggest pictures, we are
brought to the coast of the North Sea, and are introduced to the
cottages of sailors and fishermen ', in other songs of that class we
visit the miner's hut on the Harzgebirge. In some less pleasant
but graphic poems, the interiors of cottages are made to suggest
tragic incidents, as in <The Forester's Hut' in the wood, and, still
xxvn.] H^iKE. 453
more, in the gloomy yerses entitled ^ The Preaclxer's Family.*
They tell, in few words^ a long and dismal story of the old preacher
who died in poverty j of his widow left with only her bible to
console her, and of a son and a daughter both made reckless by
want of hope. The gloom of the picture ia perfect and by no
means unreal : —
The pale half-moon of the aatamn--night
Looks oat, through donda that intervene;
The parsonage, and, white with stones,
The churchyard, glimmer in her sheen.
The mother in the bible reads.
The son sits there with downcast ^es,
The elder daughter, half-asleep,
Yawns, as the younger daughter sighs :— > ^
' Ah God ! how slow the tedious dajrs
Pass, by one in this lonely place I
Save when some dismal faneral comes.
We never see a stranger's face I *
Heine was one of the believers in the greatness of Napoleon L
It might be well supposed, that a true disciple of Chauvinism had
written the fine ballad of * The Grenadiers ' returning from Russia
to France, after Waterloo. A few lines have already been quoted
{ante. Chapter XXVI.), and the rest of the ballad deserves notice
here as a good specimen of Heine's power in popular writing.
Thus one of the old French Grenadiers addresses his comrade :—
But, comrade, grant me one request —
If on the way I die,
Carry mo home, and let my bones
Beside French ashes lie I
And let my cross of honour hang
. Just here^ upon my breast ;
And put the musket in my hand ;
Then leave me to my rest.
•
And like a sentinel in the grave,
I'll listen for the day, *
'Till I hear the galloping hoofs again.
And the thundering cannon's bray |
When rides the Conqueror o'er my grave,
And swords and muskets rattle,
m rise to hail my Emperor,
And follow him to battle.
464 OUTUKES OF GEBMAN UTERATUBE. [Ca.
Heine can assume a religions as well as a military tone in his
poetry. The ' Pilgrimage to Kevlaar/ an accomit of a miracle
wrought at that shrine, is a good instance of Heine's versatility. '
It might he accepted as an authentic miraculous legend written in
old times by some devout Catholic. Another pious little poem
gives us a beautiful vision of the quietude of Sunday and of the
happiness of Christian devotion ; but we have only to turn over a
few pages to find that the author can treat the same or closely
similar subjeets with the grossest irreverence.
The originality, simplicity, and apparent caMessness of Heine's
lyrical poems are all well exemplified in his tale of ' The Lorelei *
— a dangerous siren haunting a steep cliff on the Rhine, between
St Qoai: and Oberwesel, at a spot where there is a remarkable
echo. The original poem is so perfectly easy and careless in its
style, that it reads like an impromptu : —
I know not what it may mean to-day
That I am to grief inclined ;
There's a tale of a Siren — an old-world lay-
That I cannot get out of mj mind.
The air is cool in the twiKght gray,
And quietly flows the Rhine ;
On the ridge of the cliif, at the dose of the day.
The ra3rs of the sunset shine.
There sits a maiden, richly dight.
And wonderfully fair ;
Her golden bracelet glistens bright
As she combs her golden hair, *
And while she combs her locks, so bright^
She sings a charming lay ;
'TIS sweety yet hath a marvellous might,
And 'tis echoing far away.
The sailor floats down, in the dnsk, on the Rhine^
That carol awakens his grief ;
He sees on thf^ cliff the last .sunbeam shine.
But he sees not the perilons^reet
Ah I soon will the sailor, in bitter despali^
To his foundering skiff be clinging!
And that's what the beautiful Siren there
Has done with her charming singing.
>"
The tendencies of Heine's prose writings will be made clearer
in a subsequent brief account of * Young Ghermany/ a class of
XXVII.] SCFEFER. ' 455
young autLors who, for a short time, might be regarded as Heine's
followers or disciples.
It is simply with a view to chronological order, that we notice
here two or three poetical writers whose earlier works appeared
during the Inst decennium of Goethe's life. The author first
named, Schefer, might be classed with Hiickert, but only as a
writer of didactic poetry.
Leopold Schefer was bom in 1784, at Muskau in Ober-Laudtz,
where his father practised as a physician. The son enjoyed all
the advantages of an excellent education, and acted for some years
ns the steward of Prince Piickler-Muskau. After his release from
this service, Schefer travelled eztensively in the Levant. His
lat.er years were passed in a profound quietude at his native place,
where, after a long life seldom disturbed by care or sorrow, he
died in 1862.
His literary productivity was remarkable. He wrote seventy-
three short novels, besides the didactic works m verse respectively
entitled 'The Layman's Breviary* (1834), 'The Secular Priest*
(1846), ' Household Discourses ' (1854), and ' Vigils.* To these
must be added two volumes of lyrical, poetry — ' Hafiz in Hellas,*
and 'The Koran of Love' — in order to represent the literary
work done by Stihefer.- He was moreover an enthusiast in
music, and composed, beside vocal pieces, about a dozen symphonies
for a full orchestra.
His novels are full of poetic expressions of delight in the con-
templation of nature, and give proofs of high imaginative powers,
but they are extremely defective in style and arrangement.
Originality and beauty are found in many of Schefer*s lyrica
poems ; but his most remarkable characteristics — his ' Pantheism '
and -his ' boundless Optimism ' — are seen chiefly in his didactic
works, of which ' The Layman's Breviary ' is the best represen-
tative. It consists of a series of meditations on nature, human
life, and Divine Providence;^ which are interspersed, here and there,
with some fine poetry. The prevailing tone of the book is so full
of cheerfulness and contentment that it seems utterly unreal ; but
it was, nevertheless, maintained by the author throughout his
own long meditative life. If that life had been more practical, or
more vexed with the cares and afflictions that beset ordinary men,
Schefer's joyous and well-sustained optimism would' have been,
indeed, a marvellous phenomenon. It should be added, that the
456 OUTLINES OF aERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
'wide reputation of 'The Layman's Breviary ' was gained^ neither
by its pantheistic nor by its optimistic views 6f life, but by its
pure and refined ethics and its numerous fine expressions of sym- .
pathy with all the common interests of human life.
The author's style of thinking, as well as of writings is so
peculiar, that no clear notion of it can be given wilhout the aid of
a few quotations. The following lines are selected from a poem
of consolation addressed to the parents of ap afflicted child : —
ho, God is here— immediatdy here
Asserts Himself in every drop of blood ;
Ilere as the sap in the rose's root He moves.
Here in the warmth-and-life-difiVisuig fire,
The life-power and the healing-power of alL
All that He owns He constantly is healings
Quietly, gently, softly, but most sorely ; —
He helps the lowliest herb with wounded stalk
To rise again — see I flrom the heavens fly down
All gentle powers to cure the blinded Iamb I
Deep in the treasure-house of wealthy Nature
A ready secret instinct wakes and moves
To clothe the naked sparrow in the nest,
Or trim the plumage of an aged raven ; —
Yea, in the slow-decaying of a r6se
God works, as well as in the unfolding bad ; .
He works with gentleness unspeakable
In death itself-^a thousand times more careful
Than ev'n the mother by her sick child watching.
Now ! — God is here — in this afflicted child.
In every vein throughout his heavenly form.
Tia He who wakes beside him in the mother ;
'Tis He that gives good qpunsel by the father ;
la the physician's hand He brings the help ;
Through all the means He lives— through all the buds^
And all the roots of the medicinal herb —
Lives in this morning light — this morning breath.
Lives in the lark that sings his song up yonder,
To cheer the child, who hears and faintly smiles ;
Lives everywhere with perfect power and love.
Another quotation may, perhaps, serve to explain the charge of
pantheism ' preferred against Schefer : —
My Father ! all that seemeth like Thyself
Among mankind 1*11 love ; but oh, forgive
Hie hasty word ! — forgive the helpless thought I—
Said I, ' like Thee ' ?— I'd rather say, whate'er
ZXVn.] ZEDLITZ. 457
Has even the faintest eemblanoe of thj fihadoify
That will I love and honour evermore.
Yea t let it take the forms of little children.
Or let it in the beaoteous moid appear.
Or aa the worn old man, with silvered hair,
Or as a sightless pauper whom I meet ;
Or let me see a shadow of thy love
In the swift swallow, that flits by to feed
Her callow brood, or in the soaring lark,
Or in the radiant dove that, in the field,
Picks np the grain which Thou hast scatter'd there.
The following are brief specimeDs of Schefer's practical
ethics : —
To care for others that they may not snifer
What we have suffer'd is divine weU-doing,
The noblest voce of thanks for all our sorrows.
. . . « • • .
Thus I have seen a lame and halting child
Prop np most tenderly a broken plant,
And a poor mother, whose own child was burnt,
Snatch from the flame the children of another.
So, generous man, return thou constant thanks,
For al) thy griefis, to God and to mankind.
And ending grief will make unending joy.
Schefer's whole doctrine may be briefly indicated by saying that
it forms the antipodes to all that is taught by Arthur Schopen-
hauer.
An Austrian poet, Josbph yon Zbdlitz (1790-1862), may be
at least mentioned here. He followed the traditions of the
Romantic School, but wrote elegantly in an elegiac strain in his
'Wreaths for the Dead.' His 'Forest Maid' is a pleasant
idyll, which revives the picturesque scenery used by Tieck and
his school.
A Bohemian poet, Ejlbl Eoov Ebbbt, who was bom at
Prague in 1801, may be also named among the writers who
gained tlieir reputation during the last ten years of Goethe's life.
. Ebert*8 epic poem, Wtasta, founded on an old Bohemian legend of
Amazonian warfare, won some moderate commendation from
Goethe in 1829. Since then Ebert has written an idyU entitled
* The Convent,' besides some good ballads and many dramatic
pieces.
The general tendency of poetical literature^, during the years of
' 458 OUTLINES OP GERMAN LITERATURE. [G
wLicli an account has been giyen in this and in the preceding
chapter, was popular and in some degree political. Uhland and
Heine, though strongly opposed in other respects, were alike in
their tendency to give a social and popular interest to their poems.
After July 1830 that tendency was carried on by other writers to
an extreme point, and poetry was often made a mere vehicle for
new political notions.
XXVm.] FBENCH EEVOLUTION OP 1830. 459
k
CHAPTER XXVm.
JtJLY 1830 — PROOBESS — ^BETEOSPBCT OP 1800-30 — FICETB — SCHBL-
UNO— HBOEL — THB HSGELIAK METHOD — LOGIC — NATURE — MIND
— FHILOSOPHT OF HISTORY — FREEDOM — BBLIQION, MORAI^, AMD
POLITICS — ^iBSTHETlCS.
The French Beyolution of July 1830 marks the dfite of a new
epoch in German Literature. The movement that then took
place had been prepared during a dull and slow contest of progress
with reaction in the years 1815-30. In the following decennium
innovation in philosophy, in the theory of religion, in politics and
in social life, was the main, general tendency of literature in prose
and verse. A new fermentation took place, and the impatient
spirit of the age was well expressed by Ltjdwig Borne (1786-
1837), the author of * Letters from Paris * and one of the most
respectable of all the radical publicists who were calling out for a
revolution in everything. In one amusing passage of his writings
his fervour burst out in an odd form of prayer for the times : — * O
Patience 1 ' he exclaims, * Queen and Governess of the German
People and of Tortoises! — Patroness of my poor, languishing
native land I — Germanize me, O Goddess I from the sole of my
foot to the crown of my head, and then stow me away in a museum
of old curiosities and in a case filled with the most singular petri-
factions I .... I vow that henceforth I will be thy most faithful
servant. I will regularly peruse the *' Dresden Evening News "
and all the theatrical criticisms. Yea, I will read Hegel until I
understand what he means, and I will stand, in rainy weather and
without an umbrella, in front of the hall where the German Diet
is assembled, and I wiU wait there patiently until somebody
comes out and proclaims the freedom of the press.'
Bome's declamatory fervour represented the views of many
young men who demanded that the freedom which since Lessing's
460 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITERATURE. [Oh.
time had existed, as they said, only in literature, should be
asserted in political and practical life. Thej denounced the re-
trogressive and unpractical character of the Romantic School,
though admitting that it had given a national tone to poetry.
Libend and progressive politics, it was said, were urgently wanted
instead of ideal poetry, and imaginative literature must be made
the humble servant of practical life. It was boldly declared, that
the German people had, at last^ resolved to become severely
practical.
Accordingly, both verse and imaginative prose were made
vehicles of the new tendencies that prevailed ; and not a little of
the so-called * poetry ' written about this time was generally more
to be commended for its earnest feeling than for its SBsthetic value.
Poetry, indeed, can no longer fairly claim the place of honour in
an account of national literature. The most important tendencies
of the age were expressed in discussions of philosophical and re-
ligious questions, especially those introduced in the Hegelian
School which prevailed in Berlin from 1820 to 1830, and for
some years after HegeVs death, which took place in 1881.
The Influence of the Romantic School in poetry and of its
tendencies in religion and politics was declining in the course of
the years 1820-30, while Hegel reigned in philosophy. To say
nothing of his strict, systematic plan of teaching, or of his profound
respect for antique Grecian art and poetry — his assertion of the
necessity of political progress, and of a slow but sure development
of rational freedom based upon moral and religious culture ; his
stern Protestantism and his opposition to every external religion
depending on traditions; his boldest doctrine, that all that is
spiritual and rational must be gradually made real and actual ; —
these and other principles insisted on in his laborious course of
teaching were all,- more or less directly, opposed to retrogressive
tendencies.
The ten years 1830-40 might be called revolutionary. Among
the immediate results of their movement we find the divisions of
'Right,' 'Left,' and 'Centre' in the Hegelian School, and the
new social notions of ' Young Germany,' which were encouraged
both by Heine's frivolity, and by Borne's earnest liberalism.
Philosophy, poetry, journalism, all now became more or less
political. Abnolb RireE, in the JSaUischen Jahrbiicher, endeavours
to make philosophy practical and democratic. Political poetry,
XXVm.] PBOGEESS OF LITERATURE 1830-40. 461
takes the place of ideaJism, and ' the Future ' takes the place of
the Middle Ages. Literature is no longer insular in relation to
popular life. Numerous lively stories founded on the real lives
and circumstances of the people are noticeable as signs of the
times. Events are leading on to the depression of hopes that
must follow 1840 and to the movement that must take place in
1848.
It is in this epoch of bold innovations that the Recent Literatu/e
which we must now briefiv describe has its commencement. As
we have already stated (in the Introduction to these Outlines)|
the prolific writers of the time 1830-70 cannot be treated with
such freedom of criticism as may have been, here and there, as-
serted in reference to the moral, political, and religious tendencies
of authors belonging to the preceding periods. The reasons are
obvious. We have here no aid derived from such criticism aa
has been confirmed by the verdict of time. Moreover, the general
literature of this recent period is strongly imbued with contro-
versial, political, social, and religious tendencies. Many of the
writers whom we must name are still living, and their reputations
must be tested by time. To repeat here what has been said in
the Introduction to these Outlines — for the following account of
recent productions no respect is claimed more than what is due to a
careful statement of facts.
The idea of progress, which was made prominent by Hegel's
teaching, remained predominant in general literature^ as well aa
in philosophy, after 1830. The light literature of the ten years
1830-40 was made a vehicle for the notions of ' Young Germany/
while the more important tendencies of the age were expressed in
the controversy arising ou4 of the dissolution of the Hegelian
School. Before we attempt to describe the divisions of that
school, some account of its origin may be given ; but it should be
observed, that no pretension is made of giving anything like an
analysis of the Hegelian system. Its exposition is to be found
only in itself; but we may attempt to describe here its origin, its
apparent tendencies^ and some of its more manifest results. To
make as clear as we can the origin of the system, it will be neces-
sary to refer again to the theories of Fichte and Schelling, which
have already been noticed (ante, Chapters XXIV. and XXVI.) in
their connection with general literature. Their influence in the
development of speculative philosophy must here be referred to.
462 . OUTLINES OP GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Ctt.
JoHANir Gottlieb Fichte, born in 1762, fought long with
poverty and studied deeply before he acquired fame (in 1792) by
his book entitled * A Critique of all Revelation.' This gained for
him an appointment as professor of philosophy at Jena, where he
taught the doctrines which were stated in his Wissenschaftdehrcj
and in other works published in 1794-98. The publication of an
article in a philosophical journal led to a charge of atheism pre-
ferred against Fichte. The patrons of the University of Jena were
by no means disposed to support the charge against their professor,
but he demanded that it should be either proved or formally
denounced. Fichte was then allowed to leave his chair at Jena,
and went to Berlin, where, in 1808, he boldly delivered (though
his voice was, now and then, drowned by French military music
in the street) the patriotic ^Addresses to the German Nation,'
from which we have already quoted some passages. In 1810 he
was appointed rector of the University of Berlin. When the War
of Liberation began, he showed himself ready to maintain prac-
tically his own assertions of patriotic principles, and to sacrifice
life to the fulfilment of his duty to his native land. His death
accorded well with the tenour of his life and his teaching. His
wife, while attending to the wants of wounded soldiers, was
prostrated by hospital fever. Her life was spared; but Fichte
was soon afteiwards attacked by the same disease and died,
•Tanuary 28, 1814. He was, in the highest sense of the wordS) a
brave man.
Fichte collected no considerable elbhool of disciples ; but the
influence of his teaching was powerful in ethics and metaphysics.
In the latter .his aim was to find union instead of Kant's duality.
Kant had concluded with the asserti^ that we cannot know the
substance, or ground, of appearances. Fichte asserted that an
absolute Personality causes all the appearances of the finite world
to exist, but only as the means of making manifest the power of
his own moral will. Beyond this supreme will no independent
substance exists. It should hardly be necessary to state, that
Fichte never dreamed of an error that has been ascribed to him —
that of confounding the individual and arbitrary will of any man,
or of any collection of men, with the will of the Absolute ^ £ga'
On the contrary, he taught that our moral education consists in
learning to surrender our own false, partial and antagonistic wills
to the One True and Universal Will There were two stages in
XXVIII.] FICHTE. 46
o
Fichte's teaching. At Jena he was stern, and talked mostly; in
£ant*8 style; of obedience to the dictates of conscience. He then
described Duty as a 'stern lawgiver/ but not as wearing
The Godhead's most benignant grace.
At Berlin he professed a mystic belief in Christianity; especially
as set forth in St. John's Gospel, and spoke as much of love as of
stern duty. Two lines from a sonnet written by Fichte may
suffice to show that he did not make an idol of his own will : —
Let thine own Ego — ^all that's mortal — die $
Then God alone lives in thy life's endeavour.
The influence of Fichte's teaching was felt mostly in the studies
of history, politics; and morals. His metaphysical principles might
appear abstruse ', but their results were clear and practical They
demanded a general scientific reformation. History was to be
studied as a progression, and not as a pile of facts ; morals and
theology were to be more closely united, and government was to
be studied as an organism animated throughout by the spirit of
liberty. In the philosophy of nature Fichte*s principles were at :
first developed and then changed by his disciple (afterwards, his
opponent) Schelling, whose book * On the Method of Academical
Study ' (1803) excited an enthusiasm now sometimes mentioned
as something marvellous. Men, at that time, displayed in their
study of grand theories a zeal almost equal to that now put forth
in the' miiversal fight for gold. They sought for wisdom ' as for
hidden treasure.' ,
Fbiepbich Wilhslm Joseph ton Schelling, bom at Leon-
berg in 1775; was in early life noticed as the most advanced of all
the.yonng students at Tiibingen; where he was the friend of Hegel
and the poet Holderlein. When only seventeen years old;
Schelling gained promotion by writing a philosophical expositibn
of the third chapter in the Book of Genesis. He afterwards went
to Jena, where he was Fichte's chief disciple and successor, and,
as we have told (ante. Chapter XXIV.), was, for a short time, asso-
ciated with the men of the Romantic School. He soon departed
from the principles of Fichte's teaching, and produced a new theory,
accepted as a * philosophy of Nature/ of which Hegel was, for
some time, an earnest student. Subsequently Hegel dissented
from his Mend's discursive and sometimes dogmatic mode of
m
464 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
teaching, and asserted the necessity of a strictly logical method.
'Sckelling^a intuition/ says Hegel, 'seems to be shot out of a
pistol.' After leaving Jena (in. 1808) Schelling gained the
appointment of secretary to the Academy at Munich, where he
was elected professor of philosophy n 1827. He was called, in
1841, to Berlin, where he delivered a course of lectures on ' The
I'hilosophy of Kevelation/ and gave the outlines of a new theory
which was in several points opposed to the Hegelian method, and
may be best explained by a contrast with HegeVs teaching.
Schelling died in 1854.
His earlier theofies were never reduced to one consistent
system, but were greatly modified from time to time in the course
of the few years 1797-1800, and were at last said to be superseded
by the new doctrines promulgated after 1841. Of his earlier
nature-philosophy some account has already been given (ante.
Chapter XXIV.). The general tendency of all the transitions
made in his later teaching was towards an attempted reconciliation
of philosophy with positive Christian theology, at least with some
of its doctrines. In his early .theory he asserted the identity of
the Mind and Nature, and hardly differed from Spinoza's teaching.
J3y several transitions — found in his writings, 'On the Soul of
the World' (1798), the 'System of Transcendental Idealism'
(1800), ' Bruno ' (1802), and the ' Lectures on the Method of
Academical Study ' (1803) — he advanced to the doctrine of
mysticism contained in a work ' On the Freedom of Man ' (1809)^
which may be described as consisting mostly of an exposition of
principles previously asserted by Jakob Bohme. It would be very,
difficult to give any account at once concise and faithful of Schel-
ling's latest teaching; but it maybe observed that its general
tendency was to assert itself as ' Monotheism,' in opposition to
Pantheism, and to refer the existence of moral evil to its cause in
a perversion of man's will. With regard to thb doctrine, Schel-
ling's latest theory closely approaches the teaching of Franz von
Baader, in connection with wiiich it may be more distinctly
noticed in a subsequent chapter.
Fichte and Schelling both endeavoured to escape ftom the
duality with which Kant concluded his critiques. He left; a
gulph between the mind and nature ; for one part of his teaching
was virtually equivalent to the assertion that we can know nothing
of what natura may be in itself. And, as we have already said
XXVin.] HEGEL. 465
(antef Chapter XVn.)y he left a division as stronglj marked
between the inteUect and the moral conscience. Fiehte asserted
that philosophy must be a deduction from one principle, and
Schelling taught that the basis of philosophy must be found, not
in reasoning, bat in a primary intuition of the identity of the
Mind and its Object. This identity (or rathe^ union in apparent
disunion), Hegel asserted, must not be left in the esoteric form of
mysticism, but must be set forth, or developed, by a logical
method. If a thought is deep and true, he says, its capability of
expansion will be as great as its depth ; it can survive its en-
counters with all possible contradictions, and will make all
oppositions serve as a means of its own development. These and
similar assertions in the preface to the * Phenomenology of the
Mind ' (1807) indicated the work which the writer afterwards
endeavoured to perform in his 'Logic' (1812-16) and in his
' Encyclopsedia ' (1817).
The system of doctrines, and the dialectic method by which it is
•developed in these writings, must be regarded as highly important,
even if both should be found erroneous; for, in this case, the
system may serve as, perhaps, the* greatest of all discouragements
for students of philosophy, and may thus lead them to pursue
uther studies. Ilegers was the most extensive, laborious, and
persevering effort ever made to find union prevailing throughout
all the departments of knowledge — ^logic and metaphysics, the
physical sciences, psychology, ethic^ law and politics, history,
religion, and {esthetics. He endeavoured to unite metaphysics with
a strictly logical method by which all the categories and laws
of thought should be united in one sequence, arranged in their
own internal order, and held within their own respective limits.
These laws, he asserts, are no abstractions, but may Ve describe
as the eternal and adamantine chain that holds in imion the
physical and spiritual universe.
GsoRe WiLHELU Fbiedbich Hegel, the author of this vast
system of philosophy, was bom at Stuttgart, August 27, 1770.
After receiving his early training at the Gymnasium in his native
place, he went to study theology at the University of Tubingen,
where he became acquainted with his young friend Schelling.
Soon after leaving Tubingen, Hegel was engaged as a private
tutor at Berne. He had already learned to ponder on hard
problems,, as we see in his journal written during a pedestriaa
HH
466 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN UTEEATURE. [Ch.
tour in Switzerland. Some parts of the diary are intensely
prosaic, and. describe such matters as the manufacture of cheese.
In other notes are found characteristic expressions of opinion.
The barren heights &nd their glaciers suggested to the young
student grave doubts respecting some of the facile conclusions of
natural theology. * Here/ said the touristy ' it hardly appears
clear to me that all things have been created for man's enjoyment'
The glaciers and the mountains seem to* have excited hardly any
admiration, but* the Reichenbach waterfall is described with a
genial delight, and in poetical language.
After leaving Berne, in 1796, Hegel lived as a private tutor in
Frankfurt (1797-1800), and during his stay there wasan industrious
'student in ancient literature, history, philosophy, theology, and
ecclesiastical history. He wrote during those years, in very
simple and dispassionate language, a 'Life of Christ' In this
calm narrative there can be found no trace of the irreverence >[)f
old-fashioned rationalism ; but it is noticeable that not one word
is said expressiye of either a belief or a denial of any miraculous
events mentioned in the four Gospels. They are all simply omit-
ted. Hegel went to Jena in 1801, and there gained a bare sub-
sistence by giving private lessons to a few young students. There
he again met his friend and fellowHstudent Schelling, whom he
assisted in editing ' A Critical Journal of Philosophy ' (1802-3),
in which he first published the hard and abstruse treatise, Glauben
und Wisaen (' Faith and Science '). Hfi was by no means very
successful as a tutor, though he gained a professorship at
Jena in 1806, and, in the course of that and the following year,
wrote his first independent treatise, the ' Phenomenology of the
Mind.' In the thoughtful but difficult preface to this work he
first clearly expressed his dissent from Schelling's discursive style
of teaching, and indicated his own dialectic method, which was
afterwards fully developed in his ' Logic' He was finishing the
' Phenomenology ' (1806) when the thunders of French artillety
at Jena disturbed his philosophic speculations, and drove him away
to find some scanty means of subsistence at Bamberg, where, for
a short time, he edited a political journal. His income derived
from this work was scanty. When inviting a young friend to
contribute, now and then, an article to the ' Mercury,' the editor
ofiered no honorarium better than ' a jug of Bamberg beer,' which,
however, he pronounced to be ' excellent' He was hardly satis-
XXVmj HEGEL. 467
fied either with his duties or with his income at Bambergr, and
wished to be reinstated as professor at Jena. He soon, however,
gained (1808) a better appointment as rector of the Gymnasium
at Niimbergy where he discharged his duties with kindness' and
fidelity, though he was then deeply engaged in the development
of his philosophical system, and was, from time to time, making
progress, but with many interruptions, in writing his * Logic'
(1812-16). In one of his letters from Niirnberg he acknowledges
the receipt of a complete copy of Bohme's writings. To readers
who have derived from the extreme left side of his school, or
from other secondary sources, their notions of HegeFs own tenets,
the fact, though true, may appear remarkable, that as the head-
master of the school at Niirnberg he was strict in demanding
attention to ethical and religious studies. Slpon aftar his mar-
riage (with a lady considerably jounger than himself) Hegel was
appointed professor of philosophy at Heidelberg (1816), where
he published in (1817) his smaller ' EncyclopaBdia,' containing a
summary of his whole system of teaching, but Without the
explanatory notes which were appended to it in a later edition.
At Heidelberg he gained several friends and ardent disciples ; but
he remained a comparatively obscure man until 1818, when he
was invited to take the chair of philosophy at the University of
Berlin.
Li his opening address, delivered in October 1818, he spoke
of the University of Berlin as destined to be recognised as the
middle-point of the civilised world, or as the centre of intel-
lectual culture, and he asserted, on the same occasion, that
religion and philosophy must be united with a true political
progress. Though he maintained that the development of freedom
was the goal of all history, his views of progress were so far
moderated by his philosophical theory of history that he was
generally regarded at Berlin as a firm conservative in politics.
He thus guned the confidence and the support of the Altenstein
ministry, and this fact gave rise to the statement, that he had
modified his own opinions as formerly held, in order to gain the
patronage of the Government. That this accusation was without
foundation, may be seen by a reference to the ' J^hilosophy of
Bights,' which was published in 1821. To the principles asserted
in that treatise the author subsequently faithfully adhered. He
consistently advocated a representation of the people^ freedom of
hh2
4G8 OUTLINES OF GKBMAH UTEBATUBE. [Cau
tha press, publicity in the administration of justice, trial by juiy,
and the administratiye independence of civic corporations. To
facilitate divorces and to corrupt and degrade the corporations of
towns — these, said Hegel, are two sure ways of leading to a dis-
solution of society. He described a constitutional monarchy, or
a state where the king represents the true general and organic
will of a people, as the most perfect form of government ; but he
added that no government could endure without the support of
religion.
In his later years his conservative tendencies were straigthened
by the occurrence of the July Bevolution and by the discussions
on the English Reform Bill, with which he had made himself inti-
mately acquainted, as he was a regular reader of English political
journals. Qe wrot^, in 1831, an article on the English Beform
Bill, in which, while adhering to his judgment in favour of the
English form of government, he expressed fears respecting the
results of political chazigea based on theory. At the same time,
he described the freedom enjoyed by the people of England as
more formal than real, and he asserted that in no country in
Europe were private ii^tereets allowed to prevail so much as in
England. As proofis of this, he mentioned, with severe disappro-
bation, cases of misappropriation of church property and the
injurious effects of the game-laws. He then proceeded to argue,
that freedom in England had long consisted mostiy in a supposed
balance of the interests of parties, and that the introduction of
wider and more theoretical principles could not be safe without a
great improvement of education in the higher as well as in the
lower classes of society.
Hegel's power as a lecturer must have been based on a
belief in his depth and sincerity; for his style was utterly
destitute of all external attractions, and was, in fact, such as is
generally styled dull and heavy. Throughout his life he never
acquired anything like a pleasant fJEunlity of utterance. He had
always to struggle in order to find expressions for his complicated
thoughts, and the hard internal effort was both visible and audible.
His aspect, though noble in its profile— ^especially in moments of
high Lnspiratictfi — was generally severe and like that of a man
inured to long and hard wrestlings with the most stubborn
problems of thought and life, and his eyes, while he spoke,
seemed, generally, to be looking far awBy into some ideal worlds
XXVUl.] HEGEL. 46?
He would commonly begin a lecture with painful hesitation
and slow, difficult utterance, but would fight his way against a
want of words, or through obstructions of thought, and, at last,
would make his hearers sympathise with both the difiicultiee of
the outset and the apparent sense of triumph by which his efforts
were rewarded. It was said of him, in his daily intercourse, that
his presence had a remarkably attractive, but also a repelling
power. He was exemplary as a faithful husband and an
affectionate father, and loved to live at home in a very quiet and
unassuming style, and to associate with homely friends who had
no pretensions whaterer, either in literature or in .philosophy.
He liked to reserve his metaphysics for the lecture-hall, and
never made any attempt to shine as a talker in society. When at
home and among his friends he had great delight in playing
whist, and treated the game with all the earnestness which
Charles Lamb ascribes to Mrs. Battle. If his partner was careless,
Hegel would look at him reproachfully and say, * There he chatters
and chatters and spoils the game I ' A visitor might imagine
that the homely and quiet Suabian there at rest in the midst of
his family had never once heard the hard word * dialectics,' and
cared nothing for any philosophical disputations^ ancient or
modem.
But when he was urged to engage in controversy, he would
sometimes manifest strong anger, and assume (it is said) the
authoritative tone of an offended schoolmaster. Of philosophical
and religious controversies he commonly spoke as of Hedious
affairs,' generally arising, he said, out of a defective knowledge of
facts. Several misrepresentations of his views on both religion
and politics gave rise to this impatience in controversy. Among
other gross errors that were ascribed to his teaching was included
the supposed denial that religion could exist under the form of
sentiment, however deep and true. On the contrary, he asserted
that ' the substance of all religion might be implied in feeling ; ' '
but he added that appeals to sentiment were quite out' of place
in a philosophical discussion. In con^stency with this statement
he controverted the exclusive doctrine of Jacobi (the chief
advocate of an appeal to the heart on all religious questions), but
he also spoke of him as ' the noble Jacobi.' In the preface to the
second edition of his ' Encyclopssdia ' Hegel repels, with great
warmth of indignation, the charge of irreligioni and asserts that
470 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
some of his' own doctrines are identical with those of Chris*
tianity ; hut he adds, that . religion has one vocahulary and
systematic philosophy has another. lie maintains, also, that his
own religious views are more orthodox than those represented hy
Professor Tholuck, the well-known theologian. In the same pre-
face, the writer excited the surprise of some of his own disciples
hy speaking with much respect of the religious mysticism of
Bobme and of his commentator, Franz von Baader, though the
latter had controverted some Hegelian doctrines. Hegel deserved
fair treatment in controversy ; for he had (as Goethe observed) a
remarkable facility, founded on generosity, ' of placing himself in
the adversary's position.' That he was a man capable of deep
sympathy and possessing refined sentiments, may be seen in the
letters addressed to his two friends, Heinrich Beer and the
minister Von Altenstein, Vhen they had suffered domestic be-
reavements. Nothing can be kinder and more delicate than the
feelings expressed in these letters. It may be said that they give
proof of a perfect sympathy.
Hegel's character as a husband and a father may he read in the
genuine and unstudied letters he sent home during his vacation
tours. They make us forget all dry metaphysical lectures and
controversies, while we share the professor's youthful joy in
visiting picture-galleries, and listening to Ittdian singers. - Writ-
ing from the Austrian capital, he says : — ' As long as I can afford
to pay for opera-tickets, and can still save money enough to pay
my fare home, I shall stay at Vienna ! * — * There has not been
here an opera-company like the present during the last fifty
years.' He praises almost everybody and everything — first ' the
excellent Englishman ' with whom he travels ; then the toWns,
canals, meadows, and churches of the Netherlands; the public
buildings of Paris (where he dined with Cousin and Thiers) ;
the kindness of Victor Cousin ; the scenery near Weimar, and
Goethe's cordiality, which, says He|^el, makes one forget the great
poet and think of the man — but the highest enthusiasm of the
liberated Professor of Philosophy, who writes like a youth, is
reserved 'for the Italian singers of Rossini's music at Vienna,
especially for the jmma donna, Signora Dardanelli, hy whose
melody he seems to have been aesthetically fascinated.
We are glad to pass briefly over the controversies — ^mostly
theological — by which Hegel wus sorely vexed, at times, daring
XXVni.] KEGEL. 471
the later years of his life. He refers to these disputes in the
preface to the third edition of the * Encyclopaadia ' (1830), which
is written in a toneof extreme indignation, and describes as ^infa-
mous ' the charge that the writer would ' deify his own intellect.'
In 1830 Hegel was appointed Hector of the University of
Berlin. He was preparing a new edition of his ' Logic/ in 1831,
when his labours were endt3d by a sudden attack of the epidemic
— Asiatic cholera — then prevalent. When he returned from the
hall where he had delivered, with more facility than^ usual, his
last lecture, he remarked to his wife, ' My work has seemed very
light to me this morning.' He was soon afterwards prostriited
by the disease, and, without suffering pain, died calmly, November
14, 1831. A few years after his death, his writings — including,
beside those already named. Lectures on the 'Philosophy ot
Religion,' on the ' History of Philosophy,' on the ' Philosophy of
History' and on '^Esthetics' — were collected and edited by a
number of his friends and disciples.
Hegel's dialectic method is based upon a principle that may be
found stated, again and again, more or less clearly, in the writings
of the greatest of the mystics — Bohhe. We do not say that
Hegel borrowed that principle from Bohme ; but merely notice
th^ fact of coincidence, without on attempt to explain it.
This statement, that the centnil thought of Hegel's dialegtics
may be found in the mysticism of Bohme, is so remarkable, that
it must not be accepted without a full investigation of its grounds.
For these we refer, ^rs^, to Bohme's own ^titinga passim (or to
the summary of his doctrine given in Oarri^re's work ' On Philo-
sophy in the Time of the Reformation ') ; secondly, to the following
passages in Hegel's writings, namely, -pages 18-27 in the preface
to the 'Encyclopaedia' (2nd edition), and pages 147-60 in the
edition of the same work published in 1840. As we have already
said, Schelling's treatise on ' Man's Freedom ' (published in 1809)
is almost entirely based on Bohme's mysticism. Some of the most
eloquent and impressive passages in that treatise— especially those
which treat of the existence of evil and of its subordination — iflay
be described as consisting of little more than a paraphrase of
Bohme's sayings. But more than this may be asserted. One of
the leading thoughts of the lowly theosopher who lived at
Gorlitz served as a barrier beyond which the philosophical specu-
lations begun by Schelling and conduded by Schopenhauer could
472 OUTLINES OF GERMAN EITERATURE. [Ch.
make no progress. For proofs of this second extraordinary state-
ment we refer to the writings of Baader, which will he noticed
in our next chapter.
Contradictions meet in the Hegelian system of philosophy. It
was exceedingly ahstruse and difficult in its processes ; hut it was,
nevertheless, practical in its results. Without any expression of
an opinion on the merits of the whole system, it may he safelr
asserted, that its prevalence had important results in the treatment
of great questions belonging to history, politics, and theology: In
attempting to give some faint notions of these results, we must,
first of all, make a clear distinction between the practical conse-
quences which were originally asserted by Hegel himself and
those which were, afterwards, assumed to be fair deductions from
his teaching. The question how far his disciples were correct in
their interpretations of his words, or in their own use of his
method, is far too extensive to be discussed here, and any attempt
to give an analysis of the whole method would also lead us far
beyond our close limits ; but its leading motive and its connec-
tion with preceding systems may be briefly described. If we
endeavoured to go farther thon this boundary, * words ' (as Cole-
ridge said) would ' cry out and forbid ; ' for we have, in English,
no true equivalents for the words Verstand, We$en^ Aufheffen^
Vemunftf and Begriff, as commonly used in the Hegelian dialectic
me{hod. The reader who has a true insight into the meaning of
these few words, so frequently used by Hegel, knows abeady a
great part of his philosophy. For other readers we give the
following brief account, not of its process, but of its main purpose
and motive.
The general aim of Hegel was identical with that of the early
German mystics, and also with that of Plate, Spinoza, Leibnitz,
and Fichte. It was to attain the greatest possible union (not
unity or identity) in all the results of experience \ in other words,
to reduce them, if possible, to one system. In referring to the
common theory of the mystics, we must here, at once, divest it of
all the mere accidents with which it has been too often associated
— visions, ecstacies, fanciful or allegorical interpretations of
Scripture, ascetic practices, and retirement from the world. These
do not constitute the essence of mysticism. Bohme was not an
ascetici but an industrious phoemaker, a married man, a kind
XXVIII.] METAPHYSICS. i73
and good father of a family. True and deep myeticism Las its
source^ not in the accidents above mentioned^ but in earnest
religious feeling and^in an endeavour to attain a union of thought
that can never be the result of any science founded on the under-
standing, or the power of analysis and abstraction.
One example borrowed from religious mysticism may serve to
make this assertion clear. A mysterious doctrine in theology
may be accepted and held as true by a mind that has no tendency
whatever towards mysticism.' The mind examines and finds
sufficient or satisfactory the authority on which the said doctrine is
founded, and then accepts it; without any thought of seeking for
any further union of the doctrine w^ith reason. The tenet thus
accepted; the mind accepting it, and the final authority referred
tO; are here regarded as three separate constituents of a faith
founded on authority. Contrast this process with one of Bohme'a
assertions respecting his own faith; and we see, at once, the true
character of mysticism; as distinct from both reasonings and sub-
mission to authority. The myistic not only accepts the doctrine
of the Trinity; but declares; again and again, and earnestly
endeavours to show, that it is the one, general form of all truth.
Nay; more ; the prevalent aim of all his writings is to make that
one doctrine serve as the key to unlock the gates of all other
mysteries. But on what authority is this faith grounded ? On
the believer*s own intuition. As he tells us, he saw the truth
first in its own inner light, and; afterwards, recognised it in the
Bible and everywhere throughout creation. If the theosophist of
Gorlitz had succeeded in constructing a system of logic and meta-
physics by which his faith might have been made clear for others,
he would haye been classed with the promoters of speculative
philosophy ; as he did not succeed in the attempt; he is styled
only the greatest of the mystics.'
The method of Hegel was nothing leas than a most laborious
and persevering endeavour to reduce to a dialectic and systematic
form of exposition the central or chief intuition of all Bohme's
mysticism. As this assertion may seem very strange and impro-
bable to some readers, we refer again for proofs of its correctness
to the following passages in Hegel's collected writings '.-^first^ to
pages 18-27 in the preface to the 'Encyclopaedia ' (2nd ed. 1827),
including aU the notes; and, secondly, to pages 147-60 in the
474 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEEATURE. [Ch.
edition of tbe ' Encjclopaedia ' published in 1840. From tbe
latter a few words may be quoted : —
'The meaning of the word ** speculative " as nsedheTe,' says Hegel, 'is
equivalent to that of the Tvord " mystic," as formerly commonly applied to
facts belonging to the religious conscience. ... As generally understood,
that which is called ** mystic " is Fupposed to he absolutely mysterious, and
so it is, but only for the understanding (/wr den Verstand). . . . All specu-
lative and unitive thought {cUles Vemiinftige) may be called mystic; but
ihi;} implies only th.st it goes be3'ond the [limits of ] analytical thought (den
Verstand), and not that it u generally inaccessible or inconceivable.'
It may be well to add to these statements, that HegeFs ac-
ceptance of the mystic's chief intuitions by no means included
anything more than first principles. It had no reference either to
his theories and imaginative viwes of physics, or to his peculiar
interpretations of the Scriptures, or to his discursive modes of
reasoning by analogies. On the contrary, these were mostly
described by Hegel as the results of a want of education, and as
unsuccesi^ful eflbrts to find expressions for deep thoughts. But he
made no secret of his agreement on first and fundamental piinci-
pies with tbe humble and almost illiterate shoemaker of Gorlitz,
whom lie described as a man * of mighty mind,' and as 'deserving
the title '^ Pbilosophus Teutonicus.'' ' This concord of Ilegel and
Bohme is, we think, one of the most extraordinary facts in the
history of philosophy.*
Hegel's originality is seen in the laborious development of a
vast unitive process of thought, and not in the discovery of a first
principle. * J believe,' he said, ' that, in substance, my method is
implied in all religions and in all philosophies.' His aim was to
prove, by its own full development in a system, a principle that
* We give faithfully, though, for the sake of conciseness, partly in our
own diction, a statement of B&hme's central doctrine. It consists of the
following three principles : —
I. All existence — Divine and Natural— has its source in a Union of Affir-
mation with Negation. The word * Yea * is the first ntteranoe of Eternal
Divine Life and Power ; but the affirmation, in itself and alone, would be
inconceivable. It could find no resistance to be overcome by Power, and no
object to call forth the exercise of Love, which is the essence of the Divine
Nature.
II. There must be, therefore, * an Eternal Ground ' [or condition] of
dudity, a power of differentiation, as the Source of all life and creative
energy.
III. But this duality impliea no such fixed division as is seen in the ex-
ternal world, but is eternally tranamuted into Union.
XXVIII.] DIALECTICS. 475
\
bad been maintained by Proclus, as well as by Bobme, and wbicb
bad been also asserted in a rhapsodical style by Ilamann. To
develope this principle 'of the coincidence of opposites ' — as Ha-
mann used to call it — Hegel made use of a dialectic method which
accorded with the doctrine of Spinoza and Kant ; namely, that a
logical succession and imion of thoughts must coincide with the
succession and union taking place in the objects of thought.
Now the universal form of succession in objects is expressed in
the first concrete thought of * becoming * (das Werden)^ and this
implies a coincidence of the opposites of being and not-being.*
If we maintain the existence of one of these opposites as a separato
or abstract thought, or so as to exclude the other, we rest satisfied
'with the iirst or dogmatic stage in thinking. If we use each of
the opposites only to contradict the other, then we make a de-
fective use of dialectics, so as to lead to scepticism. If we gi'asp
the opposites in theii own logical and concrete union we have
their truth —the concept {der Begriff),
By begiuning thus with the comparatively barren notion of
' a becoming ' (or a beginning to exist), and by proceeding from it
to richer and truer conceptions, it might seem that we developed
the higher from the lower, and the greater from the less. This ia
not Hegel's meaning. The dialectic process must be understood
as a method used in the exploration of truth, and that which
appears last^ aa the result of our enquiry, is, itself, a prim.
In the End we find the true Beginning. The less concrete
thoughts may be said to pas8 away, or rather to be at once sub-
ordinated and contained [in one word, aufffehobeii] in the highest
concrete thought — the Idea — in which all other concepts are at
once distinguished and united.
■
* It ia on account of this statement that Hegel's whole system has been
described aa baaid on the assertion ot an absurdity : — A«i —A. The Jirst
concrete thought we have, says Hegel, is that of becoming (daa Werden)^ and
in this the abstract thoughts of being and its negation are united. Apart
from their onion in the concrete notion of becoming, they are mere abstrac-
tions. As common sense never thinks of abstractions, and can therefore
maintain no proposition whatever respecting thenif it follows, that meta-
physics when treating of the first elements of thought cannot contradict
' common sense.' It must not be imagined that these mere rudimehts are
described by Hegel as important parts of his system. On the contrary, he
calls * the first concrete or unitive thought ' itself * a very barren definition.*
It is, he aaya, again and again, in the study of such subjects as life, organi-
sation, government, freedom, religion, art, and philosophy itself^ that the
interest of philosophy consists.
476 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
As practical men have nothing to do with ahstract notions, it
must happen that, when an attempt is made to give an account of
the least concrete forms of thinking, the true meaning will be
liable to be mistaken. It might, at a first glance, appear as if
Hegel passed over as altogether false the first act of thought — ^the
assertion of a definition without reference to its dialectic moment.
For this first act of thought, which he describes as the function of .
'the Understanding' (der Verstand)^ he vindicates a high im-
portance in all the departments of study, and especially .in law
and in practical life. The sharp definite outlines of laws, he says,
must not be washed away by casuietiy or spurious dialectics, but
must be maintained, in their own right place, although they are
inevitably partly arbitrary. There is great force in the common*
saying, ' The line must be drawn somewhere.' In a word, the
definitive understanding has its rights \ but it is not a final court
of appeal. Anarchy is not despotism, says common sense ; for
anarchy has no head, and despotism has nothing but a head.
True \ but lea extrSmea se touchefnt, and despotism arises out of
anarchy.
The results of dialectics may be made to appear absurd in the
treatment of the least concrete notions ; but are found important
as we proceed to treat of higher thoughts. A reader who is
puzzled by the abstractions of ' being ' and ' nothing ' that meet
in the notion of ' becoming ' will at once see some truth in the
coincidence of the apparently opposite notions of freedom and law.
Their opposition is so strong that, unhappily, many minds can
never grasp the two as one. Yet what is abstract freedom in
itself but* a mere wilful negation of all the bonds of society?
And, on the other side, what are just laws but necessary means
for the attainment of true flreedom P Grasp the two thoughts in
their own union, and you have the far higher and richer or more
comprehensive thought of a true and spiritual liberation of the
will from the slavery of nature and egoism — the act of liberation
which expresses itself as personality in the word I. The same
true and unitive freedom is felt as well as thought of as the love
that finds its own interests in those of othera So the law that
demands the sacrifice of the first false and egotistic freedom leads
to the development of another and a higher freedom which is
identi<^ with true happiness. This unitive process is expressed
in the ethics of the Christian religion, and also in the highest
XXVni.] DIALECTICS. 477
poetry. Wobdswobth, for example, in hia noble ' Ode to Duty/
speaks thus of the negative freedom that is identical with
slaveiy : —
Me this uncbflOrtered freedom tires ;
I feel the weight of chance-desires. • . .
I long for a repose that always is the same.
And then follows a stanza which contains the genuine doctrine
of freedom, clothed in the language of splendid poetry. We have
already referred to it (ante, Chapter XYU.), but cannot forbear
quoting it in full : —
Stem Lawoiyeb ! — i/et thou dost if ear
The Godhead's most benignant grace j
Nor Jknow we anything so fair
As is the smile upon thy face :
Flowers laugh before thee on their beds.
And fragrance in thy footing treads ;
Thou dost preserve the stars from wrong
And the most ancient heavens through thee are fresh and strong.
Hegel, if he had read Wordsworth's poems, would have been
greatly delighted with the bold antitheses melted down and
welded in that stanza, which gives the poetry of the dialectic
method.
The process becomes clearer as it advances higher and higher
towards its goal — to find aH truth in the one absolute idea of
God, which, as an English divine (Robert Hall) says, ' gathers
into itself all that is ftdr, and true, and good/ and ' is enthroned
on the riches of the universe/ But our limited space forbids our
saying more on this point ; for we now approach the passage that
to many minds presents the most formidable difficulty in the whole
system of the Hegelian philosophy. It is the transition from the
Divine Idea to the development of Nature. It would merely
show that we knew nothing of the hard problem, if we attempted
to give here any brief solution. In passing, we may obsei've that
the greater part of Franz von Baader*s abstruse gnosis is occupied
with this one problem, and indeed, the whole of Bohme's mys*
ticism arose, not from any intellectual pride, but from an earnest
struggle against the temptations and doubts suggested by views
of real life.
Hegel's logic concludes with a definition of the Absolute Idea,
478 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
aa a union of soul and hodj, and as a Life including in itself all
the conditions of its own existence and development. On the
contrary, the general form of Nature is a division; a disunion, of
which time and space are the conditions. How can the Idea and
Nature be united P Because, says Hegel, the Idea is absolute,
and includes in itself all conceivable union — even a mediation
between union and disunion. It is for the sake of developing, by
means of a strong disunion, a richer and deeper life and union,
that the free and absolute Idea represents itself in Nature and
returns to itself through the progresHive development of the mind.
The transition from the Idea to actual Nature is otherwise re-
presented in £ohme*s gnosis as ' The Fall,* or as the degradation
of a primeval nature in which the Divine Idea is perfectly repre-
sented. This is the most important point on which the teaching
of Bohme and Baader differs from that of Hegel.
In Nature we find no perfect expressions either of the definitions
and oppositions or of the unitive concepts of logic, and we find no
freedom. The Idea is therefore described as alienated from
itself, and as if concealed from itself, when represented as Nature ;
but also as ever striving towards redintegration. All the evil that
Bohme ascribes to ' the Fall ' is included here under such mild
terms as 'the defect,' 'the imperfection,' or 'the feebleness^
(Ohnmacht) of Natmre. Hegel's notion of power is that of the
grasp of one idea extending over many subordinate expressions.
This is felt as the j>ower of gravitation in Mechanics ; but here
the several parts of a system, though held in connection with a
centre, are still so many parts destitute of the closer union that is
found in Physics.
Several remarkable conclusions in the philosophy of Nature
must be passed over with the merely historical statement, that
they are opposed to the teaching of eminent men of authority in
physical sdenoe. Hegel denounced Newton'a theory of.optics, and
defended Goethe's doctrine of colours ; he denied the theory of de-
velopment now commonly known as 'the Darwinian,' and he main-
"tained that meteoric stones might be formed out of the atmosphere.
One of his statements, that excited great surprise, was to the effect
that the whole array of the fixed stars in the heavens was, to his
mind, less interesting as an object of contemplation than the
meanest form of animal life; 'for,' said he, 'Uie concrete and
organic is more than the abstract' He seems to have presomed
.XXVin.] THE PHILOSOPHY OF NATUBE. 479
* that if organisation existed in the groups of the fixed stars, it must
have the power of making itself manifest in BerliiL Here, how-
ever, he was again consistent with his own central thought — that
all truth lives in union, and that a striving towards redintegration,
is the animating principle, or Soul of the World. It advances
through Physics to a clearer assertion of its aim in Chemistry ;
then- makes itself still more manifest in the organism of the
animaly and, at last, comes into the daylight of self-consciousness
in Man.
This leads ns to fiegel's doctrine of Man, his History and his
Destiny. He is bom in Nature, but it is his destination to come
out of or to rise above Nature, and to attain the freedom that
essentially belongs to the Mind. His first act of overcoming the
separations of natural life is to recognise himself in others ; or to
know his fellow-men as, in substance, identical with himself.
This act of mutual recognition introduces a transition from the
natural beHum omnium contra omnea ('the warfare of everyone
' - against everyone *) into a rational and social state of life. The
private and egotistic will becomes social and objective, and ex-
presses itself in the sacred dictates of just laws. The morality of
the individual is imperfect or one-sided, so long as it does no
recognise itself in the essential institutions and conditions of
society. Of these one of the first is marriage, which, says Hegel,
should be regarded, not as an affair of sentiment or passion, bu
as a bond including the strictest obligations. Its dissolution
should always be made as difficult as possible. Facile divorce is
the road to social dissolution. The self-government of men in
their municipAl c6rporations should train a people to recognise
the State as supreme, and to enjoy the advantages of limited and
representative monarchy. .
We have next to notice Ilegers doctrine of freedom, which
may be stated, in a few part^raphs, as follows : —
The progress of mankind, of which history is the record, bfls for its aim,
says Hegel, the liberation of men from their natural bondofire under the
sway of their passions and their restoration to the freedom which belongs
essentially to the mind of man. This freedom must be at once internal
and external, including, first, liberation from an innate' servitude to nature,
and, second]}', freedom of action in accordance with laws founded in uni-*
versa! reason. The aim of the world's progress is to realise more and more
this, the common libertv of many persons acting in concert and as having
one will— a freedom that shall be outwardly expressed in just institution^
480 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUBB. [Ch.
and inwardly enjoyed in a cheerfal assent to external laws. There the mind
shall find in external institations only the expressions of its own true
thoughts, and in this union of the mind with the social and political world
there can exist no sense of bondage ; for all bondage implies disunion.
The three chief stages in the development of the idea of freedom may bo
named respectively the Oriental, the Antique-European (pr Grecian), and
the Christian. In the first stage — Oriental Despotism — one monarchic wiU
alone is free. The eastern despot is the solitary ' Ego ; * the constitutional
king is the dot placed over the letter L When Friedrich Wilhelm III. was
told that Hegel had called the King of Prussia 'a dot,' he only replied, with
good humour, ' Well ; but the dot is wanted to make the letter confplete.'
A true king, says Hegel, represents the WiU of Reason as supreme over
all self-will, including his own. In a despotic State, morals, laws, and re-
ligious institutions are all external, or, in other words, are not reflected in
the individual conscience. They may be, or indeed must be, more or less
unitive and reasonable, ' for <God governs the world ;*' but they are not
firmly based upon moral freedom. The great work of the ancient free states
of Greece was, therefore, to prevent the spread of Oriental Despotism in
Europe. Hence the battles of Marathon, ThermopylsB, and Platcea were
fought for the interest of the whole world, and Alexander's victories were
made agents for extending civilisation and culture.
But the development of freedom in the states of antiquity was partiaL
It existed there in a harsh contrast with the condition of the slaves. Free-
dom was a special privilege enjoyed by the citizens of a certain state, but
was not defined as the general destination of man. The Athraians had,
indeed, no true general ideas either of God or of man. *The God of the
Nations ' was, for the Athenians, * an unknown God.' Accordingly, there
was an absolute gulph left between themselves and all barbariims ; in other
words, all the peoples who were not Greeks. The question has been raised,
*why has the institution of slavery disappeared from modem Europe*?'
and first one ground, then another, has been referred to, in order to explain
the remarkable fact. But the true ground is found only in the essential
principle of Christianity itself. The Christian religion is the religion of
absolute freedom. . . .
This gpreat thought that freedom is the universal destination of man was
first introduced to the world by the Christian rejigion, an^ can be realised
only by a universal sway of Christian morality,
Hegel had the highest admiration of the poetry and the ar-
tistic culture of the ancient Greeks ; but he described their religion
— * the religion of beauty ' — as too shallow to be permanent. It
could not, he says, endure a philosophical investigation. On the
contrary, he speaks of Christianity as 'the absolute revealed
religion/ and as revealing truth in the form in which ' it must
appear for all mankind.' He speaks of a rejection of what be
calls the fundamental doctrines of Christianity on account of some
* associated historic doubts and difficulties as ' foolish and pitiable *
(Idppisch und erharrnUch), He thus describes the true idea of
Christian freedom : —
xxym.] FKEEDOM. 481
It is in the Christian religipn alone that the basis of a general and ]tn>-
gressive freedom is found. The law of an external liberation of slaves is
derived from the Authority who also demands that our internal liberation
should be reSlised, and the two laws can never be separated. Moral
liberation and political freedom must advance together. The process must
demand sonie vast space of time for its full realisation ; but it is the law of
the world's progress and the Teutonic nations are destined to cany it into
effect. The Reformation was an indispensable preparation for this great
work.
The history of the world is a record of the endeavours made to realise the
idea of freedom and of a progress surely made, but not without many
intervals of apparent failure and retrogression. Among all modem failures
the French Revolution of the eighteenth century is the most remarkahle.
It was an endeavour to realise a boundless external liberation without the
indispensable condition of moral freedom. Abstract notions based merely
on the understanding, and having no power to control the natural wills of
men, assumed the functions of morality and religion, and so ed to the
dissolution of society and to the social and political difficulties in the midst
of which we are now labouring. The progress of freedom can never be
aided by ^ revolution that has not been preceded by a religious reformation.
Hegel spoke (in 1833) of a time coming when Atomism would
previdl in politics, as onoe in physical science, and men would
' put down a government^ simply because it was a government'
In the concluding sections of his ' Encyclopesdia ' (1st edition^
1817) Hegel speaks still more distinctly, if possible, of the indis-
soluble union of true morals and religion with free and firm
political institutions. His statements here are so far unlike some
of the tendencies that hav» been commonly ascribed to hia
teaching, that a summary of several paragraphs may, perhaps, be
found interesting: —
Morality, says Hegel, is the substance of the State ; or^ in other words,
the State is the development and affirmation of the people's united moral
will ; but Rt/ligion is the substance of both moral and political life. The
State is founded on the moral character of the people, and their Morality is
founded on their Religion. Laws are accepted as just and right, so far as
they are generally felt and known to be the practical dictates of a true
Religion. By an inquir}' into the ba»e$ of Morals we are thus led back to
Religion, and, with regard to the education of the individual, it is true that
he can be 1^ only through ethics to a true knowledge of the Divine
Character. There is no other way that leads to a true Religion, and thus
it might appear, that Morals should be described as the basis of Religion.
But this is true only with respect to the sequence that takes place in our
training. The basis of the laws to which men submit must exist prior to
all the laws that are founded upon it. It is the root from which they
spring, or the underlying substance of their existence. Apart tnm tJl
metaphysical discussions on the relations of Religion and Morals, the truth
remains, that they nuiit ever be viewed a$ inteparable. There cannot be two
consciences in a man, one for practical and another for religious interests.
II
482 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. .[Ch.
Accordingly, as be deeply and sincerely believes, so l)e will act. Religion
must be the baas of Morals, and Morality must be the foundation of a
SUte. ^
We give the next passage in a strict and close form of transla-
tion, and in italics, in order that there may be left no doubf
whatever respecting the writer's own assertions : —
*Itt8 the monstrous error of our times to wish to regard these
inseparables ' [religion, morals, and politics] ^ as if they were sepa-
rable^ one frmn the others ; yea, as if they were even indifferent to
one another. Accordingly^ the relation ofMeUgion with the State is
viewed as if the latter, first of ail, had an independent eaistenee in
itself by virtue of some might and authority * [not derived from
religion] ' — as if the religious element might be viewed apart, either
as a aubfective disposition of individuals, inducing thetn to yidd
obedience to the State, or as (m indifferent matter, or, at best, as
merely desirable as an aid in supporting the Staters authority*
[This separatist doctrine implies, in short, the assumption that]
' the State's whole moral system, including its constitution and its laws,
as founded on reason, can stand of itself and on its own ground,*
[apart from all religious sanctions].
Thus Hegel describes what he designates * the monstrous error
of our times.' He then goes on to say, that a religion founded
only on tradition and external authority can supply no basis for
the institutions of a free State, ^en must be made internally
free before they can dnjoy a true and unitive political freedom.
They inust be subject neither to the bondage of nature [their own
passions] nor to religious despotism ; but must learn to recognise'
their own true* character in the institutions to which they yield a
willing obedience. The problem of realising this true spiritual
and political freedom is admitted to be both complex and difficulty
and therefore, it is said, the process of the world's history is long;
but all attempts to find a shorter way to freedom are only retro-
gressive, and a union and order founded merely on an external
authority cannot be permanent. In conclusion, Hegel asserts that
the Ultramontane theory of religious authority can never be made
to accord with any political institutions that are not despotic
No government can be safe, he says, while the people regard it as
existing apart from all the sanctions of religion which are found
on the outside of the State. The religion of a people must be
immanent in their political and social institutiona.
XXVni.] -ESTHETICS. 483
These summaries and quotations can leave no doubt of the
author's general 'teaching respecting the union of politics and
religion. But the important questions remain : — ^What is the
substance of the religion here spoken of? What is its definite
historical form? Is its doctrine fairly represented in such a
treatise as * The Old Faith and the New' by Dr. Sti^auss?—
These questions are leading on to the great controversy of the
future.
It is but little space that we have left for a notice of HegeFa
doctrine of iSsthetics. The individual man, we are told^ must rise
above his early subjection to Nature, must subdue its passions,
and make himself, to a certain degree, independent of its cares
and perturbations, before he can enjoy in Art the expression of
Ideas through a sensuous medium. He is then able to contemplate
Nature as a transparent veil through which Divine Ideas are
shining. In Architecture the material element prevails over the
intellectual. In Sculpture every part of the material employed
serves the purpose of expressing the Idea ; but the soul still finds
no perfectly adequate expression. Something is wanting to ani-
mate the work of Art ; and this animating Soul, with its rich
and powerful laoguage of lights and shades, as well as forms and
colours and softly-blending or dearly-contrasted tones, finds a
higher expression in Painting. Art finds a more subjective form
of expression in the sensations and emotions that are blended in
Music. Then all the powers of Art are united in Poetiy. The
richer and deeper the thought expressed in a poem, the
higher the value of poetry ; but the tiiought must be clothed by
imagination and not barely presented as in science. Thus the
' Antigone ' of Sophocles is a sublime tragedy, of which the form
is truly dramatic, while the substance is a preifound kuth — the
assertion of divine and eternal laws : —
aypavra KdaipaXrj 9tuv
vdfiiva, • • •
A higher union than that which Art can reveal is found in
Heligion, of which the essence is a reconciliation of the Infi-
nite with the Finite. In its earliest stage, Religion appears as a
prostration of' the mind under the deified powers of nature;
then follows Judaism, 'the religion of sublimity,' — a faith in
one Supreme Intelligence and Moral Will as the Buler of an
xi2
484 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEBATTJRE. [Ch.
elect people. This ia contrasted with Hellenism, * the religion of
beauty/ in which men, or the attributes of men, appear as gods,
but without a true and powerful subordination of Nature. The
gods of Greece were not spiritual By the Christian Religion
alone, the eternally true and real union of the Diyine with the
Human is revealed in the sufferings of the Mediator and in the
forgiveness of sins. The gods of the cultured heathen world be-
longed to a remote and imaginary sphere. ' Through the Me-
diator this common, real world, this state of lowliness in which we
dwell, has become no longer despicable— has even been conse-
crated.'
Hegel concludes his * Encydopcedia ' by quoting, as expressive
of his own doctrine respecting the Absolute, the well-known and
sublime passage in Aristotle's ' Metaphysics ' (XL 7), ending with
the words —
ToSto 7^^ 6 'OsJf.
•
The final result is, that in the End is found the True Be^nning
— God, who is before all things and in whom all things have their
being. The Mind, after all research, finds rest nowhere but in
the thought of Lifinite Power^ Wisdom, and Love concentrated in
Onb —
Whose everlasting purposes embraoe
All accidents, converting them to good*
English readers will accept high speculation, if given in the
form of verse, as we find it in poetry written by Vaughan, Words-
worth, and by our laureate, in his in Memonam, Hegel's final
teaching may be found in one of the finest sermons ever vnritten
in English verse. We refer to the fourth book of Wordsworth's
< Excursion*'
XXIX.] PHILOSOPHIOAL CONTROVERSIES. 486
CHAPTBB XXTX.
FBILOSOPEICAL OOinSOTBBSIBS — ^HBRBABT — aOEOVEXtJLLVKB — BLLDVEL
EBQEUAN SCHOOL — ^BU.TBBIAULSK.
Thb time when, in Germany, the theories of Kant, Fichte, Schel«
ling, and Hegel were studied with ardent enthusiasm has passed
away. We cannot pretend here to assign all the true causes of
.the revolution in thought that has taken place since 1830 ; but some
circumstances that have hastened its progress are evident enough.
These are, firstly, the controversies between rival systems of phi-
losophy and the divisions made in the Hegelian School ; secondly,
the influence of inductive studies of physical science which were
partly promoted by Schopenhauer's writings ; and thirdly, the
rapid growth of a practical materialism. The literature repre-
senting these movements must be noticed.
Of the metaphysical controversy that arose soon after 1830
little can be said here. The whole design of the Hegelian
method, which was to find the unity of a system ruling
throughout all the sciences^ was condemned as erroneous by
JoHANV Fbiedrich Herbart (1776-1841), the author of a
'Universal Practical Philosophy' (1808). Among his other
writings the most remarkable and important is the treatise on
* Psychology as a Science,' in which he employs a mathematical
method. For detidls respecting a purely logical and metaphysical
dispute on the merits of the dialectic method, the writings of Karl
Michelet, Trendelenberg and Kuno Fischer may be referred to.
More important controversies, involving religious and political
interests, soon followed, and of these some account may be
giTen.
ScHELUKd in his latest teaching (1841-<54), which may be .
found in the last four volumes of his collected works (1856-61),
486 OUTLINES OF GEBMAK LTTERATUBK [Cx.
asserted a doctrine of Monotheiam, as distinct from both Theism
and Fantheisnu It had been asserted that, instead of the idea of
a Supreme Personal Being, the first theory of Fichte had substi-
tuted an immanent moral government of the world, and it was
afterwards declared as a .fact, that Hegel had reduced the same
idea to an immanent intellectual process. In opposition to this
negative philosophy, as he called it^ Schelling in his latest series
of lectures delivered at Berlin, asserted the transcendence of the
Divine Mind. In other parts of his latest teaching, Schelling's
Coctrines mostly accorded with those of Franz von Baader, who,
in several of hiB abstruse and discursive writings, had controverted
certain tendencies of the Hegelian SchooL
Before noticing Baader's gnosis or theory, it may be well to refer
to a remarkable book first published in 1819. Though it was one
of the clearest works ever written on the subjects of which it
treated, it fell dead from the press, and remained almost uttt'jrly
unnoticed until 1844, when a second edition appeared. This re-
markable book was entitled Die Welt ah Wide %md Vorstdlung
('The World as Will and Bepresentation '), and was written by
Abthttb ScHOFENHAiTER, already mentioned (in Chapter XXIII.)
as the son of the novelist Johanna Schopenhauer. His main pur-
port was to show that the questions discussed by metaphysidans
and theologians belonged to a realm of shadows rather than to the
real, living, and practical world. He asserted, in short, that while
professors lectured on the respected values of intellectual systems,
they were neglecting the realities by which the course of the
world IB governed.
Arthur ScHOFEKkAUER was bom at Danzig in 1788. In early
life he visited England, and spent some mo/iths in an English
school. He subsequently studied at Gottingen and Berlin, and
resided for some time in Weimar, where he was acquainted with
Goethe, who described his Mend as ^a young man not under-
stood.' His reading was very extensive and discursive, including
French and English as well as Oriental literature and philosophy;
but of German systems of metaphysics — excepting Kant's — ^he
always spoke witji contempt His chief work, the original and
clearly written treatise entitled Die Welt ale WUle und Vorstelktnff,
was produced, as the< author says, with very little trouble, before
1818. After travelling in Italy, he returned to Berlin, whence he
was driven by his fear of the epidemic there prevalent in 1881
XXIX.] SCHOPENHAUER. 487
He afterwards lived about thirty jeara, as a rather gloomy hennit;
at Frankfurt, where he died suddenly in 1860.
His chief work, already mentioned^ had a remarkable fieite. It
was left almost utterly unnoticed by philosophers and reviewers
who might have derived benefit from it — at least in one important
point of view — namely, by imitating its clear and graphic style.
Their silence w&s ascribed to a supposed conspiracy against the
author, and this increased his natural severity of temper. After
remaining silent for about sixteen years, he reassei'ted his doctrine
in a short treatise * On the Will in Nature ' (1836), and published,
subsequently, several other works, of which the essays styled
Parerga und Parcdipomena (1851) are the most popular. Scho-
penhauer is one of the best of stylists. His sentences have often
the clear glitter of a diamond ; but — like the author*8 temper —
are mostly antithetic, and seldom conciliatory. His books may
be opened anywhere to find instances of original and impressive
writing. In his metaphysics he generally follows Kant, but not
with a logical consequence. The substance of all phenomena is
described by Schopenhauer as ' the Will in Nature,' which, in
man, becomes conscious of its own character.
We may dismiss with this brief notice Schopenhauer's meta-
physics ; but his ethical doctrine, professing to be derived from
an insight into the realities of life, demands attention. It is, at
least, important as an antithesis to all shallow optimism, and in
some parts is too well founded on facts. It gives, in the clearest
and most concise form, the primitive doctrine of Bouddhism. For
the sake of brevity, we give it here in the dogmatic form of a
summary. It may. be repeated, that Schopenhauer constantly uses
the word 7Ft2/, not in its common sense, bat to designate Nature
itself as the force by which all the phenomena or facts of the
world around us and within us are produced. According to his
own theory, ho ought to have made one exception ; but of this we
say nothing more at present, as our lirst object is to lef the theory
speak for itself. In compiling the following summary we refer
mostly to the author's chief work above mentioned, but also to
hi^ short treatise on. 'the Will in Nature,' and to his other
writings :—
Our inductiye science ends with the questions^' Whence ? ' ' Wherefore? '
We observe facts, and classify them ; but then follows a question respecting
the substance that lies behind the facts ? What do they express ? What
488 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEEATURE. [Ch.
Is the Will of Trhich they are the Representation 7 — Jt we were isolated from
the world around us, we could not answer the question. But we are not so
isolated. 'We belong to nature, and nature is included in oursdves. We
have in ourselves the laws of the world around us. We find in our own
bodies the mechanicd laws, and those of the organic lift manifested in plants
and animals. We have the sane understanding which we find workinfr i
around us in the system of nature. If we consisted only of the body and 1
the understanding, we eould not distinguish ourselves from nature. If we
know what is in ourselves, we know what is in nature. Now what do we
find controlling the facts of our own natural life ? An impulse which '^o
may call the Will to live. We often use the word Will in a complex sense,
n:i impl^ng both thought and choice ; but in its purest, simplest sense, as
the word is used here, it means the impulse, or force, which is the cftuse of a
phenomenon. In this sense, there is a Will from which the movementa
within the earth and upon its surface derive their origin. It works con-
tinuously upwards from the forms of crystals, through the forms of zoophytes,
mollusca, annelida, insecta, arachnida, crustaoea, pisces, reptilia, aves, and
mammalia. There is one Will manifested in the growth of all plants and
animols. That which we call a purpose when viewed as associated with
intellect, is, when regarded most simply, or in itself, a force or impulse — the
natural Will of which we are now. speaking. It is the Will to live — ^tbe
mighty impulse by which every creature is impelled to maintain its own ex-
istence, and without any care for the existence of others. It is an uncon-
scious Egoism. Nature is apparently a collection of many wiUs ; but all
are reducible to one — the Will to live. Its whole life is a never-ending I
warfare. It is for ever at strife with itself ; for it asserts itself in one foon
to deny itself as asserted in other forms. It is everywhere furnished with
the means of working out its purpose. Where the Will of the lion is found,
we find the powerful limbs, the claws, the teeth necessary for supporting the
life to which the animal is urged by his Will. The Will is found associsted
in man with an understanding; but is not subservient to that understanding.
On the contrary, the understanding or intellect is subservient. The Will is
the moving power ; the understanding is the instrument.
This one Will in Nature and in ourselves serves to explain a g^reat part
of all the movements of human society. Hence arise the collisions of
interests that excite envy, strife, and hatred between individuals or elates.
Society differs from an unsocial state of life in the forms imposed by intelli-
gence on the egoistic Will, but not in any radical change made in that WilL
Thus etiquette is the convenience of egoism, and law is a fixing of boundaries
within which egoism may conveniently pursue ita objects. The world
around us, including what is called the social or civilized world, may seem
fair, when it is viewed only as a stage, and without any reference to the
tragedy that is acted upon it. But, viewed in its reality, it is an arena for
gladiators, or an amphitheatre where all who would be at peace have to
defend themseh'-es. As Voltaire says, it is with sword in hand that we
must live and die. The man who expects to find peace and safety here is
like the traveller, told of in one of Grecian's stories, who, entering a district
where he hoped to meet his fellow-men, found it peopled only by wolves
and bears, while men had escaped to caves in a neighbouring forest. The
same egoistic Will that manifests itsdf dimly in the lowest stages of life,
{ nd becomes more and more clearly pronounced as we ascend to creatures
XXIX.J SCHOPENHAUEE. 489
of higher organisation, attains its highest energy in man, and is here modi-
fied, but not essentially changed, by a superior intelligence. The insect-
world is full of slaughter ; the sea hi<!es from us frightful scenes of cruel
rapacily ; the tyrannical and destructive instinct marks the so-called king
of birds, and rages in the feline tribes. In. human society, some mitigation
of this strife takes place as the result of experience and culture. By the use
of the understanding, the Will makes laws for itself, so that the natural
bellum omnium contra omnes is modified, and leaves to the few victors some
opportunities of enjoying the results of their victory. Law is a means of
reducing the evils of social strife to their most convenient form, and politics
must be regarded in the same way. The strength of all law and government
lies in our dread of the anarchic Will, that lies couched behind the barriers
of society and is ready to spring fgrth when they are broken down.
In passing, it may be noticed that Schopenhauer's political
views are conservative, and are founded on the principle of ' qttieta
non movere/ or ' let well alone.' He has not hope enough to
become a reformer. He warns us that the dark realities of
human nature, which, in ordinary times, are disguised under the
forms of law, are not essentially altered, but still exist, and may
again appear in the forms they ]iave assumed in times like those
of the French Revolution. To defend himself against a charge
of exaggeration, Schopenhauer refers to a host ^f facts in indi-
vidual experience, social life, and history. He sees no 'divine
epic ' in history ; but mostly regards its records of intrigues and
contentions as no more * sublime ' than so many stories of antelopes
slain by tigers. He looks beyond the scenery into the motives of
the actors on the stage, and finds these generally reducible to the
one principle of Egoism. The facts of our every-day life are dis-
played in the same light Our mutual distrust is shown in the
care we take to know that a neighbour has no selfish interest in
our affairs before we listen to his advice. So far does egoism
prevail, says Schopenhauer, that even such poets as Homer and
Shakespeare have portrayed but few truly noble characters, and
Dante succeeded far better in describing Hell than when laying
the scene of his poem in Paradise. Schopenhauer goes on to assert
that a merely intellectual culture can have no power to change
the will. The following may be given as a summary of his. doc-
trine on this part of his subject : —
Society is nothing more than a continuation of tho conflict of nature,
under the guidance of intelligence. It is vain to hope for any ami'lioration
of society from the prevalence of an intellectual education. Culture of the
intellect supplies new weapons for use in the conflict, and may render it
490 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Ch.
less rode in appearance^ but cannot change its natnre. The understanding
18 subservient to the will. Therefore no change of haman nature can ever
be effected by the spread of moral doctrines. A man at rest will argue
with you, by way of pastime (just as he would play at draughts), but let
his Will be roused ; then appeal to his logical notions, and you will find
how much he really cares for them ! Tell the theoretical democrat or
leveller, when he acts as a tyrant, that his conduct is * inconsequent.' He
will laugh at you. Ho always was, at heart, a tyrant ; he now can show
it, and does so. Doctrines and creeds are forms ; the Will supplies their
contents. Just as a vehicle may convey substances having wholesome, or
injurious, or indifferent properties, so any system of thinking — theological,
moral, or political — may be made to bear any purport, good or bad.' To try
to shape opinions, so that they may nof be made sobservient to any evil
purpose, is all labour in vain.
This is all very gloomy ; but it does not represent the whole of
Schopenhauer's teaching. He has next to explain the origin of
such principles as sympathy, benevolence, and self-sacrifice^ and
this he attempts by telling us that the Will, which he has so far
described as asserting itself^ is essentially free and can, therefore,
also deny itself. It is led to self-denial by arriving, firstly, at the
highest state of intelligence. ' The principle of individuation ' on
which egoism is based, is seen to be a delusion and a source of
endless miseries. Self-denial now assumes the character of
Fympathy, which, says Schopenhauer, is the basis of all true
ethics. We cannot trace a logical sequence in this passage from
the principle of egotism to that of sympathy. Waiving that
difficulty, however, we may notice how the author proceeds to^
show that Sympathy must lead to an entii;e resignation of the
Will — the one complete virtue, which is found only among true
Bouddhists, and ascetic Christians of the ancient school. Some
degree of the self-resigning mood of mind, he admits, is found in
ideal artists — ^men who have lived for the sake of art alone.
•
Schopenhauer writes well on SBsthetics, and describes as the
.highest characteristic of pure art its power of elevating the soul
above all egoistic and personal views and desires. Esthetic con-
templation is, therefore, some preparation for that entire resigna-
tion of the natural Will in which the gummum honum is found. That
this resignation is possible is proved by some parts of the history of
the Christian Church and by the lives of genuine ascetic Bouddhists.
Sympathising with the 'sorrows of all life, and seeing clearly that
their longing for this finite life inflicts on all creatures the strife and
misery that mark their destiny, the benevolent and contemplative
XXIX.] BAADEB. 491
man, *flajs Schopenliatier, becomes cbastened and subdued, and
his Will is lost in a perfect resignation. He no longer has any
Will to live. In ail essential points, Scbopenhauer*8 ethical
teaching is identical With the primitiYe doctrine of Boaddhism.
He dwells on the assertion that the Hegelian philosophy and
other intellectual systems had not dared to encounter the problem
presented to us in the existence (the predominance, says Schopen-
hauer) of physical and moral evil. But there was one contempo-
rary writer who had deeply studied the. problem. It is one of
the chief subjects treated of in the writings of Baader, who, in
all other respects, differed widely ftom Schopenhauer. The latter
vfrote, as we have seen, in a remarkably clear and correct style.
Baader's style may be described as gloom interrupted, here and
there, by vivid flashes of lightning.
Fbanz Xateb voir Baader, bom at Miinchen in 1766, was in
early life a student of Schelling's theories and of Bohme's theo-
so^hy, which he employed in the exposition of doctrines main-
tained by the Catholic Church. It is hardly necessary to add
that he received censure for this attempt to unite faith and specu-
lation. He was condemned as belonging to a class of heretical *
men calling themselves Catholics, who more or less mingled
theology with their own speculations and who were represented
by Sailer, Wessenberg, Keller, Hermes, and Gunther. The last-
named author, who was a priest, wrote several discursive polemic
essays against philosophers ; but his zeal in the defence of theo-
logy gained no reward. All his vmtings were inserted in the
Index Ubrorum FroMbUorumf afld received papal condemnation in
1867. B|uider*s writings indude an essay on the * Physical Basis
of Ethics ' (1813), < Lectures on ReUgious Philosophy ' (1826),
'Lectures on Speculative Dogmatics,' a work on 'Eastern and
Western CatholiciBm,' and a series of tracts entitled Fermenta
Cognitiomt, His doctrine of social organisation is contained in
his 'Outlines of the Philosophy of Society,' edited by his disciple
'Franz Hoffmann, and first publishea in 1837. Baader died in
1841.
It is as an earnest opponent of one of the supposed tendencies *
of the Hegelian system that Baader is remarkable. He finds, he
says, in that system the serious error of representing the material
world now existing as a representation of the original creation.
In other words, Baader holds in its most extensive interpretation
492 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEE. [Co.
tlie doctrine of tlie Bible and of both the Catholic and tha Pro-
testant Church, respecting * the fall of man ^ and the consequent
degradation of physical life. He maintains that moral and
physical evil are indissolubly united^ find sees in all the evils of
the material world and of human society the result of an insur-
rection against Divii^p authority. If we saw a criminal beheaded^
says Baader, it would be absurd to ascribe his death to the
sharpness of the axe, and it is as absurd to ascribe to physical
causes the evil and the misery that prevail in the world. If we
rightly understand Baader's teaching respecting the authority of
the Church, he argues in favour of the existence of a Christian
hierarchy, but also insists on the duty of fre^ inqfiiry and specula-
lion respecting religious doctrine. He- adheres, therefore, to a
rule laid down by St. Anselm : — NegUgentia mthi videtur si, post'
quam confirmati sumus infidey non studemus gw>d credimus tnteSi"
geire* Two or three brief quotations from Baader may show that
he maintained, with regard to the offices of the Christian Church,
two principles which are seldom found in union : —
The knowledge of the laws of hia own spiritual life is neither innate* in
man nor can it be obtained by his independent reasonings. He must, first
of all, receive it by the testimony of others, and as the result of their
experience. . . . We see, therefore, the necessity for the foundation and
the maintenance of an institution [the Church] to impart that knowledge.
The absence of such an institution in the world would be as great a
contradiction of Divine goodness and justice as would be a punishment of
transgression without a previous publication of the law.
As long as Religion and its doctrines do not receive from science [>«e.
speculative philosoph}^] a respect founded upon free inquiry and sincere
conviction, so long the Ueligion that is not respected will not be loved. If
you would have the practice of Religion thrive, take care that its theory is
made intelligible. Obscurism in religious doctrine must draw down the
punishment due to indifference or careless ignorance; for light repelled
returns in lightning.
The aim of many other passages in Baader's writings is to
show that the true defence jjf religious doctrine is to be found ii^
its full exposition, and not in an exclusive appeal to external
authority. Baader's principal doctrines and some of the more
important of Schelling*s latest theories arose out of an earnest
endeavour to give in an exoteric form the esoteric gnosis ofBohme.
- * * It seems to me an act of negligence if, when we have been confirmed
in the faith, we do not study to understand what we believe.'
.] BAABEE. 493
Thia singular fiEuH; may serre either to excite further inquiry, or to
confirm readers in their contempt of all religious philosophy. There
are to he found now in ' practical' Deutschland, i&s well as in 'prac-
tical ' England, many intelligent men who would descrihe all the
speculative philosophy of the years 1793-1841 as little better than
a dream.
The writings of Hegel, Schopenhauer, and Baader on nature,
history, and society, introduce us to the hardest problems of which
a solution can be attempted, and show the results to which a
study of those problems may lead. Hegel's view of nature must
not be called optimistic, but it is hopeful when contrasted with
Schopenhauer's doctrine of the unconscious Will. Baader's theory
is sombre and almost Manichssan, yet not hopeless. With re-
gard to history and polities, Hegel's views are progressive, con-
ciliatory, and moderate. Fear is the motive of Schopenhauer's
conservatism. Baader, if we truly understand him, would make a
close union of Church and State the basis of society. Hegel's
doctrine of the relations of religion and politics has already been
noticed. It is most concisely stated in his address delivered
is the Berlin University *0n the Third Secular Festival of the
Augsburg Confession.' * Schopenhauer has no respect for doc-
trinal Christianity, nor indeed for any other religion, ezcQpt
as it inculcates a severe ascetic practice. Baader's views of
* A few words from the second paragraph of this Address may be
quoted : — * Libertatem autem Christianam eam ease intelligimus, ut unus
quiaque dignua dedaratua sit, qui ad Deom accedat eum cognoscendo, pre-
candO) oolendo, at negotinm qood sibi cum Deo sit, Deo cum homine,
qniaqne cum Deo ipne peragat, Deus ipse in mente humana perficiat.
Neque cum Deo aliquo negotium nobis est, qui flatune aifectibus sit obnoxius,
aed qui ait Veritas, ratio aetema, ejusque rationis conscientia et mens. Hac
autem rationis oonsdentia Deus hominem esse pneditnm atque ita a bnitis
animalibus diversum voluit, nt Dei esset effigies, atque mens humana,
quippe ffitemsB lucis scintilla, huic luci pervia. Ideo porro, quod homo Dei
esset imago, Deus humans natune ideam sibi vere inesse mortali generi
palam fSecit, atque amari se ab hominibus et permiait et voluit, eisque sui
adeundi infinitam largitus est facultatem ac fiduciam.* — We cannot find, in
Hegel's own writings, any sure authority for the extreme negations of the
Left. The following three statements are here given with the assertion that
they are again and again repeated in Hegel's own writings : —
(1) Eternal truth may be known by thinking.
(2) The same truth is represented in the form of a history for all
mankind.
(d) The essence of both the thinking and the history may be all implied
in one devout feeling — in the reUgion of the heart.
494 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUBE. [Ch.
religion are at once polemic and mystic; but the waAire to
which his controversial works refer is one waged against more
than mortal powers. His chief doctrine — that the utmost possible
evil which creatures endowed with freedom can pei'petrate is
permitted in order that iDivine Qoodness may ultimately have its
highest possible triumph — ^was borrowed from Bohme*s theosophy
and may be described as a conception too vast to be grasped by
our o^inaiy powers of thought. It must not, however, be con-
founded with a shallow optimism. It is, on the contrary, as
Baader expounds it, a stem doctrine of warfare ' with principali-
ties and powers of evil,' but the warfare is waged with the aid ot
faith, hope, and consolation. The same polemic doctrine has
> been employed by Saint Martin and other writers in support of
hierarchic institutions. Their argument is to the effect, that in
the spiritual warfare in which the Church and the world are
engaged, the firmest traditional organisation and the support of
an ecclesiastical union are demanded to aid individual efforts.
Yet they do not speak of the Church as infallible. They would
trust in the energy of faith, and iii the power of persuasion, rather
than in any external support. When a^ked how authority is t^
be maintained, if the Church is not infallible, Sidnt Martin
asserts, that there are in the world men whose sanctity and wis-
dom must demand homage and obedience, * You may disobey
them,' he says, ' for you are free ; but you will suffer severely
for it.'
We hercconclude our account of the latest tendencies of Gei>
man mysticism, now desciibed as belonging to the past^ If we
have bestowed more than ordinary attention on the subject, let it
be remembered that myslicism in Germany long maintained a
prominent place in religion as well as in philosophy. It prevailed
very extensively in the fourteenth century, aided in leading to the
Keformation, and afterwards opposed itself to the exclusive doc-
trine and the formalism of the later Lutheran churches. Mystic
piety survived through all the dreary years of the seventeenth
century, and, in the eighteenth century, it opposed itself to that
extreme rationalism which helped to bring on the Revolution,
And now, in the nineteenth century, if ' free theology,' with all
its negations of history, differs widely from the ixreverence of
Bahrdt and Nicolai, the difference may be ascribed to the influence
of a mystic piety, which, if new extinct^ must have expired
XXrX.] THE HEGELIAN SCHOOL. 495
Tory recently. English readers may never learn to like the word
'mysticism.' It may, however, be easily changed, for it means,
generally, a faith, not without insight, but unaided by formal
logic
Having given some account of external opposition to the
Hegelian school we may notice the internal controversy which
ended in its dissolution. ' When Hegel died,' says a French au-
thor— Paul Janet — ' no conqueror ever left an empii'e greater (!)
or apparently less contested/ This statement is too extensive ;
but it is true that the Hegelian school was predc«ninant in Berlin
for ten years and more after the founder's death, and that its
influence invaded every department of study. We can name only
a few of the zealous disciples who were engaged in carrying up
the structure of which the ground-plan was laid down in their
master's ^ Encyclopsedia.' Karl Michelet developed the doc-
trine of Ethics ; Rosiwkbanz and Erbmann wrote on Psychology;
i&thetics occupied the studies of Hotho and Visgher ; Fbuer-
BAOH and KuNO Fischer wrote on the History of Philosophy, and
Speculative Theology was represented by Dat7B and MARaEiNEKS
and, later, by Baur, Yatke, and Strauss, while Jurisprudence
and Politics engaged the attention of Gans, Rtjoe, and other
authors.
Then followed a controversy — metaphysical, logical, theological,
and political — which Hegel's own words may fairly describe ; for
it was * a tedious affair.' The Hegelian school was divided into'
three sections, styled respectively, the Right, the Centre, and the
Left. The men on the Right hand — Gosghel, Gabler, and
others — ^maintained that the teaching of their school was con-
sistent vnth existing religious and political institutions, or, in
other words, was both orthodox and conservative. The Centre
was represented by Earl Rosbnkranz, the author of a ' Life of
Hegel ' and of several works on literary history and aesthetics.
It was on the Left — including Karl Miohelst, its moderate re-
presentativor and Arnold Rues in politics, with Fexjerbach
and Strauss in theology — that the innovations were made which
led to a dissolution of the school. The doctrines asserted by the
extreme Left were denounced as atheistic and revolutionaiy.
After 1848 the interest in all the inquiries formerly included under
the name of speculative philosophy rapidly declined, and Cicero's
saying was once more found true — Siquisumvertam [jphiloeophiam}
496 ounjOTS OF German literatuiie. [Ch.
veUtvituperare^ aecundoidpopulofacerepotsU,^ To supply the blank
space left by tbe absence of speculation, the study of physical science
now came into the field and was recommended by the tendencies of
Schopenhauer*s writings, though their whole theory was not, in
itself, materialistic. One of the more important works that led
to a controversy on exclusive materialism was Moleschoti^s
KreUUmf de$ Lebena (^ The Circular Course of Life '). Rudolf
Waonsb, in his essay Wisaen and Olauben (' Science and Faith '),
endeavoured to put a stop to the dispute by drawing a strong
boundary-line between science and religious doctrine. In religion,
he said, ' give me the simple faith of a charcoal-man ; in matters
of science allow me to doubt as much as I please.' This assertion
of a so-called Kohlerglavbe — the said ch'arcoel-man's faith, or a
belief without inquiry — ciJled forth energetic expressions of dis-
sent from another physiologist, 'Karl Vogt, who declared *■ that
the brain secretes thought just as the liver secretes bile.' Mole-
schott had already said that ' no thought is possible without phos-
phorus.* The doctrine of the materialists was made more
popular by BiicnNER's well-written treatise entitled Ki-aft und
iSlfq^ (' Matter and Force'), which was first published in 1855,
soon passed through several editions, and was translated into
French and English. An able French reviewer,! while admitting
that the book is full of facts clearly and concisely stated, complains
that it gives no definition of Staffs (f matter '), though this is one
of the words in the title.
The authors above named may fairly represent the school of
modem materialism. The controversy to which it has given rise
is too extensive and difficult to be described here ; but it may be
noticed that under the one name of * materialism ' three clearly
distinct doctrines may be implied. The first asserts that to mat-
ter, in a sublimated condition, may be ascribed all the functions
that have been ascribed to the mind ; the second is founded on
scientific induction and avoids dogmatic generalisations ; the third
declares that all the phenomena in the universe must be the re-
sults of matter and force. This last doctrine is both metaphysical
and dogmatic.
The spread of materialism, thecft'etical and practical, has n
* * If anyone wishes to treat all philosophy with contempt, be may {
popularity by so doing.'
t See Ze Matirialisme conUmporain, by Paul Jaket.
XXIX.] SOCIAL THEORIES. 497
heea, allowed to take place without opposition. Fichte (the
younger^, Ulbici, author of a work entitled * God and Nature/
LoizB, one of the best writers belonging to Herbart*s school^ and
Feohneb and Ktrcrjiaiik, may be named as able opponents of
absolute materialism. Its extreme doctrine has been ably dis-
cussed-by EBT7ABD TON HABTiCAinir in two chapters (II. and V.
of Fart C) in his * Fhilosophy of the Unconscious * — the mo^t
popular of all the philosophical works published during the last
ten years. The method of this book is inductive, and its moral
tendency seems^ on the wholci to accord with Schopenhauer's
teaching. ' The Unconscious * is the name given by Hartmann
to the ' Will in Nature/ as described by Schopenhauer.
Some of the theories, or notions, of the German Social Demo*
cracy of our age are found in close connection with a practical
materialism ; but others have the pretepsion of being based on
Hegelian doctrine. As one example from the latter class, ' the
Future of Humanity,' a book by Karl Lunwia Michelkt (a
veteran of the Left Hegelian party) may be named. In one
respect, at least, Michelet is a true disciple; for he adheres
faithfully to the principle of freedom, and will not take part in
any attempt to build a socialistic Utopia on the negation of 'per-
sonality. The results of unlimited competition in industry and
trade will, in the end (says Michelet) be foiind intolerable, and
men will then be glad to iSnd a refuge in voluntary unions con-
trolled by the power of unanimity. But when these unions have
made all individual competition hopeless, even then personal
liberty shall be respected. Though 'a union of unions' may
occupy the lengtH and breadth of the land, still, if one voluntary
and solitary Crusoe shall prefer to stand outside and io compete,
single-handed, agdnst all their power, that lonely hero shall be
allowed to stand free, and to take his own course. But a vast
majority of mankind will leam to act in accordance with the
true social doctrine, Concordia res parva crescunt, sed Dixordia
res maxima dUahtmtur — by union small resources are increased ;
by discord the greatest are destroyed. That a high moral training
must inevitably precede the formation of such a co-operative
Utopia as Michelet describes, may be 'proved by his own quotation
from Froudhon.
More might be said of recent innovations in the theories of
politics and social economy ; but we cannot afford space for them|
K K
498 OUTLINES OF GEBMAK LITEBATI7BE. [Ca.
as we have still to ootioe the new tendencies of the Left party with
legaid to religions history and doctrine. LuDwie Ahdbxas
Fbttbbbach (1804-72), one of HegeVs disciples at Berlin, soon
chose an indep<%ndent position, and, in his 'Essence of Christianity'
and other writings, reduced all theology to anthropology, and gate
a list of facts in psychology as a substitute for the philosophy of
religion. The controrersy that followed these extreme . assertions
was by no means as important as that which was excited by the
appearance, in 1835, of a work entitled ' The Life of Jesus.'
David Fbibdbios Siraitss, the writer of that book, was bom
at Ludwigsburg in 1808. He studied at Tubingen, and at Berlin,
where he attended Hegel's lectures. Some yean after the publi-
cation of his chief work, Dr. Strauss was appointed professor of
ecclesiastical history at Zurich; but the protest of the people
there compelled him to retire from that position. His book was
described as reducing the eyangelical narratiye to 'a series of
myths,' invented ' half unconsciously ' by the faith and devotion
of the Primitive Christian Church. In his reply to this criticism^
the author asserted that he had not attacked what he called the
substance of the Christian faith. He published, in 1847, a mono-
graph on the history of ' Julian the Apostate,' and subsequently
(in 1840-62) wrote a series of biographies of men mostly remark-
able as innovators and liberals — Schubart the poet and publicist,
Beimarus, the rationalist, and Ulrich von Hutten. In 1863, after
Kenan's ' Life of Jesus ' had gained great popularity, Dr. Strauss
published a new revised and extended edition of his chief work,
which was followed, in 1865, by a book entitled 'The Christ of
Faith and the Jesus of History.' In 1872, Dr. Strauss reasserted
his own doctrine in ' The Old Faith and the New,' a work that
was denounced by the English premier in a remarkable speech
delivered at Liverpool in December 1872.
It is obvious that there can be given here notSrng more than a
merely descriptive statement of the vastly important qnestiona
mooted by Dr. Strauss and other writers of hii school. He
maintains that, while the essential ideas contained in the Gospel
narrative are true and sacred, the narrative itself may be sub-
jected to critical inquiry, lik*e any portion of secular history. He
therefore treats it as Niebuhr treated early Roman history. He
denies the historical validity of statements of miraculous events,
Slid regards tiiem as 'mythical' zepresentations of ideas which
XXIX.] CONTEOVEEST. 490
constitute the eubstanoe of Chriatianity. His opponents maintain
that these ideas depend for proof on the authenticity of the
Gospel narrative, and regard Dr. Strauss as Having attacked the
foundations of the Christian faith. To this charge he replies in
his ' Polemical Essays ' (1838), by saying that ^ a belief in mirades
does not constitute the basis of Christian &ith ; ' th&t spiritual
'doctrine has been too long made to depend upon traditions, and
that it must now be maintained in its proper independence. The
explanation of his views regarding 'substantial Christianity' is
given in his work entitied 'Christian Doctrine' (ChristUche
OUmbenslehre), The work by Neander on this controversy, and
Professor Tholuck's ' Credibility of the Gospel History' (1837),
may be mentioned as specimens of numerous publications directed
against the views of Dr. Strauss. His chief work has been
followed by several attempts made by other writers to describe
the life of our Saviour. Among the more remai'kaUe works of
this class we may nsme those written by NAAjn)BB, .Schbnxel,
and Ebix.
English readers may ask, Is there any clear distinction to be
made between the old rationalism of Dr. Bahrdt, and other writers
in the eighteenth century, and ' the free theology ' of the nineteenth
centuVy P Both are negative with regard to their treatment of
miracles ; but the former would reduce Christianity to a system of
ethics, while the latter finds something far higher than ordinary
morality in ' The Sermon on the Mount,' and in other Divine
utterances that are destined to live after criticism and scepticism
have destroyed all that. they can destroy, 'Free theology,' as
viewed by its German advocates, professes to give the substance
instead of the shadows of tbe Christian religion, and to unite, as
it is said Sghlbisbmachsb united, free inquiry with a devotional
spirit. The results of all the philosophical speculations and theo-
logical controversies of i-ecent years are far too extensive to be
described here. One of their most important effects -is seen in
the relations now existing between Catholicism and Protestantism.
A few years ago, there lived hopeful men in Germany who could
speak of a union of the two forms of one faith (as they were then
called) as at least possible ; but what can be said of union now,
after the declarations issued £rom Rome in 1864 and 1870 P On
one side, free theology asks. Shall all the movement towards
spiritual freedom that has been going on from the fourteenth
kk2
600 OUTLINES OF GKBHAK UTEBATUBE. [Ch.
oentory to the present.be viewed as meaning nothing, or worse
than nothing? On the other side, Rome points to hard thinking
and endless disputes substitated for faith, and ending sometimes
in extreme unbelief or in materialism. Rome again points to a
want of reverence for historical fiicts, and claims, as belonging to
the Church and its tradition, the light that has shone here and
there through the gloom of metaphysics. Here are the materials
of a controversy more extensive than that which took place in the
sixteenth century. Between the two extreme parties, the Old
Gatholios, headed by Db. Dollihgeb, appear to hold an impor-
taat position,'
NOTE ON CHAPTER XXIX.
In the preceding chapter we have treated as impracticable or nselem the
observance of reticence respecting theories of scepticinm and extreme dis-
belief. Whether correct or false, a notion has prevailed to a considerable
extent in England, that Atheism, or Pantheism, or something very mnch
like it, has on its side all the philosophy of the German people. They have
made themselves a great power in Europe ; their profound and extensive
learning and the rapid progress which they have made in the physical sdances
are miiversally admitted; it cannot, therefore, be an indifferent matter
when an appeal is made to their philosophy as in favour of extreme
disbelief in the existence of any Power above man and nature. We submit
here a statement of facts that may, perhaps, serve to limit or qualify in
some degree the general and vague notion above referred to. Our aim is
merely to describe facts as they are, and not to write either accusations or
apologies. Thia, we trust, will be self-evident in the following notes on
certain recent controversies.
Without saying anything whatever of its scientific truth, it may be
asserted that the intention of the Hegelian Philosophy, aa propounded by
its founder, was not to destroy the Chrfstian faith, but to comprehend it— to
think ou<. what had been believed. This might be an erroneous and a
hopeless endeavour ; but it is clear that it was not a negation. * The
Christian Religion,' said Hegel, 'contains absolute truth in tlie form ii^
which it must be presented to all mankind.' Then, how could 'he wish to
destroy that form ? We might quote volumes, instead of passa^^es, in
evidence of the truth that he had no such design. Some of the extreme
negations asserted by writers who have been described as his followers,
profess to be founded, not on his retii/to, as stated by himsell^ but on the
most abstruse passages in his metaphysics. In the same way, strange
conclusions have been deduced from Aristotle's mere words^ taken out of
their true connection. By taking a, few words here and there, we mi^ht
make *an alhaiat' 9r *ft pantheiat' of the Stagyrite; or if our will had
XXIX.] CONTROVERSY. 601
another direction, we might declare that he was, after all, * a theosophist'
For this last purpose it would serve to refer to a few words in his meta-
physics (xi 7) —
et odv othus c? Ifx^i, &5 ^/lets tttni, 6 Oths &cl, 0avfuurr6y,
With these remarks we leave the charges of Atheism and Pantheism.
We may next inquire if materialism is a true result of philosophy. It
niust.be fully admitted that materialism has been very boldly asserted,
during recent years, by several scientific men, of whom Karl Yoot is a
prominent representative. There is nothing whatever that is new in their
theory. It is as old as the time of Democritus, and was propounded by
La Mettrib (1709-51), and by the author (or authors) of that heavy
book, the Systeme de la Nature, first published in London in 1770. Mate-
rialism is, therefore, no result of recent German philosophy. There are two
modes of searching for the causes of all the phenomena that we find around
us. In the first place, we may analyse them, so as to reduce them to their
simplest elements — * matter and force,' as Dr. BUchner has said. This is
the theory called Materialism. But we may, on the other hand, seek for
their final cause, and may view this as the true cause. For every form or
degree of existence, we may find the motive in that which, apparently,
follows. Thus, we may say, matter exists for the sake of life, and life as a
manifestation of the mind. But that for the sake of which a phenomenon
takes place, must be, in truth, though not in appearance, prior to the
phenomenon, and,. moreover, it must be the substance and the truth of the
phenomenon. This is the Hegelian doctrine of nature, and — ^whether true
or false — it can never lead to Materialism.
One of the supposed results of philosophical speculation is the denial of
all Statements of miraculous events found in the Bible or elsewhere. This
denial was the chief characteristic of the old rationalism which prevailed
in England and in France, as well as in Germany, in the middle and latter
part of the eighteenth century. It is not to bo questioned that a disbelief in
miracles prevails now very extensivelj' among the Protestants of Germany.
This disbelief is, however, no result of any recent system of philosophy, but
still finds its most popular or commonly intelligible argument against miracles
in the writings of the Scotch sceptic, David Hume, who died in 1776. What-
ever may be the merits or demerits of his argument, it is one that preceded
all that is now commonly understood under the title of German Philosophy.
• Another form of disbelief, described as prevalent in Protestant Germany,
and among free theologians of the new school, consists in a denial of the
antiquity and authenticity of several and considerable portions of the
Canonical Scriptures. It is hardly necessary to state, that the grounds of
this denial are to be found, not in any system of philosophy, but in the
philological and historical researches of Biblical critics, especially those
belonging to * the Tubingen School.' It is with reference to the results of
those researches that Catholic writers have protested against what they
view as the fundamental error of the rationalists — both old and new — a
want of reverence for historical authority. It is maintained, against the
negative criticism of the Gospel narrative, that it leaves in darkness and
mystery the origin of the Christian Church, and that it refuses to recognise
in the early existanoe of that Church a oorrobonltion of the Qospeb in their
narration of supernatural events.
502 OUTLINES OP GERMAN MTEKATUEE. [Ch.
Another error ascribed to the new rationalists is, that thej have accepted,
as founded on their own reasonings^.truths and moral principles which were
first made known to men by the Catholic Church, to which they still
properly belong. The existence of that Church, and its power maintained
against formidable oppositions throughout so long a space of time, contra-
dict (say its advocates) the rationalistic theory of its origin. For further
examples of Catholic and Ultramontane censures on all free theolog}* and
biblical ex^pesis, we may refer to a series of essays entitled Stimmen ova
Maria-Laach (* Voices from the Convent of Maria-T^aach '), in which the
Papal declarations and decrees of 1864 and 1870 are defended in opposition
to all the claims of Are inquiry.
In reply to the charge of inconsistency, in referring a great series of
events to an insufficient cause, the advocates of *free theology' deny that
they have reduced Christianity to a mere system of ethics, and assert, on
the other hand, that they have treated with reverence the Fubstantial truth
that remains, after all the eliminations described as the results of a negative
criticism. The originality and depth of the teaching found in ' The Sermon
on the Mount;' its absolutely unworldlike character, and its bold and
authoritative opposition to the universal errors of the world and the age;
the humiliation and the authority express^ as perfectly united in the
person of the Founder of Christianity, and the power which His doctrine
still retains of forming the closest possible bond of union for all mankind ; —
these, say the apol6gists of free theology, are the clearest evidences of a
Divine Original, and supply for us sufficient bases for our faith.
Enough has been said to represent the two sides of th^ controversy* and
to show that it has no necessary connection with any system of philosophy.
The chief use which the advocates of absolute Church Authority make of
loud professions of atheism and materialism is to show that philosophy has
not prevented the spread of such doctrines, and therefore can supply no
sufficient guidance for the people.
Both parties engsf^ed in the controversy between freedom and authority
know well that religion does not consist in any system of tenets, but in a
life in accordance with the Divine Will. That life, says one party, can be
developed only in One Communion — the Roman Catholic Church. On the
contrary, say the friends* of free theology, it must be developed in accord-
ance with individual freedom of inquiry and belief. The Church, says the
Ultramontane advocate, should be a home, a place of repose for the soul,
and not a lecture-hall filled with the wranglings of eradite German pro-
fessors. To prevent such strife, he would demand 'the sacrifice of the
intellect.' The Church in which men shall find repose, say free inquirers,
is a Church of the Future — a Canaan, to which we are now travelling
through. the Wilderness of Controversy.
It is the old dispute between Authority and Freedom ; but it has been
recently made more distinct with regard to the positions respectively
maintained by the combatants. The coming contest is inevitable, and all
that reasonable men can pray for is^ that the weapons employed may alwa^^-a
be spirituaL
ZXX.] YOUNa aERSIAIHY. 503
CHAPTER XXX.
T0T7MO OSBlCAlfT— FOZJTICAL POBflBT — kV^TMUt POBTBT.
Thb writezs wBo were, for a short time, associated under the
Tague title of ' Toung Germany/ had generally negative tenden-
cies with regard to social, political^ and religions institutions, and
were commonly deserihed as * the followers of Hsdtb.' * Their
union, if it ever existed in an inte^gihle form, was soon diasolved,
and some of its members afterwards wrote in oppositipn to its
principles.
Kabl GinzEow, bom at Berlin in 1811, must be named as one
of the most able and persevering of the writers who have en-
deavoured to connect the literature of fiction with a discussion of
the complex social, political, and religious interests of the present
age. His reflective and didactic tendency often limits the exer-
dae of his imagination, and he endeavours to make poetry do
work that might, perhaps, be better done in plain prose. In his
long romance. Die RitUr vom Qeiste (in nine volumes), he first
describes the corruptions of modem society, and then suggests a
plan of reformation by the institution of a new order of knight-
Eood, which is to include all the more honourable and intelligent
men of the period, who form an association something like that
which was dreamed of by the * lUuminati ' in the eighteenth cen-
tury. The plot of this voluminous romance is extremely complex ;
bu^its numerous parts are grasped with a tenacious power of com-
bination, and their minute details are arranged with extraordinary
care and ingenuity. The lively interest excited t)y this social and
reformatory work of fiction might be partly ascribed to the intro-
duction of several literary portraits of men well known in Berlin
at the time of the Revolution (1848). In another very long
* Their supposed inspirations, said to have been derived from Hegel's
teaching, lordly deserve a passing notioe.
604 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUEE. [Cbu
romance — ' The Sorcerer of Home ' (in nine volamesy 1859) — the
author displays the same extraordinary industry in the collection
and arrangement of a yast mass of materials. The tendency of
the stoiy is in favour of a reformed Catholicism, liberated from
Ultramontane authority; but the author has nothing to say in
favour of Protestantism in its actual state.
A critical and controversial tendency prevails in the dramas as
in the romances written by Gutzkow. In hia drama of Uriel
Acoata he gives the story of a condemned heretia The play con-
tains some powerfully tragic sitaationsi but the didactic interest
is made too prominent, as in Lessing's ' Nathan.' Gutzkow's his-
torical dramas, FatkidyWuUenvH^y and AMomo TkreA, have been
generally described as inferior to bb comedies, of which Zopf und
Schwerdt b one of the best The story of this, belonging to the
time of Fiiedrich Wilhelm L of Prussia^ has a national interest^
and the most humorous scenes, of the play are founded on facts.
Heinbioh Laubb, who for a short time was associated with
the coterie called ' Young Germany,' was born in 1806. After
writing several romances, in which the influence of Heinse and
Heine may be traced, Laube gained a higher reputation by several
dramas, including MonaldescMf Strueneeey JRoeoeo, Die KarbekSler,
and FHnz Friedrich. Hb prose writings are recommended by a
dear and vigorous style.
FEBDnrAND GusxAV EiJHinB, bom in 1806, was for some years
employed as, editor of the literary journal < Europa.' He had but
a slight connection with the coterie with which he has been
classed. In his ' Convent Stories,' however, he made use of fiction
to denounce' the principles of ascetic life, and thus, like other
writers belonging to the clique of ' Young Germany,' he treated
rather slightly and indirectly some important questions that are
better discussed in fair and open controversy. Kiihne's best pro^
ductions are found in his descriptive and critical writings in
prose. Among these may be noticed his 'German Men and
Women ' and hb pleasant sketches of Berlin, Vienna, and Prague.
LuDOLF WiEKBARe must, at least, be named as the inventor of
the phrase ' Young Germany,' which b found in the preface to
one of his books. He wrote in £&your of a restored ' Hellenism '
(such as Holderlin had dreamed of), and abo for the so-called
' emancipation of women.' The latter project was moro ardently
advocated by Thsodob Mi7in)Ty in hb fictions 'Mother and
XXX.] MUNDT. 505
Daughter ' and ^ Madonna.' The most erroneous of all Mundt's
productions — his sketch of ' Chai'lotte Stieglitz ' — ^is, strange to
say, founded on a fact, which may be briefly stated as one of the
most striking examples of morbid literary fanaticism. Charlotte
Stieglitz was the wife of a young man who had written some
poems, but had failed to gain sUch a reputation as he desired.
His restless discontent with his own position in life and with his
achievements in literature excited his wife's sympathy, and
suggested to her the notion that nothing less than some severe
affliction would rouse to action the high poetic powers which (as
she fondly believed) her husband possessed. The unhappy
woman, placed in thene circumstances, committed suicide I Theo-
dor Mundty in his portraiture of her character, not oply expresses
his belief that her sole motive for the act was to awaken her
husband's genius, but also describes the act as reasonable and
noble. To conclude the sad story— the sacrifice was useless, for
no improvement followed in the development of the husband's
moderate poetical abilities. With this anecdote, we may apolo-
gise for leaving unnoticed further details of the new social theories
held by * Young Germany.'
In our notices of the political poets who wrote before and after
1848, the place of honour belongs to AxjeiiST Heutbich Hoff-
HAmr, who, to distinguish himself from so many other men having
the same surname, appended to it the name of his birthplace,
Fallsbslsbsit, where he was bom in 1798. He waa Professor
of German Literature at Breslau in 1830-43, and afterwards
frequently changed his place of residence, wandering from one
library to another, in order to collect materials for several
valuable works on Old German Literature. Hoflmann's contri*
butions to literary history include a * Collection of the Popular
Songs of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,' and several
interesting monographs. His original lyrical poetry has a truly
popular tone, and a more extensive compass than we find in
Wilhelm Miiller, already mentioned as Hoffmann's rival in
melody. After 1840, Hoffmann turned away from his old topics,
chosen from scenes of every-day life, and published,- under the
ambiguous title of ' Unpolitical Songs,' a series of bold lyrical
poems and some rather trivial verses on political topics. For this
offence he waa deprived of his professorship at Breslau. Now,
when the excitements of 1840 and 1848 have passed away, thera
606 OUTLINES OF GEEMAN LITEEATUBB. [Ch.
may be many readexs who will prefer Hoffinium's genial * Songs
for Children ' to bis political verses. These, howeyeri enjoyed
an eztensiye popularity, and were followed by many other ^ songs
of freedom' and yersified declamations of the same tendency,
written by Herwegh, Dingelstedt, and Freiligrath. The laslr
named author had attained a high reputation as a poet, when he
was led into politics — perhaps by the influence of his friend,
Hoffinann yon Fallersleben.
FsRDiVAKi) Freiligrath, bom at Detmold in 1810, was for
some years engaged in trade. The success of a yolume of poems,
published in 1838, induced him to leaye the counting-house, and
in 1842 he received a small pension from the King of Prussia.
This the young poet soon resigned, in order to insure for himself
the freedom of opinion which he afterwards asserted in his
political poem entitled * A Confession of Faith.' Without entertain-
ing any prejudices whatever against the political doctrines main-
tained in these poems and verses, it may be suggested that their tojMCS
would be more suitably discussed in leading articles for news-
papers. To leave the political strife of the past — ^Freiligrath's best
poems are remarkable for bold innovations in the choice of topics,
and for their glowing descriptions of foreign scenery. In several
of his poems, 'of which the scenes are laid in Africa and in
Arabia, he shows the taste of a painter who cares nothing for
the sentiment of a subject, if it only affords scope for strong
colouijng and makes an effective picture. Thus, in one of his
African poems — ^The Lion's Ride' — he describes nothing better
than the attack of a lion on a giraffe. In a better poem of the
same class he brings before us a vision of the ' Spectaral Carawi'
seen by travellers in the Arabian Desert : —
It comes I before the oamela the spectral drivers glide,
Unveiled Arabian women in the lofty saddles ride,
Beside them walk yoang maidens, pitchers bearing, like Rebecca,
And dark-brown chieftains follow — ^Uke the wind they sweep to Mecca.
For lo ! it is the night when all whom these wide sands
Have ever swallowed np, and whose dust is on our hands^
Whose skulls our horses* hoofs have daily trodden down.
Arise and go in hosts, to pray in the holy town.
'The Negro Prince,' an African ballad, is one of the best
specimens of the writer's graphic power. The warrior leada hia
dark army into the battle : —
XXX.] FREILIGRATH. 507
The lion and lerpent were scared at the soand
Of the rattling tom-tom with skulls hung aroand.
And the banner was waving, a sign of dread,
0*er the desert's yellow, soon dyed into red.
Meanwhile, the chieftain's bride is waiting for his return from
the fight : —
With pearls firom the Persian billows so fair.
She decks the dark curls of her flowing hair ;
The ostrich's plume. waves aloft on her brow ;
Bright shells on her arms and her bosom glow^
She sits at the door of her lover's tent,
And lists to the thunders of battle blent ;
The sun fiercely strikes in ihe ooon-tide hot ;
Her garlands are withered — she heeds it not !
The sun sinks down and the shadows grow, .
The night-dew rustles, the fire -flies glow.
And the crocodile, from the tepid pool,
Looks out into the evening oooL
The lion is up and roars out for his prey—
The elephant-herd through the wood bursts away:
The dappled giriffes are now gone to repose —
Bright eyes and bright flowers in the darkness dose.
Her bosom is swelling and heaving with care—
A messenger comes with a tale of despair : —
* Lost is the battle, thy lover a slave !
By the men of the West carried over the wave ! '
With wild-scatter'd hair she falls on the ground**
Her ornaments all from her bosom unbound —
8he tears out her jewels with violent hand.
And buries her face in the glowing sand.
In other poems — such as * African Loyalty ' and ' Scenes at
Congo' — the author selects topics that must be described as
horrible. In the latter, for example, he tells, in a style too
graphic, how the concubines of a deceased king of Dahomey are
slain, that they may go to wait upon their savage lord in the
land beyond the grave : —
He goes in yonder happy land to reign.
And you must haste to share in his repose^
Where every blade of grass and blossom glows
Dark-cximson with the blood of all his foes.
These highly-coloured and sensational sketches of foreign life
608 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ca.
do not represent all the merits of Freiligrath's poetry. In Ida
* German Emigrants ' there is no want of true feelingj as a few
lines may show : —
'Mid foreign woods yoali long in Tain
For roar paternal mountains green,
For Deutschhind's yellow fields of grain.
And hills of vines with purple sheen I
The vision of your olden time,
Of nil you leave so far behind,
like some old legendary rhyme,
Will rise in dreams, and haunt your mind.
'The Emigrant Leader' and 'The Emigrant Poet' axe both
specimens of the writer*s more pleasing strains of sentiment.
' The Picture Bible/ though one of the least assuming, is also one
of the best of his lyrical poems. The old brown folio calls up
recollections of the happy days of childhood, and the poem is thus
concluded : —
My mother, as she taught me, • '
When questioning, I came,
Tells evezy pioturs's story.
Gives every place its name^
fills with old songs and sayings
My memory all the while—
My father sits beside uS
And listens with a smile.
0 childhood, lost for ever I
Gone, like a vision, by —
The pictured Bible's splendour,
The young, believing eye,
The father and the mother,
The still, contented mind.
The love and joy of childhood—
All, all are left behind !
We have still left unmentioned the best of Freiligrath's lyrio*
epic poems. It is entitled ' N^bo,' and nobly desfribes the death
of the great leader of the Israelites : —
They shouted in the valley
* Candan I * with joyous ton©—
Their leader up the pathway
Of the mountain went alone :
His snow-white locks were flowing
About his shoulders spread,
. And golden beams were glowing
Upon his reverend head.
XXX.] FREIUGRATH. 609
To see the promised country,
Before he died, intent,
Bapt in the glorious vision.
He, trembling, forwards bent.
There glittered all the pastores
Y^ith thousand charms outspread^*
The land he sees with longing,
The land he ne'er must tread I
The plains, far out extending.
Are rich with corn and vines,
And man}* a white stream, wending
Through rich, green meadoura, slmies.
With milk and honey flowing
▲s far as eye can span,
There lies the land, all glowing.
From B^rsheba to Dan.
' Can&an, mine eyes have seen thee t
Let death undreaded come !
In gentle whispers breathing,
Lord, call thy servant home I '
On light, soft clouds descending
Upon the mountain's brow.
He came^the pilgrim-people
Have lost their leader now I
Upon the mountain brightening
'Tis glorious there to die,
When al^the clouds aio whitening
In the shining morning sky ;
Far down below beholding.
Wood, field, and winding stream—
And lo, above, unfolding.
Heaven's golden portals gleam !
Our quotations from Freiligrath have been rather eztensire.
They may be Tiewed, however, aa some humble acknowledgments
of his appreciation of English and Scottish literature, with which
he made himself well acquainted during the years when he re-
sided in London. Freiligrath has produced some excellent trans-
lations of English lyrical poems, and has succeeded in the "difficult
task of translating fairly into German several of the songs of
Ilobert Bums.
To return to political Terse-writing — we have still to notice
some of its most energetio authors, and also two or three of their
opponents. GxoBe Hjebwebs^ bom in 1817, though yo^ger than
Freiligrath, preceded him as a writer of adranced liberal or r»-
Tolutiontfry BongS; and gained a conadeiable reputation soon after
610 OUTLINES OF GEKMAN LITERATURE. [Ca.
the accession of Friedrich Wilbelm IV. of Prussia. After spend-
ing some years of exile in Switzerland, Herwegh returned to Ger-
many and took some slight part in the practical moyement of
1848. The key-note of his terrible war-lyrics is concisely
given in the two lines—
Tear the crosses from the earthy
And beat them into swords I
One objection to this song was reasonably urged by a critic,
who remarked that iron crosses were too rare, and that the metal
required might be elsewhere found in abundance. Geibbl, a
mild and conservative poet, addressed to Herwegh a more serious
remonatiance, which contains such lines as these —
Like Peteri then, put up jour swoid,
Conclude at once your marlial rhymes ;
And look at Paris now, and learn
Freedom is not the child of crimes.
Emakttel Gbibel, the son of an evangelical reformed pastor,
was bom in 1815. Though only a small number of his poems
have any strong political tendency, he may be named here as one
T)f the liberal, yet conservative writers of his time. His well-
known love of rational freedom, his loyalty, and his Christian
principles, have gained for his poetry praises that might hardly
have been won by its power and originality.
To find other examples of sudden success in poetry won partly
by its political and religious tendencies, we might refer to the
romantic story of Amarmith, and to several other poems written by
OSCA.R voir Rbdwitz, a Bavarian baron and a*Catholic, b6m in
1823. They have been extravagantly praised by certain critica,
who sympathise with the poet's religious and conservative senti*
ments, and they have been almost savagely condemned by writers
who assert extreme negative and liberal principles.
The iendency of the age to make imaginative literature sub-
servient to political interests has been less boldly manifest in
Austria than in North Germany ; but modem or recent Austrian
poetry has by no means remained wholly indifferent with regard
to the political and religious questions of the present century.
On the whole, it may be said that the Austrian poets, even when
writing of politics and religion, are milder, more cheerful, and
more conciliatory than Georg fierwegh.
XXX.] GBAP VON AUERSPEEa. 611
In 1831, a volame of poems entitled ^Rambles of a Viennese
Poet ' gained a sudden popularity. Its author, Astos Aixjastdtsb
Qraf tok AxTEBSPERe (who, in literature, has chosen for himself
the more conyenient name of Air abtjLSIUS Gkun), is descended
from a noble family holding large estates in the Austrian empire.
He was bom at Laibach, in Krain, in 1806. Since 1848 he has
been classed with advanced liberals in politics, and the assertion
of freedom is the key-note of many of his lyrical poema His
writings generally express kind and generous feelings, but his
poetry is too refiectiTe. His ' Rambles of a Viennese Poet,' and
the series of poems including ^ The Five Easters,' have political
and controversial aims, but are free from bitterness. There
is, however, more true poetry in the author's least ambitious
pieces, though in these we find too often decorations that seem
studied and eztemaL For example, a penitent who dwells in a
cottage on the shore looks forth to the sky-line on the sea —
Where vamshes in haze the snow-white aafl^
Like innocence ; so white ! — bo far away !
In another poem, an unknown and dethroned king is represented
as dying in a rural solitude and under a tree, whoee
Dark green boughs, like ftaneral plomea^
Wave above the old king's head,
While, like a royal parple robe^
The evening>light is o*er him spread.
Several of Count Auersperg's poems have humorous and
satirical traits. The * American Planter,' for example, is repre-
sented as meditating on the arrival of liberty with « cargo of
tea, and finds himself inspired sufidently to utter three or four
stanzas on freedom and ' the rights of man/ but this complacent
soliloquy is suddenly interrupted when ' a black and woolly negro
head ' intrudes itself, and changes the current of the new poet's
meditations.
Count Auersperg often writes very cheerfully of the future;
for he has fidth in the progress of science and culture as likely
to end in a restoration of Arcadian happiness. Steam-vessels and
railways, he imagines, will expedite the coming of the future
golden age, and he laughs at easthetic men who have fears
that steam and machinery may banish poetry from the earth.
liUDWiQ L, ex-king of Bavaria^ was one of these ttsthetio
612 OUTLINES OP GERMAN LITEEATITBE. [Ch.
men ; for thna, in one of hia poems, he described some effecta of
railway travelling: —
The saying that the world must end in smoke
Seems trae in these last days of steam and ooke^
When the loud engine on the iron rails
O'er ancient ties and sympathies prevails.
Homeless, and counting love of borne a dream.
From land to land we pass in clouds uf steam,
For ever on the same, dull, level ground.
With universal sameness all iu'ound.
Moral tendencies and reflections prevail too much In many of
Count Auersperg*8 poems; others are Dot deficient in pathos,
and a few are truly lyrical in both thought and expression.
One of Count Auersperg^s lyrics has been so popular that it has
been chosen as the model for several clever parodies. It is en-
.titled ' The Last Poet,' and serves as a reply to some intensely
practical men, who thus express their earnest desire to banish
poetry from tha world : —
When will be poets weaiy,
And throw their harps away ?
When will be sung and ended
The oft-repeated lay ?
. The following are a few stanzas from the reply : —
*
Long at the sky's loud thunder
Is echoed from the hill.
And, touched with dread and wonder,
A human heart can thrill ;
And long as night the ether
With stars and planets sows.
And man can read the meaning
That in golden letters glows ;
As long as blooms the spring
And wbile the roses blow,
While smiles can dimple cheeks,
And eyes with joy overflow;
And while the cypress dsrk
O'er the grave its head can shaks^
And while an eye can weep,
And while a heart can break;
So long on earth shall lire
Tniie pooQr divuM
XXX.] LENAIT. 613
•
The poems mitten by Nekolatts Lbnatt (1802-60), a Magyar
by birthy whose true name was Niemhsch Ton Strehleuau, are
full of the melancholy that for several years overshadowed his
mind^ and was, at last^ changed into unbroken gloom. His lyrical
poems have, however^ many pleasing traits of pious sentiment and
imaginative sympathy with nature, €Lnd are, on the whole, far better
than his more ambitious epic poems — ' Faust ' and * Savonarola.
The deeply melancholy tones in which Lenau describes his
own mental sufferings are free from affectation, but leave a
most painful impression. He writes^ sometimes, as if sceptidsmi
or extreme disbelief, had been the cause of his misery ; but at
other times he describes it as his fate. One of his short narrative
poems — 'The Postilion '-^might, for its simplicity and pathos,
have been inserted among Wordsworth's ' Lyrical Ballads.' Like
that true poem, ' We are Seven,' the simple story told by Lenau
refers to our instinctive belief thai those whom we call .the
departed are still in being. The poet describes first a drive by
moonlight through a solitary district, and then a halt beside a
lone churchyard under a hill : —
Here my postilion checked his pace,
Then held his horses still,
And looked upon the sign of grace
Below the moonlit hiU.
* Sir, here I must a custom keep
In honour of the bones
Of a good comrade fast asleep
Among those old gray stoneB
• • •
' A meUow horn was liis delight.
His notes were clear and strong ;
I stay to give him, every night.
His favourite old song.'
Then, to the chnrchyard tum'd» h« blew
The notes of some old lay.
In honour of his comrade true
There resting in the clay.
A gentle echo, from the hill
Beyond the churchyard, sighed,
As if the dead were living still.
And, in soft tones, replied.
Then o'er the midnight landscape drear
We hasten'd through the still ;
But long was sounding on my ear
That echo from the hilL
LL
614 OUTLninBS of GEEMAN LITERATURK [Ch,
Fbakz t^RiLLPABZEBy whose literary career waa a long one,
began authorship, as we haye said, by writing a dismal 'fate-
tragedy/ He wrote in a greatly improved style in his later
dramatic works, of which ' Sappho ' may be named as a specimen.
Another Austrian dramatic poet, Joseph Freiherr von Miinch-
Bellinghausen, bom 1806— better known by his assumed name
Friedbich Halk— wrote several dramas, of which 'Griseldis,'
' The Son of the Wilderness/ and * The Fighter of Ravenna ' may
be mentioned as fair specimens. Their tone is lyric and romantic,
rather than clearly and strongly dramatic, and, though they
contain some fine passages of declamation and theatrical effect,
their delineations of character are often defective. The character
of the hero Percival in the play of ^Griseldis' deserves to be
especially noticed as a failure. We find more invention than
self-control or good to&te in Fbiedrich Hebbsl, bom in 1813,
whose dramas are less sentimental than powerful. In ^ Judith '
and ' Genoveva,' Hebbel gave proof of a great command of ener«
getic diction, but his taste for introducing horrible incidents waa
very justly censured. It almost reminds us of Lobenstein, who
ought to be forgotten.
To mention even the names of all the young poets who have,
during recent years, acquired a reputation in Austria, Bohemia^
and Hungary would far exceed our limits. Their general merits
may be described by saying that their successes belong to lyrical
poetry, and that many of their best productions may be classified
with the pleasant lyrio-epic poems which were introduced by
Uhland and Heine, as followers of Goethe. Karl Beck, by
birth an Israelite (bom 1817), author of some fiery, political lyrics,
MoRiTZ Hartmann, a Bohemian democrat, and Alfred Meissneb
may be named as representing political poetry in Austria.
We find a true poet, though <one who wrote in prose, in
Ai>ALBEBT STirrBB, bom in 1806, the author of * Studies/ < The
Old Bachelor,' Der Hochwald, and several other stories, remark-
able for their quiet chastened style, and for the imaginative
harmony with which the writer blends his scenery with the cha-
;>acters whom he introduces. He often seems to make his human
figures subordinate to the interest of the landscape in which they
appear. His stories are defective in action, and will not afibrd
the excitement craved by the lovers of wonders and horrors ; for
Stifter writes like a true, quiet poet, who might have excelled if
he had devoted all his attention to landscape-painting. Ab maj
XXX.] 8En>L. 515
be gaeflsed, lie sometimea neglects to obey Lefising's rule for
keeping poetry distiiict from painting.
We have mentioned bat a few of the Austrian poets, and these
not as the best, but as fair representatives of their class ; but we
have unavoidably left unnamed others whose claims are not
inconsiderable. Ebitst yoir Fsuchtebsleben, an eminent medical
man, deserved to be named rather for Zur DihteUk der Seek, a very
popular little book against hypochondriasis, than for his lyrical
poems, though these include, at least, one excellent song. In a
more extended review of German poetry we should notice here
such writers as Yogi, Draxler-Manfred, Frankl, Bauemfeld, and
others whose names should, perhaps, be made hardly less promi-
nent than some of those which we have mentioned ; but our
narrow limits compel us to exclude some names. As one re-
presentative of the average merits of several poetical contempo-
raries, JoHAKS Gabribl Ssidl, who was the custodian of the
Vienna Cabinet of Coins and Antiquities, may be mentioned.
His patriotic Tyrolese ballad ' Hans Euler ' may be quoted as a fair
example of a class of lyrio-e^ic poems in which German literature
is especially rich : —
* Ha I listen, Martha I heard you not that knocking at the door ?
Open, and call the pilgrim in, that be may share oar store ;
Ha ! 'tis a soldier. Welcome, sir ! partake oar homely hifi ;
Oar wine and bread are good ; thank God ! we have enoagh to spire t '
' I want no/ood ; I want no wine I * the stranger sternly said ;
' Hans Euler, I have come to pay my duty to the dead :
I had a well-loved brother once, a brother whom you slew ;
The threat I uttered when he fell, I come to prove it true ! '
Said Euler then, 'Tour brother fell in fairtind open fight.
And, when I strack, my arm was raised to gnard my country's right ;
But if you must revenge his death — this is no place for strife —
Walk oat with me. Farewell awhile^ my true and loving wife ! '
So sayinf^, Euler toolc his sword, and o'er the hilly road.
Which ended on a rocky mount, he onward boldly strode.
Without a word, the stranger followed Euler on the way ;
And now the night was vanishing before the break of day.
And as they walked on silently, the sun was rising higher,
. Till all the mountain-ridges green were touched with golden fire ;
Soon as they reached the chosen ]>lace, the night-mist o'er them coiled,
And there^ spread oat below them, lay a glorious Alpine world.
LL2
616 OUTLINES OP GEEJIAN LITERATUBE. [Ctt.
The stranger stood and sternly gazed — ^hia sword was in his hand —
While Euler pointed doMm npon that well-loved T^roUand :
* It is for that I've fought/ said he ; * for that dear land I've bled.
And, when he woold have hurt tha^ land, I smote thy brother dead ;
' And now that death must be revenged, and this must be the place ' • • •
But here the stranger dropt his sword, and looked in Eoler's face :
Said he, < I do forgive thee— it was done for Fatherland —
And now, if thou canst pardon me, brave Euler, here's my band ! '
Among tbe Austrian and other writers of lyrical bailads, are
found some traces of an imitation that seems to have been uncon-
scious. The general forms of ballads written by Goethe, Uhland,
and Heine have been well remembered. The following lines, for
example, might be supposed to be quoted from Heine ; but tbey
were written by Count Auersperg : —
My aunt — a gray spinster — keeps an old book
In which (when she thinks she's alone) she will look ;
For in it there lies, on a certain page,
A dry, withered leaf, she has kept for an age.
Like that token, the hand, too, is withered and dry
That pluck'd it and gave it» in da^s gone by.
That page in the book ever wakens her grief ;
She sighs when she looks on tHe faded leaf.
.] POEMS 317
CHAPTER XXXI.
m
poracs:— EPio — 'diumatio — ^ltbical — hticks — thb poetbt of
DOXSSTIC LIFE.
Thb best German poetry of recent years is found in the lyrical
department, understood as including, not only many good songs
and hymns, but also numerous ballads, or short narrative poems,
in which a subjective element is prevalent. It is in poetry of this
kind that individuality is most fairly asserted. Self -forgetfulness —
the power to live and think in a world beyond ourselves — belongs
to epic and dramatic poetry. Without altogether denying that
recent poetry has here also some successes to show, it may be
asserted that they are rare, when compared with the number of
songs and ballads that deserve praise.
Julius Mosbn, bom in 1803, already named (in Chapter XXVI.)
as a lyrical poet, wrote an epic poem entitled Ahasver, on the old
story of ' the Wandering Jew.' It was by no means as successful
as the writer's military song, * The last Ten of the Fourth Kegi-
ment,' which gained a remarkable popularity, and was sung by
the people in the streets. Mosen's life — a hard contest with ad-
verse circumstances and ill health — was closed in 1867.
We might have classed with the political poets of recent years
an epic and lyrical writer, Johann Goitfbibd Ejkkbl, who took
an active part in the movement of 1848-9, and, afterwards, resided
for some years in England ; but his poems, of which the epic
Otto der ScJmtz is one of the best, tell us but little of the re-
formatory political enthusiasm to which he sacrificed his position
in his native land. Several of his lyrical poems give proof of
earnest feelings, which are often gracefully and melodiously ex-
Among a few writers in verse who have shown a preference for
618 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITEBATURE. [Cn.
gay, comic, or humorous subjects, August Kopisch (who dis-
covered the grotta azsurra at Capri), Franz Fbbihkretoh Gaxtdt,
and Robert Heinick maj be mentioned. The last-named is
one of the best of light, cheerful, and humorous versifiers, and yet
is not destitute of pathos, as his story of ^Coming Home ' — ^told
in very few word^^r-may prove : —
One Sunday mom, from far away
I came into my native place ;
The memory of ore lovely face
Had haunted me for many a day :
I stepp'd into the church, to see
The spot where first that fiice I saw —
• ••••■
The mourners towards the chancel came ;
I followed them and had no fear.
With roses covered stood the bier,
And, *mid the roses was) — her name.
Karl Joseph Sikrock (bom. in 1802) is a truly national writer,
^ to whom many students of Old German literature are greatly
indebted. His excellent metrical translations of Middle High-
German poetry include the Nihelungetdied and Gudnm, the ro-
mances of Wolfram and Gottfried, and Walther's Minnelieder.
Several original poems written by Simrock, of which ' Wieland
the Smith ' is the chief, have a true epic tone in their narration.
If our space would permit, we might do more than merely name
Simrock's excellent edition of the old Volksbiicher, already briefly
described.
Bechstetn, Bttbe, Wolfgang MIxller (Von Kowigswintee),
Katjfkann, Griippe, and Strachwjtz may be mentioned as
writers who have given us pleasing modem versions of old legends;
but, without overlooking the merits of these and many other epic
attempts, we must retain our preference for the lyrical produc-
tions of recent years. The whole character of the age in which we
are living is unfavourable to the development of any epic poetry
on a grand scale, such as was created by Hoker, or by the brother-
hood of poets represented by that venerable name. A German epic
on * Waterloo,' by Christian Friedrich Schersnbsrg (bom at
Stettin in 1708) gained for its author royal patronage, and placed
him beyond the reach of grim poverty ; but that was, we think, the
best of all the results of his long * Battle of Waterloo.* That fight
XXXI.] EPIO POETRY. 519
was a great event in the world's history ; bat it does not follow
that it can afford inspiration for a modem epic on the grand scale.
The true national epic belongs to a united and harmonious world,
like that Hellenic force before which — when {rathered together
and made complete by the reconciliation of Achilles — Troj fell at
once in ruins. No grand epic poem can be forced to arise as a
miracle in the midst of a world ctivided by controversies on all
the dearest interests of humanity,' and intensely occupied, as our
too-real world is now, with cares for the common necessities of
life and anxieties respecting the crude elements of social existence.
With regard, at least, to the lengthy descriptions of epic poetry,
young German writers would do well to accept the advice kindly
given by their own literary historian^ Gervinus, and heartily en-
dorsed by Mr. Carlyle. It is to the effect that what is now wanted
is a working and a non-vooal poetry.
* This judgment does not exclude a willing admisdon that the
narrative poems by such writers as Nbtjkakn, ETnitfLLBB, Otto
KoQiTETTE, Robert WaxbhUlleb (properly named Chables
Ebxtabd Dttboc), and by others inspired by epic ambition, have
considerable merits, but good invention and lively narration are
not enough to make an epic live. Georg Spixler vok Hatjen-
BcnjLD (who, in literature, called himself Max Waldaij) gave
promise of success in his epic ' Cordula ' and in several lyrics, but
he chose for another epic poem a most -unfortunate scriptural
subject—' Rahab.'
For their vigour and fertility of imagination, "Eerkasv Lutgo
(bom 1820), who has not feared to take for an epic subject ' The
Migrations of 1;he Peoples/ Joseph Vigtob Schbffel, author of a
vigorous narrative poem — ' The Tmmpeter of Sakkingen '^— and of
many humorous poems, and Robebt Hameblikg (bom 1882)^ the
author of Ahmverus m Bam, must be named among the more
successful writers of narrative verse. Pattl Hbyse (bom 1840),
is more widely celebrated, as a novelist than as a verse-writer,
but has written several epics with a fluency of versification that
reminds us of Ernst Schulze, the writer of CeciUa, Paul Heyse is
more versatile than thoughtful. His epics, Dt< Briider, Urica
(1852), Die Braut van Cypem (1856), and TheMa, have been
followed H9y the dramatic poems {Franceska von Bitmni and
Meleager\ and by a series of clever novels, which have enjoyed a
considerable . popularity, won partly by their light and elegant
diction.
620 OUTLINES OF GERMAN IJTERATURE. [Cic
We have still to name as authors of narratiye poems Fbiedbich
Habun BoDSNSTSBTy a writer of versatile talents, whose ' Songs
of Mirza Schaffy/ written in an Oriental manner, are more
aaccessful than his epics, and Rusolv Gottschall (bom in 1823),
well known as a publicist and literary historian, and as the editor
of Ufimre Zeit, His writings in verse include the epics Carlo Zeno
and MajOf the tragedy of Maseppa, and several lyrical poems.
It is in companies — we might almost say in regimente — that
recent writers of narrative, dramatic, and lyrical verse confront us,
and demand attention ; but we can do no more here than name a
few fair representatives. Franz Loher, author of the genial
story of ' General Spork,* and Adolf Schults, who wrote an epic
on tiie fate of Louis XVL, Thbodor Fontane, the writer of some
pleasing ballads, and Ferdtkanb Greoorovivs, an able prose-
writer, whq has produced in verse his ' Magyar Songs ' and some
poetic sketches from antique Roman life (' The Death of Tiberias,
&c.) — these may be added to the list of narrative verse*writers, and,
if our limits would permit, we might also notice such names as
Qruppr, Frankl, Rappaport, Glassdrenner (the author of
some lively comic pieces), Moritz Horn, Schloenbach, and
WiLHELii Hertz. But we must turn now to notice some recent
productions in dramatic literature.
This is a department in which failures are rather numerous.
Among the earlier writers of the period may be named the
Austrian dramatist Deinharbstbik and Karl von Holtei, an
actor who wrote an interesting romance called 'The Last
Comedian.' The dramatic works of the veteran author of the
period, Gutzkow, and those of Heinrich Laube hav% already been
briefly referred to. The names of Geibcl and Redwitz are less
prominent in the drama than in other departments of poetic
literature. The ' Demiurges ' of Wilhelh Jordan is a bold and
thoughtful work, intended to justify the ways of Providence, but
the poem is not strictly dramatic. One of Jordan *s later works is
a long epic in the shape of a new Xibeltwe/eniied, As a writer of
light and entertaining pieces for the theatre, at Vienna, Ebuard
Bafernfeld (bom in 1802) gained a considerable popularity.
His liveliness in conversations and his cleverness in sketching
characters of no great power are his chief merits. Smilar traits
are found in the comedies written bv JcLius Roderick Benedtx
(bom in 1811). His Doctot Wespe and Der Weiberfeind have
XXXI.] LYEICAL POEMS. 521
been cmnmended for their akilfal management of intrigues.
Another dramatic poet, Joeaitx Oeoso Fischer (bom in 1820),
the author of ' Saul ' and * Friedrich 11./ has written numerous
plearang lyrical poems. One of the most successful of recent
dramas — Narcis9^ by Albsbi Emil Brachtogel — may be men-
tioned as an example of a work condemned by able critics but
triumphant on the stage. Der Erhforster and Die Maccab&er of
Otxo Lxa>wiG have been commended as possessing dramatic power^
but their tone is too much like that of HebbeFs sensational plays.
Other dramatic writers^FfiETTAG, the igivelist, Gottsghall, the
able joomalist, Gbiefxnxebl and Feodob Wehl — might be
noticed here ; but those already named may fairly represent both
the strength and the weakness of the modem German stage.
If it has been difficult to include within narrow limits our
notices of^pic and dramatic writers, it would be impossible to
mention all who have succeeded more or less in lyrical poetry.
The preceding notices gf writers of political yerses; of the
Austrian poets, and of epic and dramatic authors have already
included the names of some of the best lyric writers. Instead of
attempting, therefore, to make a catalogue of all the names that
might claim notices in any extensive work on German poetry,
we may briefly refer here to one of many volumes of selections
from the best lyrical poets — Die Lyrik der Deutschen, edited by
HEnmioH Fbiedbioh Wilhelui (1848).' It contains songs,*
didactic-lyrical poems, ballads, legends, romances, odes, sonnets,
and other poems, by more than two hundred authors who have
lived since the date of Goethe's birth. As we have noticed, the
department of poetry in which recent German literature is es-
pecially rich is that of the lyrical ballad, or the short narrative
and descriptive poem that serves to excite sympathy with the
writer's own sentiments. We have already g^ven a few speci-
mens of the kind from Uhland, Heine, and Platen ; but to repre-
sent fairly the merits of a numerous class of poetical writers,
whose names have hardly been mentioned beyond the boundaries
of their native land, we may give— almost without any care of
selection-— our own translations of two^r three poems, which
are, however, not better than some hundreds that must be left
unnoticed..
The following simple and pathetic romance, by a writer named
Rbichskau, has an interest like that of ]^eiligrath's ' Emigrant-
622 OUTLIN£S OF GERMAN LTTEBATUBE. [Ob.
«
Leader.' The stjle of the original ia so melodioua that it might
well be set to music as a glee for four voices : —
THE BANISHED LITHUANIANS.
Son, Why, O my futher, miut you break
From the green ash thii sturdy etake ?
FaAtr, Tie to prog my worn limbs on our long, long way^
We most leaTe our dear land at the break of day t
l}anghig^. And, mother, why must yon pnt away
My cap and firofl|| and boddioe gay ?
Moiher, My daughter, here we no more most stay^
We most leave onr dear home in the morning gray 1
8. In yon new land are the meadows green ?
Are the tront in the clear, swift rivers seen ? *
F. My boy, yon must rove .in the fields no roore^
Nor throw out yonr line from the pebbled shore.
JD. In yon new land are the flax-flelds blue ?
Will the roses shine in the morning dew ?
Jf. Snch joys, O my daughter, no more mnst be ours ;
We must say farewell to the fields and flowers t
8. Then, father, how long must we sadly roam ?
Ah, when shall we once mora come to our home ?
D. And, mother, when may we return and see
Our flax-field and garden, so dear to me ?
Father^ When backward the river Niemen flowi%
and > When on the salt sea blooms the roee,
Mother) When fruit on the hard dry rock we find.
Or— when our luler is Just and kind.
The above is given as a specimen of ballads having eonnectioa
•with the interests of real life. We psss over a number of
romances founded on supernatural legends. Bul^ as a superior
specimen of the imaginative ballad, we may select one by Joasps
Matzebath, a poet vrho was bom in 1815. These verses present
to us a fine ideal, and. the scenery, though slightly touched, ia
grand: —
THE KING OF THE SEVEN HILLa
In ancient times, beside the Rhine, a king sat on his throne^
And all his people called him 'good ' — ^no other name is known.
Seven hills and seven old castles marked the land beneath his sway ;
His children all were beautiful and cheerful as the day.
(Ht, dad in simple gnments, he travelled through the land.
And to the poorest suoject there he gave a fiiendly hand.
XXXI.J XYBICAL I'OEMS. ffS3
Now when this good old king beUet«d his Utest boar was nigh.
He bade bis servants bear him to a neigkboniing mountain lugh :
Below he saw the pleasant fields in cloadless sunlight shine^
Wliile tluongh the valleys, brightly green, flowed peaoefollj the Bhine ;
And pastures, gailj decked with flowers, extended IWr away ;
While round them stood the mighty hills in darkly-blue array ;
And on the hills along the Rhine seven noble castles frown.
Stem guardians I on their charge below for ever looking down.
Long gazed the king upon that land ; his eyes with tears o'^ow— >
He cries, ' My own loved country I I must bless thee ere I go I—
* 0 fairest of all rivers ! my own, my noble Rhine I
How beauteous are the pastures all that on thy margin shine.
*To leave thee, O my land I wakes my bosom's latest sigh,
Let me spend my breath in Uessing thee, and so, contented, die.
* My good and loving people all ! my land t farewell for ever !
May sorrow and oppression come within your borders never !
'May people, laud, and riter, all, in sure protection lie
For ever 'neath the guardianship of the Almighty's eye I *
*
Soon as the blessing was pronounced, the good old king was dead,
And the halo of the setting sun shone all around his head.
That king was always called ' the good * — no other name is known ;
But his blessing still is resting on the land he called his own.
The tale of the duke Eberhard of WiiTtemberg, who boasted
that he could safely fall asleep in his own forests in a time when
other nobles lived in enmity with their -dependents, has been
yeraified by seyeral anthors. The version from which the foUowing
stanzas are quoted is by ZncuERicAJfN. Duke Sberhard of
Wiirtembergy after listening to the stories told by other ruler%
who boast of the wealth contained in their dominions^ tells bis
own stoiy as follows :—
Well ; you shall hear a simple tato :•«-
One night I lost my way
Within a wood, along a vale,
And down to sleep I lay.
And there I dreamed that I -was dead.
And funeral lampe were shining
With solemn lustre round my head»
Within s vault reoUnlng.
524 OUTLINES OF QiEBNLAS UTEBATUBE. [Gki
ft
And mm. tnd women stood berido
My cold, Bepnlchnl bed ;
And, ahedding many tears, they cried,
'Duke Ebertiard is dead I '
A tear upon my face fiell down.
And, waking with a start,
I found my head was resting on
A Wttrtembecgian heart !
k. woodman, *mid the forest-shade^
^ Had found me in my rest,
Had lifted up my head, and laid
It sofUy on his breast !
The princes sat, and wondoring heard.
Then said, as closed the story,
'Long live the good Duke Eberhard-^
His people's love his glory ! '
Many of the abort poeme dassed among roinancea and ballads
,^^^-. , Me-Jcemarkable only for the melody and force of language with
which they relate some tale or anecdote. Such is the character
of the following lines by Lbitkxb, telling the well-known atory of
oar King Canute : — .
On the strand at Southampton King Canute sits down.
Clad in purple array, and with sceptre an(i crown —
And the waves are loudly roaring.
At the nod of his brow his vassals all bow.
And he looks, in his pride, o'er the foaming tide,
Where the waves are loudly roaring.
Salth he, ' On my throne, I am ruler alone
Over all the dry ground, far, far all around ' —
(And the waves are loudly roaring).
' And now, swelling sea ! I will rule over thee ;
I will master thy waves — ^they shall serve me as BlaT«%
Though blustering now so loudly.
But a wave, with a roar, flings itself on the shores
And throws the salt spray o'er the monarch's array.
And curls round his footstool proudly.
Now Canute throws down his sceptre and crown ;
For the voice of the tide has astounded his pride,
*Mid the billows round him roaring ;
And he says : — 'What is man I Let all worship be paid
To the God who the sea and the dry land made^
And who ruleth the billows roaring I *'
XXXT] LYRICAL POEMS. £25
In songs expressiTe of all the common joys and sonrowa of life
German literature has been rich, from the time of the Minne-
aingers down to our own. As one proof of great wealth in this
department, we may refer to Fdtk's 'Household Treasury of
Songs ' (with music), containing lyrics for all the seasons of the
year, for childhood and for manhood, for students and for soldiers,
and for working men. In the appropriate minstrelsy of childhood
German poetry is richer than our own. The cares of these
practical times tend to depress the enthusiasm with which
remarkable successes in lyrical poetry were formerly greeted.
That enthufflasm is expressed in the following lines by Fbaitz
Gai7DT| who has been named as a writer of humorous yersea:-^!
«
In the darkly-cartained chftmber
^ The lamp's flame priiramen low,
And throws a trembling lustre
On the old man's pallid brow.
His children stand together.
In silence, roand his bed,
And strive to diy their tears,
Bat more will still be shed.
Ther press each other's hand,
Thdr anguish to conceal ;
Ho human words can tell •
How sorrowful they feel I
Bat haik I some blithe companions
Come^ singing, down the street :
The tones come nearer, nearer.
In concord full and sweet.
^ The old man lifts his eyelids;
His sool is deeply stirr'd—
He listens to the music,
And catches every word. *
' Hy son's songs they are singing I *
Says he, as life's strings sever ;
Then down he lays his head.
And shuts his eyes for ever.
It would be hardly fair to dose these quotations from minor
poets of average pretensions without giving one specimen of the
Tersified legends of Catholic Germany. In the pleasing legend by
Stobsb, from which the following stanzas are translated, we are
told how Cedliay the patron-saint of music^ travelled alone and aa
626 OUTUNES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Ck.
a pilgrim on the banks of the Rhine. A poor musician brings his
dumb boy to the saint^ and prays that she will employ her inter*
cession in his behalf : —
And, as he gazed upon her face
His earnest look his faitli confess'd ;
Then stooped Cecilia, full of grace,
And took the boy upon her breast.
And thus she stood, in evening light.
With golden glory on her head,
And heavenly radiaqce, calm and bright^
Upon her glowing face was shed.
Then tum'd the silent boy and pre8B*d
Upon her rosy lips a kiss —
. Cecilia clasped him to her breast-*
The father stood in silent blis»«
And at that kiss the spring of song *
Was open'd and flow'd forth in lays :
Amid the wonder of the throng,
The dumb boy sang the virgin's praise !
The dumb boy praised Cecilia's might.
With angel-voice so sweet and clear ;
The father trembled with delight,
The multitude bowed down in fear.
All through the land the marvel came,
And all would learn the dumb boy's lay ;
And of that wondrous kiss, the fame
Is told among us to this day !
Though Vre have heard, during recent years, so much of the
decay of religion, yet both Catholic and Lutheran piety are
tolerably well represented in poetry. ' The relinous poems of
Gall Morel, a monk (bom in 1803), deserve praise for their
union of imagination with devotion, and similar commendation
may be bestowed on the hymns and pietistic lyrics written bj
JoHAKK Philipp Spitta, suthor of Psalter und JSatft (which has
passed through many editions)^ and on the devotional poetry
written by Jtjlius Stttrk, JuLnrs Hamkeb, Kabl Berkhard
Garvb, Johann Peter Langs, and Victor Friedrioh yok*
Strat7S8, who, we may observe, is not related to the more cele-
brated Dr. Strauss. These names are not mentioned as deserving
greater prominence than might be claimed by those of many
other writers, who, however, must be left unmentioned in these
mere * Outlines * of a yoluminous poetical literature. For we
XXXI.] LYEICAL POEMS. 62
*r
hayft still to notice the names of a few writers who may fairly
represent poetry as cultivated by Overman ladies.
Again, it is in the lyrical department that the most noticeable
success has been gained. For proofs of this we refer to Dob
ffeUtUche Jtihr (* The Spiritual Year *) and other poems by
Akitbttb Toir Dbostb-Hulshotf. The GbX.fik Ida toit
DiTRiNOSFBLB, the Duchess* AuIlie of Saxony (the author of
several respectable dramas), Katsabiva Dibz^ and the accom-
plished young linguist Elizabeth Eulxank^ who wrote fluent
verse in several ancient and modem languages, and died at aa
early age; — these names may serve to represent many German
ladies who have written both poetry and verse. Several of the
descriptive poems written by LotriSE vol? Plosnkibs have been
commended. We may mention, as representative of domestic
poetry, the truly gentle and feminine poems written by two
ladies who assumed respectively the names BExrr Paoli and
DiLiA Helena. The former, whose true name was Elizabeth
Gluck (born in 1814)^ often blended an extreme simplidly of
diction with fervour and purity of sentiment in her love-songs
and other poems. It is not easy to reproduce fairly even one of
her songs -, but the following stanzas may serve as an example of
the first-named of their traits :—
That thy true soul
May wed with minie^
And that I may
Be ever thine,
I pray, and trust
• In God*8 sole might.
To keep us one —
And so Good-night I
That DiLiA Heleva (whose name by marriage was Bbavgo)
was the extreme opposite of an emancipated woman, may be seen
in one line with which she begins a lyrical poem entitled 'A
Maiden's Wish and Confession.* It should be noticed that the
speaker is not inquiring for an engagement in domestic service,
but is addressing her intended husband, when she says : —
Oh let me be thy servant-maid !
The following stanzas are far better than might be expected
after such a beginning. Here is one : —
628 OXTTUKES OF GERMAN UTKRATXTBEL l<hu
•
When £rom your day*s work you return.
My hero I there's a smQe to greet thee,
Escaping from a noisy world—
And joyonsly FU come to meet thee 1
This is a traly domestic vein of poetry, and it ia naturally
followed by a series of cradle-songs and other verses for the
especial delectation of infancy and childhood — ^themes of which
Dilia Helena loved to write.
It may be noticed that, with a few exceptions, modem German
writers of lyrical ballads have avoided rhetorical forms, and have
written iii accordance with the Wordsworthian theory of poetic
diction ; though, we believe, few of the young poets of Germany
have any extensive knowledge of Wordsworth. It is from the
example of Goethe, if not &om their own instincts, that they have
learned the doctrine, that poetry — Uke truth and earnest feeling
^oves plain words. Like beauty, poetry has in itself all the
decoration that it requires.
XXXUJ BECBNT PSOSB-EIOHON. £29
CHAPTER xvx",
BBdMT FBOO-ncnOlf :— TILIIOB STOBne— BBALUTIO SOMAMCK—
TALIS OV XBATBL AMD ADTXHTUBS — INAini FICnON — BOXAIICBS
iriTH 80CIAX. TBKDXKCIES—KISTOBICAL BOMAKCBS — HOTBL8 AMD
8H0BT 81V>BZB8 — ^DOMSSTIC STOBIES — THB TBW TBABA 186(^-70
A OOKIBXPORABT JOUBNALIBT and writer of literary history —
JuLiAir SoHXiBT — thus describes, with some liTeliness, changes
thaty daring reoent years, have taken place in the social life, and
have been, more or less fully, reflected in the literatare, of the
German people : —
* It would be an imnienM mutake,' he saya, 'were anyone to imagine that
a trace remaios of the elements that went to form the pictoie Madame de
Stad gave to the world of na. The idealism, the dreaminess, the moonshine,
have had their day. We have become strict Realists. The questions that
occupy ns in the morning, which perplex ns at nightfall,' are bnsinesa
qnestions. All in art and literatare that savoared of idealism, dreaminesa^
and moonshine^ is gone. We have become aocnstomed to deal better tha
we used to do with realities, and to describe things ak they are. I had
conversation the other day with one of our best painters, in which he told
me, in the most animated manner, that he had found a splendid subject for
a picture, that he had now spent twelve' months in preparatory studies, and
that he should give the next few years of his life exdnsivelj to the work.
Although myself a tolerably thorough-going realist, I at once supposed that
he had chosen some famous event in the world's history. What was my
astonishment when he told me that the subject is an iron foundry ! ' *
There is, of course, some humorous hyperbole in this statement,
but it describes, on the whole fairly, the change that has taken
place since 1890. The days when ' Werther ' was read by all the
world seem now to belong to a remote antiquity. Realism must,
indeed, have made great progress ; for its traits are found even in
novels and romances. A few «teps in the transition Irom ideal to
real may be noticed.
• The [London] < Athenmmi,' May 18^ 1872^
530 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTEBATUBE. [Ce.
Goetlie*8 ''Werther^ was followed by a crowd of sentimental
and psychological romances; as his * Gotz ' was the ancestor of a
family — more numerous than respectable — of sa-called histoncal
romances. Then Wilkdm Meutetj though it did not originate,
encouraged the growth of a prolific series of educational^ didactic,
moral, aesthetic and quasi-religious fictions, which may- be safely
described as mostly tedious productions, though they are, perhaps,
preferable to the * matrimonial novels ' and stories of divorce that
have followed, more or less remotely, the example given in Die
WaMverwandtschaftm, After a series of dreary productions that
were too kindly tolerated for a few years following the War of
Liberation, some welcome innovations appeared in stories of
domestic life written by ladies, and several imitators of Sir Walter
Scott made the historical romance rather more respectable than
it had been in the days of those renowned robbcors, ''Rinaldo
Rinaldini ' and ' Aballino.'
But the greatest improvement in recent proee-fiction is found in
a series of stories of the peasantiy. These soon followed the
appearance of the pleasant Westphalian idyll which forms the
bright side of Immennann^s strange romance, ' Miinchhausen.'
About two years before that story was published, Albsbt
BrczrcTS (bom in 1797), a pastor in the Berne Canton, had gained
a reputation as a writer of fiction for the people. He has been
called the 'father of the modem epic of peasant-life,* but this titie
mighty we think, be more fairly given to JTrnd-SxiiUKe. As the
author of Der Bauemspiegd and other tales, Bitzius assumed, in
1836, the pseudonym, Jebshias Gotthxlf, which he soon made
more widely known than his own true name. This success was
by no means due to the merits of his style, but to the truthfulness
and tbe (sometimes coarse) honesty of his descriptions of real
life 'in huts where poor men lie.' Leiden und Freuden eine*
Schulmeiders (fThQ Joys and the Sorrows of a Schoolmaster'), UU
dS' Knechtj and UU der Pdchter, may be named as fair examples
of Grotthelf s stories. He died in 1854. In his Armennoth he
follows Pestalozzi*s educational ideas, and in the Sylvestetiraum
he reminds us of one of the ' dreams ' by Jean Paul.
In tbe style, as in the construction, of his stories, Bitzius was
far inferior to his successor — ^Bebtholb Aitsbbach, by birth an
Israelite (bom in 1815). He is the most successfU of all the
writers of stories describing Ibe life.of the 6kinnan peasantry.
XXXII.] VILLAGE STORIES. 531
His early works 'Spinoza ' and ' Poet and Merchant ' had attracted
some notice before 1848, when his graphic ' Village Tales from the
Black Forest ' appeared. These soon gained for him fiEime at home
and abroad; and were followed by other short tales and by more
ambitious romances — such as Auf der Soke and Da$ Landhmts
am Hhein, In the latter the author unites a didactic aim with a
sensational interest. Auerbach's views of religion and politics are
those of a liberal Israelite and a free thinker. His lively style is
not the least of his merits. The realistic traits of his stories have
been greatly admired ; but he by no means gives us the bare prose
of peasant-life as it is found in some of Gotthelfs stories.
The followers and imitators of Bitzius and Auerbach are too
numerous to be noticed ; but several authors whose stories of life
in rural districts are better than imitations should be, at least,
mentioned here. It might hardly be expected that the author of
that old-world robber-romance, AhaUinOy would appear among
modem writers of moral and strictly utilitarian tales for the
benefit of the peasantry; but Heinrich Zschokke lived long and
wrote, besides the well-known ' Houxs of Devotion ' many stories,
of which ' The'Goldmakers* ViUage ' may be named as a specimen.
There is humour in this writer's account of a man elected as a
parish -schoolmaster, solely on the ground that he vxu lame and
not JUted for a more respectable position in society / Hobebi
GiSEKB (bom in 1827), author of 'Modem Titans/ and other
romances, and of several dramas, should be named here as the
writer of ' Pfarr^Koschen, an Idyll of Our Times.' Gottfried
Keller (bom in 1816), author of a series, of village stories entitled
Die Leute von Seldtoyla ) Joseph 'ELkSK (bom in 1816), author ot
'Tales from the Bohemian Forest'; Melchior Metb (bom in
1810), author of some pleasing 'Stories firom the Ries District'
(a high plain in S.W. Deutschland) ; August Wnj)EKHA.HN,
Wilhelm Oertel (who assumed the name Von Horn), and,
lastly, AuGTJST Sjlberstein (born in 1827) j — ^all these deserve to
be named among the authors of interesting stories of rural life.
The last-iiamed is a geniid and truthful writer ; but he mixes an
Austrian dialect with his Hochdentech, His DorfschwaJben and
Die Hdualerinn are fair specimens of his stories.
With regard to originfdity, or innovilon, we may place nez to
the improved Village Stories of recent years a series of romances
and novels which profess to introd^ their readers to soenea in real
532 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITER \TUEE. [Ch.
life 80 it exists among the middle clftsses. Here we hare anotlier
deyelopment of the xealism which is increasing, not only in fiction,
but even in literary history and philosophy. Instead of studying
systems, readers now ask for anecdotes respecting the domestic
affairs of philosophers. A general notion preyails that too many
young men haye been made degenerate by reading refined and
ideal poetry, and that they must take, as tonics, courses of lectures
on Adam Smith's economy, or make themselves acquainted with
the morals and the literature of English Joint-Stock Companies.
Extremes meet The Germans are becoming very practicaL
They turn away from the Romantic School, and accept theories in
favour of a reformed dietary and of a strenuous course of 'physical
hardening ' and ' Tunwerein ' practice, as tending to initiate a new
school of sanitary poetry, which will be followed, perhaps, by a
'moscular ' philosophy. All this in the land of Kant and HegeT I
The intellectual pride that invented the namb ' Philistine,' as a
stigma for quiet, virtuous and plodding tradesmen, is condemned
as heretical^ Poetry itself, we are told, should be. made the
handmaid of commerce and should be confined within Philistia.
GusTAv FsxTTAa, a Silesian, (bom in 1816) has endeavoured,
with success, to realise thiB grand notion. He studied in Breslau
and Berlin, and was, for some time, employed as a journalist
The literary reputation, first gained by several dramas — Die
Valentine, Die JoumaUeten and Die JFabier — ^was greatly, increased
by his commercial romance Sof und Haben (1855), which soon
passed through seven or eight ditions, and' was translated into
French and English. It has been described as the romance of
' Philistine life,' including under that title all the ordinary cares
and interests of the commercial class. One of the chief characters
in the story is T. O. Schroter, the principal of a mercantile firm, a
man possessing good talents for business, who treats judiciously
and kindly the subordinate Philistines employed in his house.
One of his clerks. Fink, is the true hero of the story, though
another, Wohlfahrt, might, here and there, appear as the hero.
The quiet yet intei^esting progress^ of the story and the excellent
wj^iling found in many passages have been generally commended ;
but the author's attempt to initiate ' a poetry of trade ' has been
ridiculed by Prutz and other poetical critics retaining old-world
prejudices against 'Philistine people,' and the great world of
commerce. ^
XXXU.] " REALISTIC NOVEIfl. 533
The tone of the story itself is more condliatory, as well as more
sober^ than the language used by adverse critics. The gentlemen
employed in the house of T. O. Schroter are made to appear
highly respectable — excepting Herr Fink, — but it seems imfair
that almost aU the tricks in trade and other sins mentioned in the
course of the story should be ascribed to two unfortunate Israelites.
For many readers one of the chief merits of the book is its com'
parative want of the Interest called ' strongly sensational/ A
later story by Freytagis entitled ' The Lost Manuscript ' (1864),
and introduces us to a professor of philology who, in the course
of his travels in quest of an ancient copy of Tacitus, fmds an
excellent wife, of whom, however, he does not take sufficient
care. Several literary characters who take- parts in the story
are described as at heart 'PhiUstines,' and almost as merce-
nary and materialistic as T. 0. Schroter and his clerks in Soil und
Haben,
Turning away from this new imaginative literature of com-
merce, we find realism in another form in many tales of travels and
of marvellous adventures that have gained popularity during
recent years. Friedsioh Wilhelh HACSLiLErDBB (bom in
1816), who served for a short time in the Prussian Artillery, and
Fbibdbich QfiBSTiLcKER (also bom in 1816), may be classed to-
gether as writers of realistic romances. The latter emigrated to
America in 1837 and there— after working as a sailor, a farm-
labourer, a wood-cutter, a goldsmith, and a manufacturer qf pill-
boxes—travelled far and collected materials for such stories as
'The Regulators of Arkansas * and ' Lights and Shades of Trans-
atlantic Life.' The shadows are, indeed, dark enough as given
by Gerstacker. HacklAitdsk, by an error too common in recent,
hasty criticism, has been called * the German Dickens.' Putting
afflde that injudicious comparison, it may be said that Hack-
lander, like Gerstacker, derives his best scenes and characteristics
from recollections of realities. In the former's sketches from
< Military Life in Time of Peace,' as in the latter's 'Kegulators
of Arkansas' and 'River-Pirates of the Mississippi,' we have
lively narratives and descriptions given without any regard for
'tendency' and with a happy carelessness about psychological
motives. There is, however, a tendency, strong enough, in Ger-
stacker's story of ' Tahiti ; ' for its object is to show that Chris-
tian missions, both Catholic and Protestant^ have served only to
534 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN LTTEBATUEK [Ck.
destroy the happiness formerly enjoyed by the natives of seyeral
pleasant islands in Polynesia.
Another writer of ethnographic romances founded on adren-
tures in the New World, was, during his literary career, known
only by his assumed name, Chablbs Sealspield. His true name
(which was first made known after his decease in 1864) was Karl
PosTSL. He was bom in 1793, and was educated in a convent at
Prague, from which he ran away in 1822. He subsequently
travelled far and wide in the west of America^ and there collected
the materials for which he found uses in his romances. His
writings often express strong political tendencies^ and — like F.
Cooper, the American author — he likes to tell a sensational story
of ^e defence of a lonely block-house against m tribe of Bed
Indians, or of the long and circular ride of a traveller lost on a
boundless prairie. At last he sees, witli a rapture of thankful-
ness, the prints lefti as he supposes, by a preceding traveller, who
hsa found his way out of the solitude. The lost man follows in
the track marked out for his guidance, repeats his own cir-
cular ride, and comes back to the lonesome place from which he
started I There are many stories told by Sealsfield that are far
more sensational than this. His ' Legitltnlsts and Republicans,'
the ' Transatlantic Sketches,' the story of ' Ralj^h Doughby's
Wedding- Journey/ and ' Nathan,' are fair spedm^ of this author's
fictions.
Among other writers of ethnographic romances, SieHuim
Wallace, author of ' Lights and Shades ficom Asia, Africa, and
Europe,' Baldttin Mollhausest, author of 'The Half-Indian,' and
Hbikbioh Smidt (1708-1867), who wrote, beudes romances^
many stories of marine adventures, may be named. Thbodob
MxJOGS, a very prolific author, who in his fictions made the utmost
possible use of his own travels in Norway, and Edmttvd Hoefeb,
the author of many short and popular stories — Aus dem Volke, Au$
alter und neuer Zeit, and Auf detUscher Erde — may be named to-
gether, on account of the realistic traits that distinguish their
works of fiction.
The prominence here given to tales of the peasantry and to stories
of travel ^d adv^ture may be justified by their general merits,
a^ substitutes for unwholesome or inane stories of intrigue, in
which are found the faults without the, attractions of many
recent French novels. It is in this class of fictions— descendants
2:XXIL] INAKB FIOnOK. 535
from the SaUndiUratut of former years — ^that flome ci the weakeBt
and worst contributions to recent German literature are found.
It is here that writers falsely describe the facts of life and society,
and imagine that untruth is a substitute for poetiy. History in
its broad outlines leaves unnoticed the finer lights and shades of
private characters, and scenes in domestic life. To supply these
traits appears to be the ^uty of fiction, which, while free with
regard to names, dates, and the order of events, should still be
essentially true. If judged by this rule, many so-called fashion-
able historical romances must be condemned. ' Of old ' popular
legends,' though their adventures are fanciful, we would speak
with respect, for under all their wild imagery, they often convey
a deep and true meaning. Our censure applies to fictions, neither
real nor ideal, which describe neither this present world nor any
better state of society. Such tales, having no basis either in
poetic imagination or in observation of life, attempt to supply the
defect by introducing a worn-out series of fictitious characters.
Here we find the wicked steward, and the hero, who, without a
purpose, and impelled hither and thither by others, obtains at
last perfect happiness in the' shape of a princely estate. Here also
is the rival, full of wickedness, but emplo^g sagacity and perse-
vering energy which are doomed to be made fruitless by a stroke
of the novel-writer's pen. Here also is the innocent, but myste-
rious heroine, radiant with a supernatural beauty ; and here we
meet (too often) the wandering gentleman, vrithout funds, who
travels everywhere vrithout meaning or purpose, and thinks
nothing of leaving London, and journeying over the Continent in
order to have the pleasure of abruptly meeting the heroine at
Vienna ! These are some of the beauties of third-class fictions.
To supply the defects of their native library of fiction, German
readers have largely imported foreign novels. Many articles from
the grand Parisian manufactory of fictions, by ''Alexandre
Dumas (the elder) and Co.,' have been imported. English novels
describing the exploits of highwaymen and housebreakers are
read with pleasure. Among better novels translated and read in
Germany, the works of Scott, Bulwer, Miss Edgeworth, Washings,
ton Irving, Cooper, and Douglas Jerrold may be named. The
writings of Charles Dickens have gained in Germany a wide
popularity ; and allusions to scenes in ' Pickwick' and ' Nicholas
NicUefay ' have been employed to illustrate points in philosophical
536 OUTLINES OF GEpMAlfr LTTERATUBE. [Co.
writings. It is pleasant to find Oliver Goldsmith's 'Vicar of
Wakefield 'appreciated by German readers as 'a model of fiction,
foil of mild humour, true humanity, and practical wisdom^ and,
at the same time, thoroughly poetical.'
There is no ground — ^however sacred~*which modem writers of
.novels and romances have not invaded, and it would be vain to
attempt an enumeration of the topics and interests vnth which
tbey have interfered. Excepting mathematics and the pbysical
sciences — ^it may be said that fiction has invaded aU departments
of study. The history of Germany, in all the centuries from
the fourteenth to the present, and the histories of England,
France, and Itidy ; the biographies of painters, poets, musicians,
actors, actresses, opera-singers, philosophers, and even 'dry<-as-
du6t' philologers, have all been treated more or less boldly
in romances. Worst of all are the contssversial romances, too
often inspired by no better muse than odiwn thetdogicum, and
attacking Jesuits, orthodox Lutherans, Pietists, Pantheists, and
free theologians. One author writes a satirical novel entitled
'The Orthodox;' another replies with 'The Conversion of an
Infidel,' and so the game goes on. A better class of fictions (but
one containing many tedious books) is represented by a series of
novels or romances describing culture and social progress. Stories
written in favour of ' the emancipation of women ' come next ;
then the ' Mysteries of Berlin' or 'of 'N^enna/ in the manner of
Eugtoe Sue. We would speak with more respect of romances
intended to serve an educational purpose. One of the veteran
GiTTZKow's latest fictions — 'The Sons of Pestaloszi' — ^may be
called a sensational-educational story, for it describes the training^
of a second Elaspar Hauser.
One of the most versatile of recent authors,»RoBEBT Eduabd
Pbitez (1816-72), may be named here as the writer of a social
romance. Das Engdchen, intended to expose abuses attending the
emplojrment of people in factories. His other fictions in prose—
Felixy Der Musikantentkurmf and Obemdarf—hnyo also social or
political tendencies. Prutz might have been named among the
' political poets and rhymesters of 1840-48, but his talent was
rather critical than poetical, and his best works— recommended by
a lively style — belong to literary history and criticism. In the
last-named department he is by no means dispassionate and
impartial. His ' German Literature in 1848-58 ' might be espe*
XXXn.] mSTOBICAL BOHANCES. 537
dally notioed to refute tbe old notion of describing educated
Germans as a dreamy and phlegmatic race. It would be more
correct to ascribe to them the perfervidum ingenium Scatorum.
'The Egotists,' aa one of the more realistic of Gt7STA.y yoic
Sbk's romances, may be named here. Among the youngest of
writers of romances 'with social tendencies/ Fbiedsich Sphel-
HAOEFy bom in 1820, may be named as the writer of ' Problematic
Natures ' and < Through the Night to the Light '—two of the
more successful works of their class. In the former he describes
the characters of men who can find in the world tio place and no
work that is good enough for them. These are the grand, solitary
souls of the school of poetiy introduced by Lord Byron. JSm
verlarenes OeschUckt, by Max Rino, and Der Kampfums Dagein,
by Robert Btb, may be also mentioned as romances having a
purport more or less practical
Having thus given priority to stories having some special
interest or novelty belonging to our times, we may more briefly
notice a few specimens of historical romances. The author who
first demands our attention in this department is HsnrBiCH
JoBXPH KoBHie, a veteran in fictitious literature, who died in
1860 at the advanced age of seventy-nine years. like Tieck, Eosnig
introduces in one of his romances our poet Shakspere. Other stories,
including Aisch erne Jugend, which is autobiographical, Die hohe
Braid (a tale of the French Revolution), and ' The Waldenses,' are
partly founded on the recollections of the writer's long life, and are
made vehicles for the expression of his own liberal opinions on
religion and politics. We may name next to Eoenig, and as
writers of historical romances, Rshfttbs, the author of Sc^pio
Cicaktf R1ELI8TAB, who wrote a romance entitled '1812,' and
Sf iKDLiSR, whose stories once enjoyed a vride popularity.
Another persevering veteran in writing historical romances and
other fictions was G. W. HlBive, bom in 1708, who, as an
author, assumed the name Wilibaij) Axexis, and produced (in
1822) Waladmor, an imitation of Sir Walter Scott's manner. It
was well received, and was soon followed by other romances. In
1852 the author published a story with the odd title, 'To be
quiet is the first Duty of a Oitizen.' HJLBiKe was one of the
editors of- Dos neue^ PUaval, a voluminous and well-knovni collec-
tion of criminal histories and remarkable trials.
Lsvnr ScHucKure, a Westphalian^ who has been successful as
638 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATTJBR [Ch.
a writer of historical romances, excels in tlie narration of details,
and gives a local colouring and interest to his stories. Schlon
Domegge is one of his best productions. His wife, well known
by her maiden name, Luise yon Gall, wrote Gegen den Strom^
and I^aumnovellen — the latter including seyeral pleasing stories
of domestic interest.
To return to historical romances — two or three recent authors
have treated mediffival history in a style more realistic than that
of the Romantip School. Among the few writers who have
studied facts before writing fictions, Fbavz Tsautkavn (bom in
1810) should be named. In his story of JSppelein von GeUmgen^
an aristocratic ' Rob Roy ' who ' lived by the saddle '-r>in other
words, by plunder and murder — there are passages of quaint
humour that might hardly be expected in a romance well founded
on grim realities. Similar realistic traits are found in the same
writer's ' Adventures of Duke Christopher of Bavaria,' especially
in its best episode, ' The Story of the Clerk at the Seldenthal
Convent.'
Proofs of careful studies of old times are also found in a singular
story, entitled ' Maria Schweidler, or the Amber Witch,' which
was written by Wilhslm Meikholb. Having carefully studied
the processes of trials for supposed witchcraft, which weie the
disgrace of German civilisation in the seventeenth century,
Meinhold wrote his story, and published it as a true narrative,
founded on a document preserved in an old church. And such
was the accuracy of its descriptions of costume, manners, and
language, that it was received by many as authentic history.
Though the true origin of the tale is now discovered, it may still
be read with interest, as it gives a faithful account of a supersti-
tion to which many hundred of lives were sacrificed. Meinhold
wrote another tale of the same character, entitled ' Sidonia von
Bork, the Convent Witch ; ' but it is an inferior production. It
is said that the author^s aim in vnriting these ' cunningly devised
fables' was to test the sagacity of negative Biblical critics, who
had rejected many narratives formerly accepted as authentic
history. Passing over several inferior works of fiction founded
on medieval history aud tradition, we must, at least, name
Hkkehard, a tale of the tenth century, by Jobsph Vioiob
ScHEFFEL, well known as the writer pf a series of humorous
XXXn.] SKETCHES OE CHAEAOTEB. 539
poenu, entitled 'Gaudeamne^' and of a Tigarous epic, 'The
Trumpeter of Sakkingen.'
While 80 manj writers have bhoaeii in prose-fiction the diffuse
form of the romance, emhracing often the whole etoiy of a life-
time, othem have frequently confined themselyes within the
proper limits of ttie old Italian novel. Among these latter
writers, AlBZAITDXB FkEIHHBR von UNGERK-STBRNBESe (1806-
68) has heen espedallj commended for the Tersatilitj displayed
in his noyels and short stories, which include ' Eduard,' * Lessing,'
and 'Jena and Leip^g.' Adyerse critics accuse Sternberg of
pliability in following the changeful literary fashions of his time,
and others censure seyerely, but not without reason, the tendency
of several of his more frivolous fictions. ' Diana ' has been com-
mended as the author's most interesting rcSnance. The best
apology made for Sternberg's .frivolous stories (which may be left
unnamed) consists in the fact that they were severely condemned
by the writer's better jddgpnent
Paul Hsrss, already named as a writer of epic poetry, has
gained high commendation by the neat construction and the
elegant style of his novels. He is one of the few modern German
writers who artistically keep the novel within its own proper
limits, as distinct from the wider boundary-line of the romance.
Za MMriata may be named as one of his best works in prose-
fiction. Am TiberufeTf Dos MUddun von Treppi, and Andrea
Deffin, are praised for their ingenious construction and graphic
power. In other stories, as ia-Die BUndeny the writer's selection
of subjects is less commendabll than his graceful and lively style
of narration.
Several writers of fiction, whose merits may be equal to those
of some of the authors who have already been named must, for
want of space, be left imnoticed. One eccentric writer, lately
deceased, BoauMiL Ooltz, the author of numerous short stories,
sketches of character, lectures and essays, should be named as a
genial and original observer of hunlan life. His writings are
often defective with regard to form and good taste, but combme
the realism of the present time with an imaginative dreamery
and poetry that often remind us of Jean Paul. The greatest
successes of Goltz are seen in some of his sketches of women.
He loves to satirise them, bat has no bad meaning.
We have next to name several ladies who have gained reputa-
540 OUmiNES OF GERMAN LITERATUIIK [Oh.
lion as writers of noyels mid romances that have enjoyed a
considerable popularity. Attgttstb von Paalzow (1788-1847),
a lady who was one of Wilhelm Ton Humboldt^s friends, wrote
* Godwie Castle/ and several other historical romances, of which
two of the best are ' St. Roche ' and ' Thomas Thymau.' Their
tone is generally aristocratic, but mostly in the lesthetic sense of
the word. The authoress had delight in describing the life of
the nobility, because she loved refinement of manners.
Ida QRiLpiir von ELlhn-Hahn (born in 1805) was the daaghter
of an eccentric nobleman holding estates in Mecklenburg-
Schwerin. Her earlier writings — Fatutine^ Sigismund Fordetf
and CSect/— described a life pf ambition and unrest in aristoiratic
society ; but after 1852, when the Countess retired to a convent,
she repented of alf her literary errors and sins, and wrote ' From
Babylon to Jerusalem,' and 'Out of Jerusalem,' in which she
endeavoured to describe the motivM that had led to her change of
confession.
The novels written by Fanny Lbwald, by birth an Israelite,
include 'Clementine,' 'A Life- Question,' and 'Prince Louis
Ferdinand' — all noticeable for their reflective character and
practical social tendency. The authoress has been successful as a
writer of books of travels.
Ida von Dubingsfeld, already named as a writer of verse, is
also known as the author of Schlon Chcssyn and other romances^
including ' Margaret of Valois and her Time,' but these fictions
have been less successful than the author's lyrical poems.
Among several German* ladies Vho have written fictions in'
favour of their own ' emancipation,' Lvisb Aston may be named
as one chief representative^ while Lxjisb Otto deserves mention
as a more moderate successor in advocating the same principle,
which was also miuntained, at least in their earlier fictions, by
AxELY BoLTB and Jvlib Bubow. The new doctrine was as-
serted in its extreme form in the earlier of the romances written
by LiTiSE MuHLBACH (by marriage Claba Mundt), the authoress
of a long series of historical romances, in which fiction is made
predominant over facts.
Other ladiep have mostly confined their attention to stories
treating of the ordinary cares and interests of domestic life. In
this class may be named the stories written by M abia Naxjelubius,
XXXn.] THE TEN YEAES 1860-1870. 541
and others by Ottilib Wudbbmitth, author of 'Pictuxes from a
Home in Suabia/
In connection with these and other quiet stories of home life,
should be noticed a few specimens from the eztensiye library pro-
vided for children. It will be sufficient to refer here to the series
of sentimental juvenile tales written by the Catholic author,
Ohbistoph voir Schkid ; to the well-known legends and fairy-
tales 6ollected and edited by the Brothers Grimh ; to the fables
cleverly illustrated by Oixo Speckteb ; and^ lastly, to the long
Eeries of stories for children written by Gitstav Nibbitz.
During the last ten or twelve years, authors of lyrical poetry
and of prose-fiction have been sufficiently prolific, but they have
hardly refuted the assertion of Gervinus— that the vocation of our
limes is practical and not poetical. There is no want of talent
among the young men of the New Empire, but the greatest minds,
though they may derive their impulses from Heaven itself, must
be limited by the age in which they live. Poetry, like every
other product of the mind, has its own natural history, and, with
regard to power and success in its expression, is dependent upon
time, place, and circumstances. There is a point at which it
becomes impossible to row upwards against the stream. The age
in which we are living is a gigantic age with respect to material
progress ; but our predecessors have left us to grapple with the
hardest problems of society before we can 'earn for ourselves either
moral or sssthetic repose. The man whose life is well-regulated
in its relations with-nature and with society, fulfils the duties of
the day, and, in the evening, may find solace in poetry, painting,
or music, or may retire into the quietude of philosophy. But poetry
seems out of place when cultivated by the man who is vexed by
law* suits, pursued by hungry relatives, and urged by the cares of
providing for to-morrow ; and Society, in some parts of our crowded
and discontented Europe, may now be fairly represented by tiiat
unhappy individual. As Mr. Carlyle has so often said, what is
wanted now is ' a non-vocal poetry.' Wd must have great things
first done for the moral education of the people, for .emigration,
and for the organisation of labour, and when we have succeeded,
songs may celebrate our success. The root must be supplied with
nutriment, the stem must be trained, and then the flower of a
true poetic literature will bloom out.
For lessons as severe as th^ the poetical men of the New
542 OUTUNBS OF GERMAN LTIXEATXTBE. [Cs.
Empire are hardly jet prepared. Getbel, Earl Beck, Paul Heyse,
Gottflcbally Hermann lAngg, Robert Hamerlingi Julius Groaae and
others have been producing lyrical poetry during the last few
jean, and Albert Traeger still flourishes as the poet of that very
popular journal Die OartmUwhe, The drama still remains a
weak part of German literature ; but there Is no decay observable
in the department of prose-flction. If the year 1870 produced
little of poetry that is worthy of notice, it is only one ol many
proofs that the contest of that time was generally unexpected.
Consequently, a song of no great merit had to serve as the SUim^
Ked of the time, and victory was celebrated in a series of Sonnets
written by OscA|t von Rvdwitz, the modem Minnesinger. One
of the best poems of that time was Freiligrath's ' Trumpet at
Gravelotte ' and the worst was the very notorious JBjdKhkdied,
which has been translated into all the languages of modem
Europe, as well as into Greek, L«atin, and Sanskrit. Its doggrel
may, however, be accepted as a joke, serving to relieve thoughts
and feelings that were only too earnest. Some loud expressions
of triumph have naturally followed the contest of 1370, and these
cannot excite either the surprise or the anger of generous foes ; but,
on the whole, a few more words written by Julian Schmidt may
fairly express the prevalent temper of thoughtful men in Germany:
' If it is a mistake,' says the author, * to suppose that we are now
the dreamers and idealists described by Madame de Stael : it is a
still greater error to suppose that we have been dazzled by the
splendour of the military events [of 1870], And have become n
warlike people. We naturally rejoiced in our successes and, during
the war, numberless songs gave expression to ov joy ; but the
peace put an end to that sort of literature, and we have set to
work in earnest. Our military enthusiasm was always of a de-
fensive east*-
lieb Yaterland, kannst nihig sein !
Fest Bteht and tiea <&e Wacht am Bhdn.
The song here referred to—' Hie Watch on the Rhine ' — ^was
accepted as national by the German people and their armies in
1870, and it therefore belongs to history. It was written, in
1840, by Max SoHznscESNBxmeBB, and was set to music by WiL-
HELH. Another national song —
XXXn.] THE TEN TEAKS 1860-1870. ' 643
No, no ! — ^they sbaD not hare it,
The f^ the German Khine !
•
was wiitten, in 1640, by Nikolaus Bscsebb, and was set to music
by more than a hundred composers I One of the best selections
from the martial lyrical poetry called forth so suddenly in 1870
was entitled AU-DmUKMand.
We may briefly refer to a school of nhilosophical lyric poetry
represented by the names Sallbt, Mbtb, and Ullbich, and a
new school of socialistic yerse-writers, headed by Puttmavit and
Dbokke, may be named, but only as ' a sign of the times.'
'We love what is beautiful/ but without vain excess, and
we study philosophy without forgetting to master reality. Our
courage in war does not arise from any dulness in our appreciation
of the delights which peace and culture afford; but, while we
know how delightful a quiet life may be, we shrink not from the
toil and the danger by which peace must be won.' That is the
purport of the descriptidh which Thucydides gives of the Athe-
nian people in the age of Pericles. We trust that some similar
estimate of national character may longremtun true with reference
to the people of the German Empire. With the expression of this
confidence, we close here our brief review of their imaginative
literature.
544 • OUTLINES OF GERSIAIT LTTEBATUBE. [Gk.
GHAPTBB XTnCTTT.
U70-1870.
8PBCTAL LrrBBATtTBES : — THB FHT8ICAL BCXUTCH— OB0aBAI>ET—
TOTAGXS AKP TBATEL8— BIOOBAPftT — HIBTOBT^MiLTIOirAX. BOONOICT
JUri> BOCIAI. SCIBNCB — XDTKIATIOM — FHXLOLOGT, UTMSLAMY HISTOftT
AMD 2B9THBTIC8,
A GRBAT PABT of the strength and .the wealth of German
Literature lies in the aboye-named special departments which^
until recent years, were hardly noticed in general literary history.
If any ten or a dozen writers could be found prepared to undertake
such a task, an extensive series of volumes would be demanded,
in 'order to give a fair account of work done since 1770 in the
Special , Literatures- above enumerated. All that can be done
here is to mention, in each department, two or three books, in-
stead of attempting to describei in a few pages, the contents of
a whole library.
l%8tco/ Science, — Leaving unnoticed - many important works
on the more abstract and mathematical sciences, we find, in
Chemistry, several works of remarkable merit which may clum a
place in general literature on account of their popular and interest-
ing style. JirsTirs Liebig has gained a vride reputation as one of
the most acute practical chemists of modem times. His work
on * Chemistiy in its Applications to Agriculture and Physiology/
and his ' Letters on Chemistry/ have been widely circulated, and
have already produced important practical results. Against some
of his theories of physiological processes objections have been
raised, especially in an ' Essay on Physiological Chemistry,' by
G. J. Mttlsbb, a Dutch chemist. It is allowed that Liebig has
thrown light on the support of vital warmth by carbonised diet ;
but,^n the other side, it is maintained that the animal tysteza
XXXIII.] PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 545
taodifies or suspends the processes of chemistry, djb chemistry
modi ties the operation of mechanical laws. Bur. all this has hecn
said, in effect, by Liebig himself. The gi*eat practical chemist is no
believer in materialism.
lu the department of Physiology Burdich and the brothers
Tbevibai^us should be named among the older writers, and the
names of Carus, Virchow, and Schleiden may be mentioned to
indicate tbe progress made by recent researches. Schodler*8
' Book of Nature ' may be commended as one of the most popular
of general introductions to the physical sciences. The * Physio-
logical Letters for General Readers ' (1845), by Earl Voax, may
be commended as popular and interesting.
Geography, — We can only name, without attempting to de-
scribe, such a work of research as Karl Hitter's ' Geography
in its Relation with Nature and with the History of Mankind.'
As a more compendious work, Kloden's ' Handbook of Geography '
may be named here, and a few of the more popularly i^tten
accounts of Voyages and Travels may be noticed, to indicate the
wealth of German literatiure in this department.
Carsten Niebvhr, the father of the historian of Rome, dis-
played ns a traveller the enterprising spirit which his son devoted
to historical investigations. He published an interesting nar-
rative of his * Travels in Arabia and the Surrounding Countries '
(1774-8), and later researches in the same districts have confirmed
his statements. George Forsteb (1754-94) accompanied his
father in Cook's voyage round the world. He afterwards resided
in Paris, and was involved in the events of the French Revolution.
His work, entitled 'Views in Holland, England, and France'
(1792), still retains its interest, chiefly on account of its style
and its notices of works of art.
Powers of mind that are rarely united in one individual meet in
the character of Alexander vok Humboldt, bom in 1769 — an
enterprising traveller, a man of extensive science, and a poetic
writer. In 1799, accompanied by his friend Bonpland, he left
Europe to visit the Spanish colonies in South America. After
^y^ years of adventurous researches among the wonders of nature,
he returned to Europe in 1804, and prepared for the press the
interesting results of his travels. His ' Aspects of Nature ' were
published in 1808, ' Picturesque Views of the Cordilleras * in 1810,
end 'T^avelf* in the Equinoctial Regions of America' in 1815.
S IT
546 OUTLINES OP GERMAN UTERATtJEE. [Ch.
This veteran student of nature producedi in advanced age, his
remarkable work, ' Eosmos ' (1846-1^); containing the results of a
long life of observation and contemplation. In the first part it
gives general views of the economy of nature ; while in the
second part we find speculations regarding the influence of nature
on human society in its various stages of culture. In one passage
the author suggests that, ' if spacious panoramic buildings, con*
taining a series of landscapes from various regioniT of the earth,
aud various points of elevation, were erected in our cities, aud,
like our museums and galleries of paintings, thrown freely open to
the people, it would be a powerful means of making the sublime
grandeur of creation more widely known and felt' Humboldt's
writings combine the investigations of a scientific mind vtrith the
style of a poetical imagination. Instead of attempting to give in
our scanty limits aoy general estimate of such a man ai^ Alexander
VON Htjmboldt, we may refer to his biography produced by the
combined labour of ten scientific authors, and edited by Karl
Bruhns. It was published in 1872.
Philipp Mabtivs (bom in 1794), a writer on the scenery of
South America, was associated with a friend, Johann von Spix,
in the researches of which he gave the results in his 'Travels in
Brazil ' (182^-8). The scientific contents of the work are valu-
able, and its graphic descriptions of life in the vast forest-districts
of Brazil make it worthy of being compared with Humboldt's
impressive n&rration of bis voyages on the Orinoco and its tri-
butary the Apure. Several other works by travellers in South
America contain valuable contributions to science. The ' Travels
in Paraguay in the Years 1818-26, by J. R. Rengoeb, published
in 1836, give details on the zoology and botany, and also on the
features of human society in that part of the New World. Other
works on Paraguay contain instructive accoimts of the temporary
success and the iQtimate failure of the missions established among
the Indians by the Jesuits. The ' Travels in Chili and Peru/
and a ' Voyage on the River Amazon in the Tears 1827-32,' by
Ebuaiu) PoppTGh, published in 1836, are chiefly devoted to studies
of natural science ; but contain also observations on the popula-
tions of the countries described. 'Travels in Peru,' by J. J.
TscHuni, describe the adventures of some years of researches in
the reg7on of the silver mines (where material wealth and human
misery are found together), on the sides of the Andes mountains^
XXXIII.] VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 547
in the beautiful vallej9 of Peru, and in its primeval forests. The
yarious descendants of Spaniards and Indians are well described ;
and the work may be commended as a conscientious and interesting,
production. Similar praise may be bestowed on ' A Description of
the Republic of Mexico' (1844), by Eouabd MtrHLBNPFOHDT,
though the arrangement of this work in the style of a treatise
destroys narrative interest It gives the results of seven years
of careful observations on the geography, the natural resources, -
and other statistioB of a very interesting but badly governed
country.
The African explorations and researches of Birth and Kbapf,
and the work by Fbitsoh on the Ethnology of South Africa must
be named. ' Travels in Kordofan/ by Ignatits Pallmb, contain
contributions to our Jmowledge of interior Africa, and suggest a
northern route of exploration, from Egypt through Kordofan and
Darfdr. Another African traveller, Heinrigh Lichtbnstbik,
in his ' Travels in Southern AMca in the Tears 1803-6,' gives
valuable notices of natural history. 'Travels in Abyssinia,' by
Edvarj) Ruppell (18d&-40), and ' Travels in Algiers,' by Mobitz
Waonbr (1841 ), may be named.
Ajb indications of the studies bestowed on the natural history,
the ethnology, the languages, and the mythology of India;, we can
mention only the 'Indian Antiquities,' by 0. Lassbn (1845),
the work of Kabl von HireBL on ' Cashmere and the Country of
the Sikhs ' (1840-3), and < Travels in the East Indies,' by Leo-
pold VOK Obuoh (1846).
The travels of Adolv Bastzan in Eastern Asia may be
referred to for information respecting Bouddhism. ' Fragments
from the East,' by Jakob Philipp Falucbbatbe, may be com*
mended for their excellent style and pleasant humour. One of
the author's historical works — ^his 'History of the Peninsula
Morea during the Middle Ages ' — ^has attracted attention not only
by a clear style, but also by its argument to the effect that the
modem Greeks belong to the Slavonic peoples, and are not de- «
scendants from the ancient Hellenes. The letters from Greece
and Turkey (1824-5) by Pbokesoh-Osten. have been highly com-
mended.
Biography. — In this department Vabkhagbn von Eksb (1786-
1858) deserves to be 6rst named among modem German writerSi
BZI2
648 OUTLINES OF aERMAN LITERATURE. [C«.
His biographical works indade memoirs of several military heroes
— -Derfflinger^Bliicher, Seydlitz, Winterfeldt^^cfawerin, and others
—and of poets and other literary men. The author's Memo^
rabiUa, his diaries, and other writings and collections which
were published after his decease, contain interesting contri-
butions to the political, social, and literary history of his times.
His wife, Kahel, by birth an Israelite, was eminent as one of
the most patriotic and benevolent of the Prussian women who
gave aid to their country in 1808-18. She wrote in a meditative
and aphoristic style, and for her own solace — not for fame. Her
friends, who admired her high personal qualities, have erroneouslj
ascribed to her aphoristic writings the attractions that really be-
longed to her own character.
Georg HEnmiCH Psrtz, the writer of interesting memoirs of
the great minister Vom Stein, and of a life of the brave Prussian
general Gneisenau, should at least be named here, and a bio-
graphy of the patriotic bookseller Pebthes must be especially
commended. Hbiitbich Dobing's biographies of Klopstock,
Vo98, Richtor, Herder, and other literary men ; the ^ Life
of Schiller ' (1840), by GrsTAV Schwab ; Caboline Pichler's
' Autobiography,' and the ' Memoirs ' of Johanna Schopenhauer
may be mentioned here. The 'Autobiography' of Heinrick
Zschoxeb, the philanthropic author, contains many interesting
passages. Among memoirs of literary men may.be mentioned a
<Life of Leibnitz * (1842), by G. E. Guhrauee ; the * Life of the
Philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte,' by his son; 'Jean Paul
Richters Memoirs and Correspondence ' (1827-33) ; and the
' Autobiography * of Heinrich StefTens, the novelist.
Several works contain contributions to ecclesiaotical history
in the form of biography. Neandeb has written 'Memoirs of
St Bernard and his Times ; ' and Matebhoff's ' Life and
Times of Johann Reuchlin 'is another work of the same character.
The ' life of Luther,' by Gxjstav Pfizer, may be noticed here.
A ' Memoir of Prince Bismarck ' by G. Hesekiel, may be referred
to as having guned some popularity.
History. — If we attempted to give any fair account of the re-
sults of German erudition and labour in the vast field of his-
tory, our work must be extended to mnny volumes. We can
here mention hardly more than the names of a few writers.
JoHAmr MuLLER (1752-1809), a native of Switzerland, displayed
XXXin.] HISTOKY. 549
extensive erudition in bis ' Lectures on Uniyersal History/ de*
livered at Geneva in 1700, and published in 1810. During the
French invasion, Miiller wrote eloquent Philippics against France ;
but his conduct ezdted a general wonder, when, in 1807, he
accepted^a ministerial office under Napoleon. It is only fair tr
add that his repentance was speedy and bitter. He soon resigned
his place, and passed the short remainder of his life in dejection i
Karl Rotteck: (1775-1840) wrote a * Universal History,' in six
volumes (1812-18), which was extended to the year 1840 by
K H. Hebmes. a /History of the World,' by K F. Beckeb
(1842), may be commended as one of the best books of its kind, and
K. W. Bottigeb's * History of the World in Biographical Narra-
tives ' (1830-44) may be mentioned as a work of considerable
interest. Heinbioh Dittmab's work on the same subject has an
especial reference to the progress of Christianity; while a com-
pendium by Kabl Vehse desciibes chiefly the progress' of civili-
sation and intellectual culture. The writings of Btjnsek — espe-
cially the treatises ' God in History ' and ' Egypt's Position in the
History of the World ' — ^may be named as important. A * History
of the People of Israel ' by Hbutbich Ewald is the work of oQe
of the greatest of Orientalists.
Among other works on general ancient history, Fbibdbich
Schlosser's ' History of the Ancient World and its Culture '
(1826^*^) must hold a prominent position. This learned his-
torian has corrected the arbitrary style of confining history' to
descriptions of military and political movements, and has paid
great attention to the literature and culture of ancient times.
Another work of comprehensive design is a ' History of Civili-
sation and Culture' (1843-5), by Gustavits Kleihc A 'His-
tory of European Civilisation ' (1833), by Johanit Schon, is a^
work of moderate outlines well filled up. A ' History of Trade
and Agriculture ' (1842-5), by GTrSTAY Guligh, may be named
as an extensive' work; while a more concise book on the same
subject, by Wilhblk Hoffkakk, may be commended to general
readers. WiXHEi:.ic Wachsmuth has written a * History of
European Morals and Manners ' (in five volumes — 1831-0). Ab-
NOLD Heebek (1760-1842) opened a new view of ancient history
in his learned work on the ' Commercial Belations of Antiquity '
(1703-1805). The extensive collection of ' Histories of the States
of Europe/ edited by Heeren and XJkert, may be named here. .
650 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Ch.
Tiuoing to the hifitories of particular nations — the ' History of
Greece' hy Cttbhtts must be mentioned as a superior work.
WiLHiucSoHORN^s 'History of Greece' (1833) extends from the
iEtolian and Achaian Treaty to the Fall of Corinth ; Eabl Lach-
uaits'b work (1839) describes the events between the close of the
Peloponnesian War and the era of Alexander the Great, and
JoHAim DBOTBEir has written the life of Alexander.
In Roman history, Babthold Niebtjhb, bom at Copenhagen
in 1776| was the founder of a new school of research^ by which
fictions mingled with the early histoiy of Bome were ex-
ploded. Niebuhr made great preparations for his work, and
took good care not to dissipate his powers by appearing too soon
as an author. During his youth he visited London and Edin-
burgh. In the latter city he waa acquainted with the Scott
family, and in one of his letters he mentioned, with an expression
of pity, ^ the eldest son, dull in appearance and intellect' This
' dull boy ' was afterwards the celebrated Sib Waltxb Scott.
Niebuhr was employed in several political offices until 1823,
when he retired to Bonn, and devoted himself to the task of
arranging the copious materials of his Boman history. The
French Bevolution of July 1830 had such an effect on the mind
of Niebuhr, that it hastened his death, which took place at Bonn,
January 2, 1831.
WiLHELM Dbumask produced a 'History of Bonje in* its
Transition from a Bepublican to a Monarchical Government'
(1834-44), contiuning the results of very extensive reading, and
describing especially the degeneracy of the Bomans during the
times of Pompey, Ccesar, and Cicero. By a careful examination
of the letters and other writings of Tully, Drumann represented
the character of the great orator in an unfavourable light, and
professed to have convicted him of certain ^Isehoods. Drumann
urged his arguments against Cicero as zealously as if he, the
historian, had personally suffered by the said falsehoods. Fbied-
BiCH Kobtum'b ' Boman History ' (1843) is written in a clearer
style ; while the work of P. Kobbe on the same subject is re-
markable for the boldness with which it attacks some of the posi-
tions of Niebuhr. * A 'Boman History' by Wilhblx Ihite is
popularly written. Schwbolbb'b * Early Boman History ' is un-
fortunately a fragment Of the erudition and other merits of
such a work as the * Boman History ' by Thsodob MoxKSBir
X«Xm.] HISTORY. Col
(bora in 1817) we can say only, tliat they are generally admitted
by critics whoee own learning is considerable. The writer's
knowledge of Roman laws, inscriptions, and other antiquities is
most extensive,' and the results of his diligent researches are giyen
in a lively, modernising style that makes them attractive. His
character of Julius Cffisar may be* referred to as -an example of
his skill in giving antique traits in a modern style. Mommsen is
not a purist in writing German. In leaving the extensive but
well-filled department of ancient history, we must not forget to
name, as one of the most readable books on the subject, 'A His-
tory of Antiquity '.by Max Dunokeb.
Medisdval Histozy. may be represented by the great work
Mqmumifnta QermanvcB ^iitorica, edited by G, H. Pebtz. A
' Manual of the History of the Middle Ages,' by Hsikbich Lbo,
deserves high praise in this department Leo has also written
a * History of the Italian Cities ' (1839), and other historical
work& His earlier writings betrayed a tendexicy to extreme
scepticism, but this was corrected in his later productions. Fbied-
BICH KoBTiJM's 'History of the Middle Ages' (18d6) ib dis-
tinguished by notices of the development of civil liberty. The
work of Friedbich Rehm on the same subject, published between
1820 and 1839, may be viewed as a magazine of raw. materials,
and the same criticism may be applied to HirLLMAirn's * Cities of
the Middle Ages ' (1826-9), though this work opens some new
views, and is full of Information. ' A History of the Crusades,'
by Fbiedbich Wileen, which was published between 1808 and
1882, may be described as one of the great magazines of historical
facts, which may be advantageously consulted by scholars, while
it does not deserve a place among well-written books.
The historical writings of Leopold Rakee pie remarkable for
both their intrinsic value and their artistic construction. * The
Histoiy of the Papacy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Cen-
turies ' (1884) is generally esteemed as an excellent work ; but
Roman Catholic critics have raised objections against some of its
statements. Fbiedbich RAtncEB, born in 1781, was an accom-
plished historian, and wrote in an interesting style. His ' His-
tory of Europe from the Close of the Fifteenth Century ' is marked
by the conciliatory style in which it describes the contentions
of various religious and political parties. A ' History of the
Hohenstaufen Dynasty' (1824), by the same writer, deserves
552 OUTLINES OF GEKMAN LITEEATURE. [(Si.
•
praise for its interesting narratiTe of the events of a romantic
period. Another valuable contribution to mediaeval history is
found in the Oeschichte der deutschen Kaisei'zeit (a 'History of
the German Imperial Time'), by Wilhelm tok GissEnRECSX.
The works of the learned Orientalist Joseph von Hahuer-Purg-
STALL, bom in 1774, are valuable, as they give the i*e8ults of exten-
sive reading of Oriental manuscripts. The ' History of the Caliphs/
and a ' Life of Mohammed,' by G. Weil, may abo be mentioned
with commendation as works of original research.
A 'History of Friedrich IV. and his son Maximilian,' by
Joseph Chmel (1840), ELaoen's ' Spirit of -the Eeformation '
(1841-4), and the writings of Oechsle, Bensen, and Zimxer-
HANK, on the ' Peasants' War,' supply useful addition? to our know-
ledge of movements connected with the Reformation. 'The
History of Austria* (1834-42), by Johann von Mailath, is
characterised by Austrian and Roman Catholic tendencies in
politics and religion. A 'History of Pope Innocent III. and his
Contemporaries,* written by FBiEORrcH von Htjrtbr, an Ultra-
montane Catholic, is generally accepted as a work of high merits,
though Protestants have questioned the author's impartiality. For
accounts of modem Prussia, we must again refer to the writings
of Friedrich Schlossee, especially to his 'History of the
Eighteenth and Niiieteenth Centuries.' As a specimen of the
fairness and caution of this historian, we may refer to his summary
of the character of Frederick William I. of Prussia. Wachsmfth,
Sfittler, Heeren, Schlossee, Gagern, and Hatjsser may be
mentioned among the best writers on the period extending from
the Reformation to our times. Spittler's * History of European
States' (third edition, 1823) deserves especial notice as aupeful
work. A * History of the German People ' (1825), by Wolfgang
Menzel, is one of the most readable books on the subject It
has been correctly said that ' Menzel writes like an Englishman.'
A ' History of the German People,' by Friedrich Kohlratjsch,
has passed through several editions, and may be described as
suitable to young readers. Johann von Archenholtz (1745-
1812), a military man, who was engaged in the ' Seven Years'
War,' wrote a history of that struggle, which was published in
1788, and was remarkably successful. Among other works on
special periods in German history a 'History of the Germau
War of. Liberation/ by Heinrich L. BeiizsE; must not be for*
XXXni.] POLITICS AND NATIONAL ECONOMY. 653
gotteiL The author, a major in the Prossian army, died, deeply
lamented, in 1867. His book is written in a thoroughly popular
tone. The unstudied but eloquent pnssage, giving an account
of the rising of the people, and beginning witli Komer's words —
'The People rose, the Storm broke loose I ' — can hardly xuow be
^ read without martial enthusiasm.
The works of Patjli, Lappexberg, and Dahlhann, on English
History, Fisohel's work on 'The British Constitution,' a 'History
of the Last Twenty-Five Years' (1816-40) by Kabl H. Hermes,
and a work of which the outlines are exceedingly "wide —
Grundsteine einer AUgemeinen CuUxtrgesahichte der Neuexten Zeit,
Ton J. J. HoNEGGSB — ^may be mentioned. The last-named work
is intended to give a ground-plan for a history of modem culture
from the time of Napoleon I. to the present, and the author's plan
includes reviews of politics, social •movements, technical and
scientific progress, developments of new systems of philosophy,
critical notices of productions of art in painting, sculpture, and
music, and reviews of German, French, English, and Italian
Literature. When these outlines have to be filled up, Briareua
might be engaged as editor. Rittbe's * History of Philosophy,'
SxocKx's ' History of Mediaeval Philosophy,' and the contributions
of Kabl Michelet and Kuno Fischer to the history of modern
systems of philosophy must be named as important works.
Poiitics and National Economy. — Among important political and
statistical works may be noticed: — The 'Political Cyclopiedia*
(1840 — ), edited by Karl yow Rotteck and Theodob Welcker;
the ' German Political and Legal History,' by Karl Fribdricu
EiCHORir, which was first published in- 1808 ; the ' Results of the
History of Morals,' by 11. L. voK Gagebh (1836-7), which
contains comparative estimates of the influences of monarchy,
aristocracy, and democracy. The ' Rights of the German People,'
by WiBTH,may be noticed as a declaration of republican principles,
and, on the other hand, the 'Seventeen Parliamentary Speeches,'
by Julius Stahl, may fairly represent the views of a Prussian
Conservative. The ' History of Jjegislation and Politics from the
Sixteenth Century to the Present,' by JoHAir;^ Caspar Bluv tschli,
the 'Studies of Culture in Three Centuries,' by Wilhelic H.
RiEHL, and Hbti^rich yok Stbbl'b ' History of the Revolutionary
. Time 1789-95,' belong to the class of important recent historical
writings. The^ last-named work throws a new light on the
554 OUTLINES OF GEBMAN UTERATUEE. [Ch.
French llevolution. Another important work connected with that
catastrophe is Stein's 'Socialism and Commuidsm in France.'
The works of Roscher and SchXffle should be named as yalii-
able contributions to the science of national economy. In this class
of books the crude theory of Lajssalle and the sober, economic
plans of Schulze-Delitzsch may be briefly noticed^ and the.
book on * Capital ' by Kabl Marx, the leader of the extreme
German Socialists^ may be named. It may be stated, that
several works, lately published show a want of faith in Adam
Smith's old theory, and also a contempt of the optimistic doc-
trines preached by that hopeful American author, Henry Caroy.
The persevering efforts of Schulze-Delitzsch to develops in
several parts of Germany the advantages of association, have
proved beneficial rather to the lower middle than to the working
classes. 'Let us have unrestricted competition in buying and
selling commodities/ aaxd Schulze, ' and with the aid of people's
banks to help the poor to obtain credit and extend their industry,
the whole problem of the best possible national economy will be
solved.' This was his doctrine. To exhibit it in pi-actice, he
assisted greatly in foundinig people's banks, or mutual loan
societies. Their success was considerable. The opponents of
Schulze do not call in question the good effect of his measures,
but rather the doctrine implied in his writings, that such measures
are sufllcient His societies for the aid of small capitalists, it is
said, can afford no very important or permanent relief, while the
main tendency of our times is to reduce this class to the level of
the working classes. Fbbdinand Lassalls, the chief of the
opponents referred to, founded, in 1863, a 'Universal German
Workmen's Union.' His plans were both political and industrial.
.He would give universal suffrage to the people to enable the
working^;] asses to carry his scheme into effect, and then would
institute productive co-operative societies which ' should be sup-
ported and warranted by the State.' The formidable objections
to such a plan are obvious. The State guarantee, if it could be
panted, must deprive the institution of the essential conditions of
success — ^self-help and responsibility — and, moreover, the State
would be unable to provide the enormous capital required by such
undertakings.
One of the earliest experiments in productive co-operalion waa
made by Johakk IIbikbich von THtJirEir on his ^tate at Tellow,
XXXTTT.] NATIONAL ECONOMY. 555
in Mecklenburg, in 1848. He was a member of an old aristo-
cratic fjEimily, and was distinguished both for noble personal
characteristics and for his plans for the elevation of the lower
classes. In his native State the common rule prevailed of paying
to the agricultural labourer no more than the traditional wages
judged necessary for his bare maintenance. Von Thiinen argued
that this tended to make the peasant work with the temper of a
serf, iadifferent to the general welfare of the estate. * Better/
said he, ' to pay higher wages for superior labour ; to make the
labourer's earnings rise in something like the ratio of interest on
capital, and so to unite the interests of the employer and the
employed. Yon Thiinen tried his own plan on his own estate
before he recommended it to other landlords, and the results
were satis&ctory in a moral as well as in an economical point of
view.
As one among several books recently published on the relations
of capital and labour, we may name a history of 'Workmen's
Guilds,' written by Lujo Brsntako, who has studied the his-
tory of English trade-unions. He writes without respect of
the economic doctrines of Adam Smith's school, which he calls
' abstract,' while he speaks of his own doctrine as ' realistic' He
leaves unnoticed hardly any part of the policy of trade-unions.
Without such coalitions, he maintains that workmen could not
have gained the power of waiting for any rise in the market, and
therefore the union may be defended on economic grounds.
Adam Smith, it is said, wrote theoretically, and on the supposition
that working men were all equal, all clever, and all Scotchmen.
To pass over many other poiuts on which Br. Brentano differs
firom * abstract ' economists, he opposes, not only the old, but also
what he calls the new wages' fund theory, and he asserts that
wages have been raised by unions and strikes, without the results
foreboded by economists, and also without driving trade abroad.
In the section of his treatise given to a notice of Malthusian
doctrine, Br. Brentano argues that if that doctrine is ever to be
generally accepted, it must be by the members of unions or soci&*
ties maintained for promoting the welfare of the working classes.
Education, — To tell all the story of modern improvements
made in the education of the people of Prussia and other States
of the Empire, would demand that we should travel back as far as
the times of Herder, Basedow, and PestalozzL ' Youth, be warned
656 OUTLINES OF GEKMAN UTEEATURE. [Ch.
and instructed by our errors I The times in which you will
probably live will require something more than merely nominal
learning. Men will be wanted ; men of true insight and sound
understanding ; scholars acquainted not only with books, but also
with nature, the world, and the circumstances and necessities of
society. The days when Virgilian pastorals or Anacreontic odes
were accepted as proofs of consummate education have passed
away.* . . . That warning and prophecy was, long ago, written
by Ilerder, and the advice which he gave to the young men
living in his own times is now generally appreciated.
In Germany, formerly regarded as the home of abstruse studies,
several modem writers have zealously contended in favour of a
practical education with regard to the circumstances of actual
life. JoHANN Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746-1827) applied to the
education of the poor the principles found in our quotation from
Herder, llie writings of Rousseau first directed the attention of
Pestalozzi to the necessity of an improved method .of education.
He did not rest long in theories, but proceeded to make an
experiment in education, by taking the children of vagrants into
his house. The results of the physical and mental discipline
exercised on these unpromising pupils were so far encouraging,
that Pestalozzi extended his educational institution in 1781 ; but
the failure of his funds compelled him to abandon it in 1797.
His chief maxim was, that a true education must include a
training of the physical as well as the mental and moral powers,
with a constant reference to the real circumstances of life. He
says, with especial regard to the training of the children of the
poor : — * These children have no earthly possessions. Their own
faculties of body and mind are their sole property, and the only
support of their future existence and welfare. These powers,
therefore, should be well developed. Our pupils must be trained
in early life to find delight in the exercise of those faculties on
which their own welfare and that of society depends. Word-
knowledge has no value for them, unless it is united vrith their
duties and interests. The cultivation of the mind, therefore,
must not withdraw attention from bodily labour. The heart
must be trained to acquiesce in the necessities of real life, and to
in:»pire the labour of the hands vnth noble motives. Discipline,
study, and manu&l industry must be united.'
Pestalozzi was not a good, practical schoolmaster; bat his
XXXm.] EDUCATION. 567
name muBt be always mentioned with respect, if only for his ona
gr$at principle — that education should include far more than the
culture of the intellect
Soon after the decease of Pestalozzi, Fbiedrich Jahn (1778)
became noted for his zealous endeavours to promote healthful
physical education in all classes of society. The arguments of Jahn
deserve general attention, and we may extend this remark to
another writer on the same subject, Fbiedrich Kltjmpp (1700).
When Thisbbch, the classical scholar, produced a work on ' Edu-
cation according to the Principles of True Humanity/ Klumpp
replied to it in a book contending for physical training, which he
opposed to the system that he styled * hyper-classical * of education.
He afterwards moderated some opinions, and advocated a union
of classical and physical exercises in all schools and universities.
The writings and lectures of Jahn and Klumpp had considerable
influence in extending wholesome views of the objects of educa-
tion. Karl voir Raumer (1783), a writer* in several departments
of literature, produced a ' History of the Science of Education '
(1843-6). In the following passage Jie adopts Herder's pi-in-
ciples : —
' Practical life now enforces its claims on the attention of men
of learning. Men who leave our universities, and enter into
actual life as doctors, or preachers, or local authorities, find a
necessity of opening their eyes to present realities, and adapting
themselves to the circumstances of the people. Our literary men
have long neglected to Ailtivate the powers which practical
life ui'gently demands; but lately there have been signs of an
approaching union between learning and life. Even our mechanics
have made some advances in intellectual culture, and we may
now hope that the two extremes of education which we have
described may be brought into a reasonable intercourse with each
other.'
Among all the followers of Pestalozzi hardly any name is more
prominent than that of Friedrich Adolf Bibsterweg, the
zealous advocate of a free secular system of education. One of
the great controversies by which the repose of the German
Empire is now threatened ai'ises from the claim of Rome to
exercise a supreme authority over the education of the people.
Philology. — ^It is hardly necessary to state, that under this
heading we attempt to give nothing more than initiatory out-
558 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATUBK [Ch.
lines for the use of young leadera. The daiinfl of sach echolan
as BoBOKH and Hsbicakn cannot be estimated here. Their works
are too comprehensive to be fairly described, and too numerous
to be mendoned seyerally. The characteristics of many learned
works in this department may be indicated by a passage in the
' Lectures on the Study of Antiquity ' (1807), by Feisdrich A.
Wolf (1759-1824), one of the greatest philologists of his time.
He says : — ' Our object in the study of antiquity should be to
gain a knowledge of men as they existed in ancient times. This
knowledge must be founded on our study of literary and other
remains of antiquity ; and from this study we must induce general
obserrations on the organic development and the importance of
ancient national culture.' This definition of philology opens a
most spadous field of inquiiy. Classical erudition is thus con-
nected with researches respecting not only the languages, but*
also the religion, philosophy, social economy, and arts and sdences-
of ancient nations. GisoBe F. C&buzbb, one of many scholars
who adopted Wolfs definition, wrote a remarkable book on the
' Symbolism and Mythology of the Ancients, especially the Greeks '
(1810). EjkBL Ottfried Mulleb (1707-1840) must be men-
tioned as an accomplished scholar, and the author of a ' History
of Grecian Literature to the Time of Alexander the Great'
(1841), which was left incomplete. Another work by the tome*
writer, a ' Manual of Grecian Art and Arch»ology,' deserves
commendation. Among many works recommended to classical
students, we may mention the writings of F&iedbioh Weloksb
on the ' Tragedies of i&chylus ; ' the ' Real Bncydopsedia of
Classical Antiquities,' edited by Fault, Walz, and Teuffel
(1841-6) ; and the * Life and Works of Sophocles,' by Ajdolfhits
SoHOLL (1842). Works which may be recommended to the general
reader include 'Hellas and Rome/ by E. F. BoBBEBa (1841-4),
* Grecian Antiquities/ by Wilhelm Waohsmuth (1843-6), and
a ' History of Roman Literature/ by J. C. F. BIhb (1845).
The ' Comparative Grammar of the Sanscrit, Zend, Armenian,
Greek, Latin, and Gothic Languages,' by Fbai^z Bopp, may re-
present a series of works that, during recent years, have made a
revolution in the study of comparative philology. We may
refer here to the 'Etymological Researches ' of G. A. F. Pott.
The world is indebted to the antique classic studies of German
scholars. Into the obscurities of Greek and Roman literature
XXXni,] PHILOLOGY. 559
they have made the most lahorious researches^ and their critical
editions and recensions of the ckssics are marvels of enlightened
and poorly-rewarded industry. The enthusiasm with which this
branch of learning has been pursued forms a remarkable contrast
to the scholarship of Great Britain, where little tima is spent on
what does not promise a handsome pecuniary reward. The pur-
suit of learning for learning's Stdce is found scarcely anywhere
out of Germany.
Few writers have excelled FRnBDBtOH Jacobs (1764) in giving
in a popular style the information gathered by extensive classical
learning. His writings show* an enthusiastic admiration of the
literature and fine arts of the Greeks, which he studied in their
relations to the social circumstances and natural characteristics
of the people. Li the departments of German and Oriental
Philology Rudolph yok Raitmeb and Theodob Bxnfet are to
be mentioned as historians whose works direct the reader tQ
abundant stores of information. These works are parts of the
extensive series entitled ^ The History of the Sciences in Gennany
in Modem Times.' To name it here will serve a twofold purpose.
It may indicate the vast resources of information that may be
found in the Spedal Literatures of phydcal science and of his*
tory and philology, and, at the same time, it may excuse the
brevity of our notices in this chapter. It would be impossible
here to describe fully the merits of only two writers— the brothers
Jacob and Wilhelm Gbiuu. Jacob, the elder brother, deyoted
his researches to the German literature of the Middle Ages, and
collected the scattered remnants of old popular stories. In con-
junction with his brother, he published his ' Children's Fables, or
Household Tales.' These are marked by .a style of great sim-
plicity, and often convey pleasing sentiments and good morals^
mingled generally with iiantastic and supernatural adventures.
A collection of 'German. Legends' was produced in 1816.
Meanwhile Jacob Grimm studied industriously the old'" German
languages, national antiquities, and the old system of laws.
The result of these researches appeared in a * Grammar of the
German Language * (1818-31), a work on the ' Legal Antiquities
of Germany' (1828), and the * German Mythology' (1836), fol-
lowed by a * History of the German Iianguage,' and by a ' German
Dictionary,' which was left incomplete, but is continued by other
hands. . Wilhelm followed the same course of studies. The
560 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATURE. [Ch.
brothers, indeed, might be styled intellectual twins, inseparable
in their sympathies as in their literary pursuits } and the charac-
teristics of the elder and m^re powerful, Jacob, might be also as-
cribed, with some abatement, to the younger, Wilhelm. Their
example gave a strong impulse to the study of Geiman archie*
ology. It may seem a trifle hardly worth mentioning, but it may
be suggested, that if German scholars would generally follow
Jacob Qrikm's example, and have their works printed in Roman
type, the change might greatly aid in the diffusion of a knowledge
of the German language. Schiller's friend — Wilhslic yon Hum-
boldt, the scholar, critic, and patriot — ^must be named here, with
a reference to his suggestive work * On the Kawi I^anguage,' and
to his important ' Letter on Grammatical Forms, and on the
Genius of the Chinese Language/ This letter, written in French,
was addressed to M. Abel H^musat.
Lunwia Uhland, who has been mentioned as one of the
most national and popular of modern poets, is also well known
as a student *of old litemture. He wrote an interesting book on
the character of Walter von der Vogelweide, the minstrel and
moralist of the twelfth century, of whom some account is given
in the present work. Another writer, allied with Jacob Grimm in
the national tone of his productions, was Joseph/ Gobbbs (1776-
1848).
Wolfgang Menzbl, well known as a critical and pole-
mical writer of the national school, has written a ' History of
German Literature ' (1828), < The Spirit of History * (1836), and
* Europe in the Year 1840.* As the editor of the * Literatur-Blatt,*
he has warmly opposed the tendencies of recent philosophical and
social theories. It may be added that Menzel is one of the
clearest and best writers of German prose. The writings and
translations of Ha gen, Lachuann, Gbafp, Gbasse, and many
others, might be mentioned as important contributions to litera-
ture and archsdology ; but works in this department are peculiarly
national in their interest, and too numerous to be specified. To
mention one work by E. G. Gbaff will be sufficient to show that
the philological works of this school are too comprehensive to
be fairly described in a short treatise. Graffs ' Thesaurus of the
Old High -German Language' (1830^43) extends to six quarto
volumes, containiog all the words of this language, with nume-
rous notes on the analogies found in the Gothic, Old High-German|
XXXin.] LITERAEY HISTORY. 561
Sanscrit, Greek, Roman, Anglo-Saxon, Dutch, Danisli, Swedish,
and English languages. A ' History of the Poetical National
Literature of the Germans * (1835-41), hy Geobge Gottfried
GERYOfUS, presents a remarkable instance of industry. The
author must have read whole libraries in order to arrive at his
results. To avoid the appearance of dogmatic assertion, he gives
details of works which he has pronounced to be generally con-
temptible. This laborious style, which displays the learning of the
author, is by no means attractive to the general reader, who
wishes to arrive at results by a short process. Yet Gervinus is
no pedantic writer. His attention is not confined to the world of
books, but he studies literature chiefly in its relations to the pro-
gress of society. His views on this subject are directly opposed
to the doctrines of Friedrich Schlegel. It must be added that
Gervinus often wrote in a polemic tone, and made criticisms on
poetry serve as means of giving expression to his political and
religious prejudices. The 'Lectures on German National Litera-
ture,' by A. F. 0. ViLMAR (1844), are partly distinguished by a
tone of enthusiastic admiration, but are generally fair in the com-
parative estimates given of various authors. Some of Vilmar's
sketches, however, remind us of a painter whose taste for beauty
tempts him now and then to put ideal traits into his portraits of
real faces.
Works on German literary history are so numerous that we can
give here, in addition to the preceding notices, only the names
of the following authors, to whose writings students may be re-
ferred for abundant stores of information : — Wachlbr, Kober-
STEiN, Waceernaobl, Godeke, Kcrz, IIillebrano, Hetti^eb,
GoTTSCHALL, pRTJTz, and Julian Schmidt.
To the extensive series of historical and critical works contri-
buted by Germans to Shakesperian literature we can only refer.
The excellent ' English Grammar ' by Edttaed MAtzksr must not
be left unnoticed.
.Esthetics, — The History of the Fine Arts, and the critical and
philosophical studies included under the title of ^Esthetics, are
other departments in which German Literature is comparatively
rich. The principles maintained in the writings of Winckelmann,
and in Lessing*s ' Laokoon,' have beeh developed by later authors,
who have written historical and critical works on architecture,
sculpture, and painting. The writings of Thiebscs and Semper
0 0
562 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. •[Ch.
on ancient art contain Taluable notices, and a ^Hiatoiy of the
Plastic Arts/ by E. Sghkaase (1843-4), is distinguished by its
comprebensive character. This writer studies art in connection
with the physical, moral, and intellectual characteristics of
Tarious epochs. The * History of Painting,' by F. Kvolbr (1837),
extends its notices oyer the period from the time of Copstantine
the Great to the present century. A 'History of the Plastic
Arts in Christian Nations,' by Gottfried Kikkbl (1846), may
be named here. With regard to Gothic architecture, the writings
ofKALLENBAGH, HoFSTABT, MoLLBB, and SuLPiz BoissERts, may
be commended. Passayakt, Waagsn, Solger, Hotho, Oarri^re,
ViSGHER and Lubkb — these names may indicate the existence of
a rather extensive class of books treating of ^Esthetics and of the
History of the Fine Arts.
Music is so far an object of sensation that all attempts to reduce
it to scientific principles can only succeed to a certain extent.
Yet, if it is to be ranked with the intellectual arts, it must submit
to the philosophical analogies and laws which prevail in poetry,
painting, sculpture, and architecture. Some importance, there-
fore, must be ascribed to the endeavpurs of several writers who
have subjected music to philosophical criticism. The ' Elements
of a Universal Theory of Music,' by Friedrich Krattsb (1838),
are worthy of notice. A** History of European Music,' by R. G.
Ejesewetter, gives an account of the progress of the art through
various styles of composition, from the first ecclesiastical music to
that of the present day. One of the most remarkable books on
the science of music is that by H. Helkholtz — ' The Doctrine of
Tonal Sensations ' (1865) — ^which professes to supply a physiological
basis for the theory of music
XXXIV.] £CCLESUSTICAL HISTOBY, 568
CHAPTER XXXIV,
aocEcasiAsncAL HxaroBT, thioioot, aitd ssuoioir.
JEccLsaiASTiCAL H18TORY, — ^Books are nnmerous in this depiirt-
ment. The writiDgs of Thible and Hase may be described aa
concise and popular manuals. * A ' Manual of Universal Church
History/ by H. E. F. GTTEBnns, extends to three yolumes (5th
edition, 1843), and maintains strictly Lutheran views. The com-
prehensive work by Neaitdbb (bom in 1789) is in ten volumes (2nd
edition, 1844). It is distinguished by liberal views, and describes
the internal conditions of Christianity under various changes of
ecclesiastical government. Neander, whose parents were Jews, ac-
quired fame among theologians by researches respecting'the primi-
tive Church, and also by several minor works — ' Julian ' (1812),
*The System of Revelation' (1818), and ' Antignosticus ' (1826).
A * History of the Christian Church' (1841-4), by A. Gfrobeb,
is an extensive work, and displays wide research, especially with
regard to the political relations of the Church in various epochs.
The writings of MiLBHEDTEKE, Haqenbach, Nextdeceeb, and
BcHEiTEXL, may be advant&geously consulted on the ' History of
the Reformation ; ' and a work entitled ' Reformers before the
Reformation ' (1841), by Kabl Ullhaitk, traces back the ten«
dencies of Luther's times to earlier periods. On many disputed
points in the history of the Church, the reader who would have
facts stated from the Roman Catholic, and also from the Protestant-
point of view, may be referred to the writings of Dobneb and
ScHWABTZ on the history of Protestant Theology \ to the polemical
writings of Febdinand Baitb and to those of his Roman Catholic
opponent Mohleb, and, lastly, to the historical and polemical
writings of Db. Dollhtgeb.
Some brief notices of theological controversies ^as viewed in
their real or supposed connection with philosophy —have already
oo2
564 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUKE. [Ch.
been given in a note to Chapter XXIX. To these may be added
a few observations on several writers who may represent the more
important differences of belief that have prevailed in Germany
during the last hundred years.
The comparatively undisturbed state of Protestant orthodoxy in
tlie course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was mostly
due to the influence of Csesaiism; or, in o^her words, to a pre-
dominance of the State in the affairs of the Church. The peace
that existed then was not founded on any wide doctrine of
toleration, of which Keformers in the sixteenth century knew
nothing. Even in the seventeenth century, men were put to
death as heretics at Liibeck and at Eonigsberg. Then Pietism
arose — not before it was urgently wanted — ^but, though Spener
and his fiiends denied no Lutheran doctrine, they were persecuted
by hard and dry Lutheran theologians. Several influences were
now combined to disturb the reign of orthodox theology. The
writings of English and French deists ; Wolfs dry and abstract
philosophy, and the scepticism made fashionable by the Court of
Berlin — all aided in spreading the shallow rationalism of the
eighteenth century, which may be styled 'old rationalism/ to"
distinguish it from the * free theology ' of the present time.
It is hard to say exactly when and how the transition from old
to new began; but Klopstock, Ilamann, Jacob!, Lavater, and
Herder, all aided in asserting the claims of intuition and feeling ;
the men of the Romantic School next asserted the claims of the
imagination, and then followed Hegel and Schleiermacher, who,
however opposed to each other on minor matters, were alike
earnest in their endeavours to reconcile believing and thinking —
the soul and the intellect. The former boldly attacked, not
merely the outworks, but even the central fortress of the old
rationalists — their ' understanding ' itself, which they had deified
as * reason ' and had enthroned as a supreme arbiter. Hegel
told them that their mostly negative analysis of history and of
religion might all be reduced to a few subordinate forms of
thought, important and useful in the lower mathematics, as in
mechanics and in trade, but by no means final and absolute as
rules for deciding questions in philosophy and theology. On the
other hand, Schleiermacher, though hating the same object in
view — a reconciliation of the heart and the mind — began with an
appeal to the heart He must be viewed aa the founder of a new
school of theology.
XXXIV.] 1770—1870. THEOLOGY. 565
Fribdrtch Erwst Daniel Schleiermacher, bom at Breslau,
Slst Noyember 1768^ received hia early training under the care of
the United Brethren (or Moravians) in their theological school
at Barby. Thp pietistic associations of his youth were never
forgotten, but gave to his teaching a glowing religious fervour,
which was singularly blended with the exercise of an acute
critical intellect. It was not without grief that, when vexed by
doubt, he left the society from which hia first religious impressiona
were derived. He was, subsequently, for a short time associated,
in literature, with the brothers Scblegel and their friends. In
his 'Discoursea on Beligion,' he placed himself, at once, in
opposition to the dogmatic Lutheran theology and to the
rationalism of the age. For a full view of his later doctrine, we
refer to his chief work, ' The Christian Faith,' which has been
descri!bed as forming the basis of a new evangelical theology. It
might be otherwise described as teaching that religion, as distinct
from both theology and ethics, is eminently personal or subjective,
and consists in a consciousness of dependence upon and commu-
nion with the Divine Being. Religion, thus viewed, is not an
objective knowledge of truth, but a knowledge of ourselves in
relation to that truth ; in other words, religion is personal and
experimentaL Schleiermacher^s philosophical works and mis-
cellaneous writings give proofs of a versatile and highly cultured
mind. In one of his essays he expressed a resolution to the effect
that he would never grow old, in an intellectual or in a moral
sense, and his friends were often reminded of that promise when
they heard him, though gray with years, still lecturing and
preaching with youthful fervour and vivacity. He died at
Berlin, February 12, 1834.
The theologians whp partly derived their impulses and
tendenciea from Schleiermacher^a teaching were aoon divided
into aeveral partiea.' On the more orthodox aide may be named
NiTzscH and Julius Muller, airthor of an elaborate treatiae ' On
Sin.* Neakder the historian, whose motto was 'the heart
makes the theologian/ Lucre, author of a ' Commentary on St.
John's Gospel,' and Ullmann, one of the opponents of Strauss,
were all classed with the mediative men, or those who occupied
an intermediate place between Schleiermacher's doctrine on one
side and the old Lutheran orthodoxy on the other. It is not so
easy to define the position held by Friedrich August Tholuck,
a theologian of versatile talenta, whose aermona have been highly
566 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBB. [Ch.
commended both for tlieir style and the depth of feeling expressed
in them. It has been said that his polemical writings want both
depth and consistency.
Among the more rationalising followers of Schleiermacher are
named his friend Db Wsttb, a learned and industrious writer on
the exegesis of the New Testament; Hase, Blebk, Thilo, and
ScHWSiTZER. It is by no means as strict adherents to Scbleier-
macher's doctrines, but as having derived from his teaching their
earlier tendencies in criticism, that FjsRDHfANn Baub, the head of
the Tiibingen School, and David Fbiebrich Strauss^ author of
Daa Leben Jesuj are named here. That work, which has been
noticed in Chapter XXIX., gave rise to a controversy of which
not even the outline could be given here. Readers who wish to
find the statements of a moderate orthodox writer on this and
other modem theological controversies may be referred to ' A <
History of Protestant Theology/ by Dr. J. A. Dornbr, the vmter
of an elaborate work on Christology. Dr. Carl Schwarz (of
Gotha) in his work Zur Oe$€hichte der netiesten Theoloffte, treats of
the same subject, but writes, though with moderation, yet as an
advocate of free theology. Taking the two books together, it may
be said that they give a fair account of recent theories and
eontroversiea on theology.
The historical basis on which the free theology of the latest
school is grounded is that portion of the New Testament which
has been admitted as authentic by the Tiibingen School of biblical
criticism, and its successors.
Ferdinand Christian Baur, already named as the head of
the Tubingen School, was bom in 1702, and died in 1860. He
conducted, with the aid of his friends Zeller, Schwegler, and
Hilgenfeld, the ' Joumal of Scientific Theology ' (1831-^7), in
which his theory respecting the relations existing between the
several parts of the New Testament Canon first appeared. In
his work ^ On Gnosticism,' and* in a ' History of the Christian
Church during the First Three Centuries,' he endeavoured to
develope and confirm his theory of a gradual progress of thought
and faith, beginning in controversy and ending in a reconciliation
of the two parties by which, as he believed, the Church had been
divided at a very early time.
It would lead too fnr to attempt an analysis of the arguments
used for and against the theoiy of the Tiibingen School. It has
XXXI v.] 1770—1870. THE TUBINGEN 'SCHOOL. 667
been generally accepted — ^though not without some modifications
— by writers on free theology, including the Swiss theologians,
Lano, Hibzel^ and Biedbrmank. Its mere outlines may be
given as follows: — ^The four epistles written by St. Paul and
addressed respectively to the Galatians, to the Corinthians, and to
Christians in Rome, afford clear and abundant evidence that the
Christian Church, in the first century, was vexed and torn by
controversy. One party would make it a narrow sect included
within the boundary of Judaism ; the other — ^led by St. Paul —
would expand it into a faith .broad and strong enough to grasp
and subjugate the whole world. The latter party gradually
prevailed. This leading fact, or theory, is uped as a key to explain
the relations existing between several parts of the New Testa-
ment. It is asserted that St. Paul was viewed with suspicion
and jealousy by the Petrine or Judaising sect, and was condemned
and persecuted as an innovator, if not as heretical. The ' Acts of
the Apostles,' we are told, were written with the purpose of
reconciling the two parties, by ascribing equal honour to their
two leaders, Peter and Paul, who were, therefore, both described
as apostles sent to the Gentiles. It is maintained that this theory
of an early controversy between a Narrow and a Broad Church is
confirmed by the Book of the .Apocalypse, written (it is supposed)
by a member of the Judaising party, while the fourth Gospel,
described as belonging to the second century, is accepted as a
proof that, at that time, the Pauline and Catholic version of the
original Gospel had finally prevailed over the doctrine of the
narrow party. Again, the theory is made use of to explain the
differences found in the two Gospels of Matthew and Luke. The
former, we are told, was written with a Judaising tendency, while
the latter was Pauline in • its intention. After studying this
Tiibingen theory, one reflection seems almost inevitable : — ^if the
Original Light, thus described as shining, in its time of dawn,
through surrounding mists and clouds, could, nevertheless, pene-
trate all the darkness of the following centuries, and could spread
itself over so great a portion of the Roman world, how bright must
that Light have been in itself I
itere almost all parties are compelled to meet. Dr. Lakg, one
of the most popular of the Swiss writers who have accepted
generally the results of Baur's theory, expresses his thankfulness
to the criticism^ which, after all its negations, has left for us (he
568 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATURE. [Cu.
Bays) 'what the world now wants' — 'Christianity as it was in
the beginning; and without any miracles.' In an essay written for
a popular series of tracts, Dr. Lang tells us that he accepts the
narrative of the resurrection only as the representation of a pro-
found spiritual truth — ^the union of Christ with his true followers.
Subsequent statements of miraculous appearances of Christ are
described as narratiyes of ' visions.' Yet the author of this tract
concludes thus his summary of what remains after all his own
negations : — * Beyond all the controTersy that arose soon after his
death, there rises before us, in solitary grandeur, the sublime
image of One who, as the result of an unique consciousness of
the Divine Presence, felt himself called by God to establish on
earth a Divine Government for all mankind.' Here, as the
writer supposes, solid ground remains upon which all parties may,
at some future time, meet and be reconciled.
The more positive teaching of the free Swiss theologians is
found in the writings of Keim and BiEBERHAKir. The first
named of these authors has written on the basis of Iree theology
a 'Life of Christ,' which has been commended as one of the most
elaborate and thoughtful works of its class. The author confesses
that he is unfd)le to give an account of the rise of the Christian
Church, without admitting either that miracles occurred, or that
the character of the Founder was a miracle greater than all that
are nairated in the Gospels. Another work of this class. Das
Chardkter-Bxld Jem, written by Daniel Schenkel, has mostly an
ethical but also a political and democratic tendf^ncy. It is only
fair to these writers to say that, while they endeavour to give the
realism of the Gospel narrative, their writings are perfectly free
from Kenan's irreverence. The German authors have nothing to say
about let belles creatures, introduced as the appropriate decorations
of a French fiction. Our attempt to give some concise account
of the tendencies of Baur's followers must be here concluded.
It is hardly necessary to state that such Biblical criticism as
we have described has been strongly opposed. Among many
writers who have opposed innovations, Ernst Wilhelm Heng-
STENBERO may be named as one of the leading representatives
of Lutheran orthodox doctrine. As the editor of the ' Evangelical
Church Times,' he has been active and zealous in his opposition
to every form of rationalism and in his assertion of a plenaiy .
XXXIV.] 1770—1870. HENGSJENBERG. 669
infipiratioii of the Bible. His Oriental scholarship has been made
Berviceable in his chief work, * The Christologj of the Old
To'timcnt.' His antagonists have ascribed to him a tendency to
^ bibliolatrj/ an(^ have censured as ' talmudistic * his method of
exegesis, especially his interpretations of prophecy. It has been
asserted— ^though the statement seems improbable— that, with
more rhyme than reason, Dr. Hengstenberg could find in the
dema^o^es of the year 1848 a fulfilment of a prophecy respecting
Gog and Magog.' The millennium predicted in the Apocalypse
began, says Dr. Hengstenberg, with the reign of Charlemagne, and
came to a conclusion in 1800.
While the editor of the * Evangelical Church Journal * repre-
sents the school of strict biblical orthodoxy, other writers, among
whom Stahl, Leo, and Yilmab may be mentioned, were the
advocates of an historical and objective Lutheranism. The
position maintained by these writers was, in some respects, like
that held by Anglo- Catholics in the Church of England. ' The
Koman Catholic Church,' said Leo, 'has been so far purified,
since Luther's time, that, if he were living now, he would not
separate from it.' This must be regarded as expressing only the
sentiment of a small minority. In politics, as well as in theology,
Julius Stahl and Heinrich Leo were generally described as ex-
tremely conservative or retrogressive.
The divisions of Protestants and the extreme results of their
recent biblical criticism have, of course, supplied to Roman
Catholic writers new grounds for argument in support of an
infallible authority in the Church. One of the most able and
erudite of modern Roman Catholic theologians, Joh4Kn Adam
MoHLEB (1796-1838), was engaged with Ferdinand Baur in an
earnest controversy, which served to place in definite opposition
to each other the two confessions of faith. A brief quotation
from Mohler's reply to Baur may show the position maintained
by the Catholic advocate : —
* In the Catholic Cbarch,' says Mtthler, ' Christ, as seen in hbtoiy, is set
forth OS the Object to which the Subject [t.e. ever}' individual mind] must,
ivithout reserve, yield obedience, because it is only through this obedience
that we can attain to spiritual freedom. The Church has been instituted
for this purpose—that the Object [of faith] may be clearly, and without
any subjective error, represented in the world throughout all generations.
The Subject [i.e. every individual mind] must be entirely submitted to the
S70 OUTLINES OP' GERMAN LITERATURE. [Ch.
Object, and this implies the necessity of an absolate submisuon to the
authority of the Catholic Church.' *
Db. DoLLiN0ERy one of the most erudite of modem Roman
Catholic writers on ecclesiastic&l history, has taken a prominent
pari; in recent controversy. His chief historical works include
* A Manual of Church History,' a work on *The Reformation,'
' Hippolytus and Kallistus, or^ the Roman Church in the First
Half of the Third Century,' * The Heathen Worid and Judaism,'
' Christianity and the Church in the time of their Foundation/
and 'Papal Fables of the Middle Ages.' In one of his most
popularly written books, Kirche und Kirchen (* The Church and
the Churches '), the author endeavours to show that spiritual
feebleness is the result of the disunion maintained by Protestant*
ism. On the principle of attempting to represent fairiy the views
of all parties, a few quotations are given here : — ' The Protestant
Church in Germany,' says Dr. Dollinger, ' is a Church of Theo-
logians, and its places of worship are lecture-halls.' The author
gives the names of about forty Protestant theologians who have
renounced the doctrine of justification by faith, as it stood in the
* Heidelberg Catechism.' and was accepted as authoritative until
1760. This list includes the names : — Olshausen, Schleiermacher,
Ullmann, Martensen, Julius Miiller, Dorner, Kostlin, and Baum-
garten. A Protestant lamentation on the want of power in
Protestant pulpits is quoted with absolute approval by the
» Catholic advocate, who adds the comment that when rationalists
attend divine service, it is mostly to admire the talents of *a
preacher; or if he is dull, the reason for staying away from
church is often given in the form — * I shall not go to hear him ! '
The author partly justifies such indifference ; for he describes
Protestant forms of worship as didl and monotonous. He laments
that the poorer classes of the people in Protestant lands are, too
often, overworked, and that they have lost many saints' days, or
holidays, and he adds a prediction,'that they will hardly be able
t/) preserve for themselves one day of rest in the week. The way
to escape from such oppression is to return to the bosom of the
Church. The author, moreover, accuses Protestant pastors of
neglecting the care of souls, and of making mere lecturers of
themselves. Then follows this quotation : —
* NeuA Untersuckunffen der Lehrgegens&tze zuntchen dan KiiAoliken md
FrotesianttM, Von J. A. MdHLEB. Mainz» 1885.
XXXrV.] 1770— 187^. BOLLINGER. 571
'Theologians talk much of the Chnreh/ srts a clergyman in Wttrtemberg {
'but it is now hardly more than a name.' 'Or where it exists,' says
another witness, ''it has no union with our eTery-day life. It is only an
Institution for Sundays.'
' The poorest man in GUrmany can afford to buy a Bible/ says
Dr. Dollinger, 'but there is no book less read. In a hundred
Protestant households you will hardly find one where the practice
of reading the Bible is maintained.' To show that his representa-
tions are not unfair, the author refers to Tague theories and
expectations of a ' Church of the Future/ and he quotes the words
of a Prussian Minister of Education, who spoke of Church And
State as ' hastening on to dissolution/ and declared that his sole
hope was in ' a New Jerusalem descending out of Heaven.' It is
evident enough that the Catholic historian can be severe in
controversy. It may be added that he gives descriptions, almost
as unfavourable as the above, of the state of religion in England,
Scotland, and America : —
' There,' he says, ' Christianity, among the several sects, is a dough that
can be kneaded into any shape. The churches and the chapels are often,
in fact, shops built on speculation by men of business, and the preacher
must be made to pay or must be dismissed. The hearers are his judges,
and his existence depends on the sen tence which they pronounce on his
sermons. Let him but make a slip^ and denounce the pet sins and failings
of his flock— especially of its richer members— and he is a lost man.
Thomas Scott, one of the most eminent of evangelical theologians, writes
to the same effect :— '* As soon,", he says, " as a preacher begins, in good
earnest, to appeal, in a practical and penetrative style, to the consciences of
his bearers, a party arises against him to censure, intimidate, discourage,
and pppose him, and to thrust him out of the pastorate." '
In the work (JKirche undKircken) from which the above quota-
tions have been made, the notion of 'au invisible Church' is
treated with contempt, and the author asserts that union is
impossible without submission to a primacy. He therefore cen-
sures a merely episcopal form of government, like that of the
Byzantine or the Anglican Church, and argues in fayour of Papal
supremacy ; yet he contends that this should be, not autooratiC|
but constitutional— a monarchy limited by the preceding laws
and decrees of the Church' in OounciL The position thus main*
tained by the author in 1861 has been, more recently, asserted in
opposition to the decrees of the Vatican Council in 1870. A
belief prevails in Germany, %bX both the sjllabos of 1864 and
572 OUTLINES OF GERMAW LITERATURE. fCn.
the decrees of 1870 were especially designed to serve as untidotea
to tbe teaching of professors of history, philosophy, and theology,
in German universities. In pamphlets issued in 1869, and in-
tended to prove the necessity of suppression, the results of
German science were classed with themost extravagant declara-
{ions of French commimista, and both parties were described f^
leading to a dissolution of society and a restoration of barbarism.
Among several protests from the other side, one of the most
important — a critique by 'Janus' — was generally ascribed to Dr.
Dollinger. His arguments and quotations from Church history
wefe but weakly represented by the minority in the Council, and
were condemned by the majority. He asserted that the new
decrees accorded neither with Scripture^ as interpreted by the
Fathers, nor with ancient Catholic doctrine; that they were
supported by quotations from false authorities; that they were
opposed to the decrees of two general councils and to several
declarations from Rome ; and, lastly, that they were opposed to
the constitutions of several existing States. On July 17 the
minority retreated, and on the 18th five hundred and forty-seven
voices said 'Yea.' The next day, by an extraordinary coinci-
dence, was the day when France declared war agaiiist Germany.
No extensive disruption of the Church — such as was pre-
dicted or feared — has followed, and few have seen, as the leader
of the Old Catholics saw, the vast scope and importance of that
decision, by which all the assertions of the bull Unam Bonctam
were dogmatised. The minority have submitted, or are silent,
and Dr. Dollinger is excommunicated. The suppression of the
Order of Jesuits in the New Empire has followed, and has
been declared to be an inevitable political measure of defence
against an imperium in imperio ; while, on the other side, it is
asserted that the Roman Catholic Church has to enduve oppres-
sion and persecution, and polemical journals have suggested that
France, as the representative of religion, should lead on a crusade
against Germany.
The above ontlinee of the position maintained by the Old
Catholics may be followed by a brief statement of th^ principal
points of dispute within the boundaries of Protestantism. The
orthodox Protestant party would maintain a fixed interpretation
oi the Scriptures as distinct, at once, from the teaching of the
Roman Catholic Church, and fron* the innovations of both Old
XXXIV.] THE OLD AND THE NEW FAITH. 578
and New Bationalism. A rejection of all miraculous narrativee
contained in the New Testament is one ^f the points on which
rationalistSy both Old and New, generally agree, though there are
some exceptions to this rule. Dr. Schenkel, for example,
admits, at leasts one statement geneisally accepted as miraculous.
RoTHB, whose doctrines may be partly described as Pietistift,
has been named as the greatest of German theologians since the
time of Schleiermacher, and can hardly be classed with any party.
The aims of £eim, Biedermann, and other free theological
writers, already named, may be described as tending, generally,
rather to moderate or to counteract, in some degree, than to
extend tKe negative work done by Di. Strauss. The writings of
the latter, however, have hAd an advantage in their lively conver-
sational style, which recalls Lessing's, and this attraction has
made them more popular than the works of several authors who
have refused to accept such results as are given in the book
entitled 'The Old and the New Belief.' This work — accepted as
the ultimatum of one class of reasoners — ^is neither a scientific nor
a controversial treatise, but gives, without discussion, a statemenir
of the extent of the writer's belief,^ or disbelief. He asserts, of
himself and of others whom he represents, that they cannot see
any need for themselves of a maintenance of forms of religious
worship, and that they have ceased to believe in a personal God
and in a future state, as described in Christian teaching. He
names, as sacrifices demanded by ' the New Faith,' all the conso-
lations that have been derived from trust in a Saviour, a belief in
Divine Providence, and the hope of happiness in a future state.
As substitutes for these consolations afibrded by the Old Belief
the author proposes a satisfaction attending efibrts in moral self-
culture, a resignation to the necessity by which the world is
governed, and, thirdly, a sense of union with and dependence
upon the life of the universe. In reply to the question, ' Are we
Christians P ' the author replies,- for himself and friends, ' No ; '
but he maintains that the resignation and moral culture above
named may be viewed as substitutes for religion. The culture of
poetic literature and of music is also described as a substitute for
religion. The writer appends some remarks of a conservative
character on society and politics: — 'We do not for a moment
deny,' he says, ' that hitherto the majority of men haye needed a
Church; or tiiat they may long continue in need of it,'.
574 OUTLINES OF GERMAN UTERATURB. [Cs.
Of this admission tbe Roman Church etuIs itself. From all
the restless labours o4 building up systems of thought to support.
Tarious forms of belief,* from the seal displayed in the demolition
of one system of philosophy after another, from all the manifold
divisions and controversies of the several schools or parties in
Protestant theology, and from the asserted tendencies of modem
sdence towards materialism or atheism, the advocates of an
exclusive and infallible authority abiding within the Roman
Catholic Church derive some of their most efiective ailments.
These have been urged, with more than ordinary zeal, during
recent years. The controversy excited by' the declarations and
the decrees issued from Rpme in 1864 and 1870 is far* too com-
piehensiye to be described here. Its range— or TragvoeUe, as
Germans say — ^lies beyond our powers of calculation ; but some of
its immediate results are obvious.* It makes the advocates of
several creeds and opinions more fully acquainted with each other.
There may be found now in the writings of exclusive Roman
Catholic advocates, not only references to the works of numerous
-modem philosophers and historians, but also many quotations
from the writings of Huxley, Darwin, Moleschotty Biichner, and
other scientific men. The extreme doctrines of both French and
German Socialists are described by Catholic authors as the in-
evitable results of a refusal to submit to the authority of Rome.
Hettinger'8 Apologie des ChritUnthums (of which a third edition
appeared in 1867) is, in fact, an elaborate defence of the doctrine
and the discipline of the Roman Catholic Church, and as such
has been recommended by the approbation of Pius I^. It may,
therefore, be named as fairly representing the Roman side in the
great question that now divides the world.
On the whole, it may be said that the discussion of this ques-
tion between authority and freedom has, during recent years,
been made at once more comprehensive in its purport and more
concise in its form. On the side of authority it is asserted that
the most serious errors, not only in theology, but also in philo-
sophy and in the study of history — as in politics, in social
* 'It 18 the whole plenary power over the whole Church, as over every
individual man — the fall power claimed by the Popes since Giegoiy YII.,
and proclaimed in mftny bolls since that known as f^nam Sanetam — ^that
must, henceforth, and by eveiy Catholic, be maintained as an article of
faith and recognised>ui practical life.'—/, e. DSUinger's £rUSnmg (1871).
XXXI v.] • CONTEOVERSY. 675
economy^ and eyen lit the physical Bciences — are mostly the
results of a revolt against the authority of the Koman Church.
On the other side, it is not the authority of any one Confession —
asi for example, that of Augsburg — that is now maintained in
opposition to Boman claims. It is nothing less than the assertion
of absolute individual freedom in religion, as in science ; while;
with regard to the State, it is the assertion already quoted (in
Chapter XXVI II.) ' that the religion of a people must be imma-
nent in their own political and social 'Jistitutions.'
It would be unfair to disguise the fact that controversy — scien-
tific, theological, and quasi-philosophical — has been too pronunent
in modem German literature. A great part of it may be com-
mended rather for its energy than for either moderation or refine-
ment. The t^dency to engage in controversy appears to be
developed in an inverse ratio with the power commended by
Goethe— the power of placing one's self in. the position of the
adversary. Becent disputes on the exclusive existence of matter
have been utterly useless ; for the Materialists themselves, when
engaged in true inquiries, make no u^e of their own pet axiom.
It is pleasant to add that quasi-philosophical controversies have
abated during recent years. After the gross caricatures which a
few hasty young men. made of the Hegelian philosophy, some
years ago, it would be well to leave the topic alone for a century,
or longer.
It must be admitted that the teaching of that philosoph^^ of
which the whole tendency was towards moderation and concilia-
tion— ^in religion as in politics — seems to have failed for the
present Neither of the two extreme parties — of negation on one
side and of absolutism on the other — can imagine the possible
existence of a third. Yet the Future may, conceivably, find some
work still remaining to be done, after all the finalities of the
present age. There may be some truth in a prediction uttered
by ScH£LLi]7a, in one of his last series of lectures : — After all that
the representatives of St. Peter have said, and all that has been
said in the name of St Paul, the final victory may belong to thd
followers of St John,
676 OUTLINES OF OERMAN LITBRATUEE. [Ch.
CHAPTER XXX7.
Tin TSBEB CHISF BITISTOKS OV OSBICAN LTrBBATVBX — THB 8BTKa
PBBIODS Ain> THB PBB8BMT Tllfi — XODEBW KAAJJSM. — UCATBBIALISX
^-COKTBOYBBST — ^KATIOITAL BOONOKf AND SOCIAL 8CIKNCB— POBTUr
AND BEALITT — CONCILIATIOir — 8CHILLBB AND PBINCB ALBBBT — THB
UTKBABT UNION OF OEBHANT, ENOLAND, AND AME&ICA.
The compreheosive literature of wbicb the Outlines have been
given, may be classified as dividing itself into three very extensif e
sections, of which each is represented by a voluminous library.
Tbe^r«^ great department, including the literature of physical
science, from meteorology onwards through all the sciences,
becoming more and more complex — chemistry, geology, botany,
and zoology — to anthropology, may be' generally described as
treating of man in his relations with nature. It is in this section
that were found the greatest defects in German literature, from
its' first to its seventh period; but it is here that the greatest
progress has been made during the present century. To the
second great department belong the libraries of biography, and of
social, political, and ecclesiastical history. Here, as might be
expected, controversies are abundant; but, without saying any-
thing of the respective claims of the several parties — conservative
or liberal. Catholic or Protestant — ^it may be affirmed that they are
all ably represented in historical literature. In certain subdivisions
of this department— especially in the history of culture and of the
development of religious doctrines — German literature has hardly
a competent rival. The third main division includes theology,
philosophy, cid poetry — all the literature belonging to the ideal
or spiritual world. Here also are found controversies too impor-
tant to be described within our limits, which may sufiice, however,
to indicate the fact that every class of opinions or tenets is ably
and fully represented.
XXXV.] THE SEVEN PERIODS. 577
•
The precedmg Outlines have shown how, during the firtl
period, literature was the servant of the Church, and was employed
by the monks at St. Gallen and at Fulda for the culture of the
people. In the second period the language was made musical,
poetry prevailed over prose, and royal and baronial halls in
Austria and Suabia welcomed the knights and minstrels who
cultivated poetry and music. The third period was the time
when literature, neglected by the nobility, found shelter — strange
to say! — in the club-rooms of the guilds (or trades-unions),
where co-operative master-singers kept their stores of home-made
Terse. Prose, at that time, was better cared for by the mystics
at Strasfiburg, and poetry, in the form of prose, might be found in
the friar Berthold^s sermons addressed to congregations assembled
in the open field. In the fourth period, Luther gave his German
Bible to the people, and thus laid the foundation of a national
literature ; but the work of building up was soon interrupted by
controversy, and by the disastrous Thirty Years' War. Its
miseries supply a more than sufficient excuse for the wretched
literature of the JiftX period. Then followed a time when a great
improvement of style was introduced by the writings of the
popular philosophers, and when LESsnra appeared as the herald
of a new literature. It is impossible to characterise thus briefly
the literary work of the seventh period, or of the hundred years
1770-1870. The three chief tendencies that have ruled during
this time^ave been the classical, in the days of Goethe and
Schiller, the romantic, ormedisdval, introduced by the Schlegels,
and the realistic, which is prevalent in our own time.
Under the name ' Realism ' may be included, not only the stu^j
of the physical sciences and the industrial arts, but also social
science and national (or political) economy. It is natural that
the transition from philosophy to realism should be accompanied
with one-sided and exaggerated statements in favour of modem
studies and tendencies. These have led to a controversy which
has not always been conducted with strict decorum. Karl Voex,
as one of the boldest advocates of materialism, has made some
extraordinary and offensive assertions, and, oil the other sidej
GoTiscHALL * has given to Vogt the titie, advocattis diahoH, For
* Die deutsdie NatwnaUUeraiur des neunzAnten JahrhunderU^ von
Rudolf GronsoHALi^-^ne of the best of recent works in its class. It
givM SB account, not only of poetical literature, bat also of the n>ore
PP
678 OUTLINES OF GERMAN LITERATUBE. [Ch.
the opposition of mere ' dreamers ' — ^Hegel, Schopenhauer, Herbart
— the materialists care nothing ; but their theory has been also
contradicted by scientific men — Liebig, Carus, Ehrenberg, and
others. One of the more noticeable of the books produced by
this controversy is a * Histoiy of Materialism/ by F. A. Lakqe.
The materialists have, indeed, done no good by their one-sided
and negative theory, for they have been writing on abstruse
metaphysics without knowing what they were doing ; but their
zeal and boldness in researches have given wholesome impulses
to the study of physical science, and several well-written and
popular books are the results. Schleibem's book on '* The Platit
and its Life,' Bitemeisteb's 'History of Creation,' 'The Four
Seasons,' and another book, 'The Trees of the Forest,' by Ros6-
mXssleb, the researches of Vibchow in cellular pathology and
and in therapeutics ;— these are mentioned as a few examples bf
many useful and important works which we have heen compelled
to leave unnoticed. For an example of endeavours to make
science popular, we may refer to a ' Series of Scientific Lectures,'
edited by Viechow and HoLTZT!3n)OEFP.
There is no natural controversy between physical science and
philosophy. B^^h were harmonised in the mind of Aristotle.
He knew, perhaps, a little of induction and of the value of expe-
rimental researches ; yet he asserted Qn effect) that ' the most
comprehensive theory is the best' But philosophy has had its
development in Germany, and, possibly, centuries ^ay elapse
before anjrthing important can be added to what Hegel has said.
The polemic-metaphysical and the polemic-theological depart-
ments in German literature have too long been overcrowded.
With all due reverence for the few powerful minds whd, by their
ovm immanent destiny, have been compelled to follow in the
speculative paths traced by such thinkers as Scotus £!rigena and
Hegel, we have had enough, for a time, of systematic philos(ophy.
German readers have also had an abundance —almost satiating —
of {esthetic theoiy, and it can hardly bd doubted that they have
had, recently, top xAuch controversial theology, too much of bare,
important or popular works prodoced in philosophy, histoiy, politics, and
the physical sciences, during the present century. Gottschall writes as
a literary historian of extensive culture. The energetic expression above
quoted is not a characteristic of hia gtyle, which U generally indicative of
thoughtftdnen and iboi«rmtio&.
XXXV.] THE MBSENT AGE. 679
mental analysis, and too little of the union of mind and soul in
which true religion has its life. It will be no matter for regret if
the above-named orer-crowded paths in literature are, for a time,
deserted, while men turn their attention to ' the interrogation of
nature,' which Lord fiacon so strenuously recommended. It may
lead them, at last, to Lord Bacon's own conclusion : — ' They that
deny a God, destroy man's nobility.'
Under the title 'Realism' we have included not only the
physical sciences, but also national economy and social science.
Li this last-named department, the original and scientific work by
L. Stein on ' Socialism and Communism in France ' must again
be named. It was almost the first earnest attempt made to take
the subject out of the hands of quacks who had monopolised it,
from the days when Campanella wrote of his * Solar State,' and
when Patritio, in his 'Happy City' (1553), described a model
soup-kitchen as a 'Paradise Regained.' Since then we have
had enough of abstract theoly, treating ^he whole of history as
if it had no reason to guide it; or proposing to make a new
world out of elements that exist nowhere excepting in books.
On the other side, insular and stationary men, hftving no sympa-
thies beyond those of their own class in society, have treated with
indifference the social problems of the present age. It is, there-
fore, a sign of good promise for the future, that men who, in
former, years, might have devoted their studies to metaphysics, or
to controversial theology, are now grappling with practical ques-
tions respecting the interests of the millions and the transitional
relations of capital and labour. It is, indeed, high time that these
interests should be made the objects of a study as persevering as
was ever devoted to theology or to philosophy. Already, national
economists in Germany have discovered, as they believe, serious
defects in Adam Smith's theory. They are beginning to see that
a union of interests, stronger than that which 'selfishness and
competition can maintain, will be demanded in the future ; but
they see also that the union required must be the result of no
measures that are inconsistent with respect for personal freedom.
There is no degradation in turning away, for a time, from poetry
and philosophy, in order to devote attention to studies that have
been too long neglected. ' It is the destiny of the mind,' says the
chief advocate of conciliation, ' that it must endure the sternest
opposition, that it must 6W& ^^rtospf oTwreomt^ and tranmiita IHto
rF2
580 OUTUKES OF GEBHAK LITERATUBE. [Ck
iU own life the extreme contradictioii of itself/ And that ex«
treme contradiction is this real, hard world around us here, with
all its manifold obstructions^ divisions, contro vermes, 'difficulties,
and miseries. To make thai world a fit dwelling-place for men
is no problem to be solved bj Dreamers and Utopians. It will
demand for its solution all the energy of a true, immanent religion,
and all the resources of moral and intellectual education.
No contempt of either poetry or philosoplij is intended to be
implied in the preceding remarks. Poetry — accepting the word
in its widest meaning — ^has long been and still remains a Mend
to the national union and to the social life of the German people.
Their successful * Schillei^FestiTal ' in 1859 might be referred to
as a proof of what is here stated. Their highest characteristics
are represented in the Aesthetic, didactic, and imaginative writings
of their poet — Schiller — ^and they will hardly be guners by a
sacrifice of his idealism to anything that may be called realism.
But no such sacrifice can be reasonably demanded ; for the con-
trover^ supposed to exist between the real and tjie ideal is — like
some other disputations that now make a great noise in the world —
mostly imaginsfy or wilful. It was Schiller's aim — especially in
the closing years of his short life — to make poetry itself, indirectly
but truly, practical, and this is one of the reasons that may justify
the prominence that has been given to his name in these Outlines.
It is pleasant^ in our days of minute analysis and tiresome con-
ti jversy, to pay homage to the memory of a great and concilia-
tory writer, and, at the same time, to know that our judgment
may be confirmed by the sentiments of a royal author, whose
memory will long serve to strengthen the union of Great Britain
with Gtonany : —
To SoHiLLmu
As immlfold as life, the poet's art
May charm the fancy, or may cheer the heart t '
Hay with pure wisdom blend, or may contiol
With glowing thoaghts and worda the listener'a souL
. • • • •
An powers, high Genius I were in thee combined.
To stir the soul—to educate the mind.
The elegiac German verses, of which the above is atf abridged
translation, were dedicated to the memory of Schulei^ the Ideal
XXXV.] GERMANY— ENGLAND—AMERICA. 681
Poet, bj one who will ever be remembered as the Ideal Prince —
Albert, the late Prince Consort of England — whose name must
find place in a book which, however lowly, has for its aim the
promotion of a union of the English with the German nation.
While German literature has enriched itself with translations
from the literatures of all peoples, ancient and modem, it has
sent forth its own influence into many lands — especially to
England and to' America. Several years have passed away since
Pbof. Max Mtjixeb, in the preface to his 'German Classics/
spoke of the literatures of the Teutonic nations, German and
English, as growing into one, Aid added :— * The two great Ger-
man classics, Schiller and Goethe, have found their most success-
ful biographers in Carlyle and Lewes, and several works of
German i^holarship have met with more attentive and thoughtful
readers in the colleges of England than in the universities of
Germany. Goethe's idea of a world-literature has, to a certain
extent, been realised.' It must be understood, of course, that the
learned professor tacitly included under the title English the
literature of the American nation, which, during recent years, has
more and more united itself with that of the German people.
On the moral union of theae three great nations^ whose intellec-
tual culture has already been united, depends, we believei the
future welfare of the world.
I ,
INDEX.
-•o^
ABB
Abbt 184
Abraham a St. Clara, IM
.Xgthetiet. 198. £06, 375,
4BS.561
Airricola. 110
Albert, Prince, 681
Albertini, 4h»
Alberns. 128
Albrecht von Eyb, 78
Alexis. 587
Alxinger, 388
Amftlie (DucheM of
Saxony). 527
America, 581
AndetU HUtory, 648
AndreA, l:i7. 225
Angelas, Sileslus, 148
Anmlm, 155
Anaheim, 117
Archenholts. 648
Architecture, 688
Amdt, Jnhann, 110
Amdt, Monts.426
Amim. Achim v., 408
Amitii, Bettina v.. 411
Arnold, Daniel. 86d
Arnold, Gourried, 168
Art. 192-3, 208-9, 875,
681-8
Aston, Luine. 640
Auerbach. 530
AuersperK, 511
Aufrenberir,439
Auetrian Poetrg, 611-6
Ava (Frau). 18
Aventinus, 117 *
Ayrer,131
Baadsb. 401-8
BiiRicetfen, 364
B&hr. 658
Bahrdt, Dr., 188
Barlh, 547
Basedow. 223
Bastian. Adolf. 647
Bauemfeld, 620
BanmgTten, 189
BAH
Baur, Perdinand, 668
BechsMn, 518
Beck, Karl, 614 *
Becker, K. P.. 649
Becker. Nikolaiia, 643
Beheim, 74
Beitzke, 552
Bekker. 161
Benedix. 620
Benfej, 659
BMisen, 552
Berthold (Bishop). 109
B^rthold (Friar), 61
Bes8(>r, 146
Bettina (V. Amim), 411
Bible (Luther*!.), 103
Bicdermann. 667
Biography, 647
Birken, 156
BiMmarck, Prince, 6
Bitsius, 630
Bleek. 566
Blumauer, Aloya, 868
Bluntschli, 553
BSckh. August, 658
Bodenatedt, 620
Bodenstein, A. B., 101
Bodmer, 170
BOhroe. 112. 388, 474, 401
Boisser^, 663
Bolt«>, Amely, 640
Boner, 60
Bopp, Frans, 668
BorbeiTt, 658
B6rne, 469
Botany, 646, 678
B6ttigtT. K. W., 649
Bouddhitm, 491
Brachaiann. 365
Brachvogel. 621
Braiico, Helene. 527
Brandt, Sebastian, 85
Breitinger. 178
Brentano, Clemens. 411
Brentano, Lujo, 6>:6
Brockea, 146
Bronner, »56
Bruoker, Jakob, 189
CUB •
Bruhns, Kari, 646
Bruromer. 76
Brun, Priederike, 865
Brunswick. Heinrioh
Julius. Duke of, 138
Bube, 518
Buchholts. 156
BQrhner, 40i{
BuUiiiger, 117
Bunsen, Christian r., 649
Biinlach, 545
BQrger. 24)
BuniiciNt«irj 678
Burow, Julie. 540
Byr, Robert, 537
Cavpaitblia, 97, 679
Canuiius, 108
Canits, 146
Carlyle, 6a. 681
C irridn*. 471. 56S
CaruM. 545. 578
Catholiciem, 602, 609-73
ChamiMso, 4:16
Charlemagne, 10
Chemietry.^^
Chemnita, 156
Chmel. 552
Church, History pf tfte,
56r)
Church, Protettant,S(S&-'
9
Church, Roman Catho*
lie, 569-71
Claudius, 246
Clauren (Heun).369
ClcNHMier, 89
Communism, 554
Controversy ( Ph ilo-
stfphical). 4»5 675
Controversy, {Theoloffi'
CO/). 501. 675
Cn'UZf r, 558
Cront'Kk. 176
Crusades, 13, 373
Curtiua, 660
584
INDEX.
DAO
Bach. Ul
Dahlmaim, 663
Daub. 495
Decius, 121
Deinlm.dtitein, 620
liemonoUtffif, 133
Ben IK, 199
Be Wette, 666
Bieiiterw(>ff, 1157
Biez, Kntharinn, 627
Bilia. Hek'iie. 627
Binirolfitedt, 606
Bittmar, 549
B6iliiiKer. 67(hS
BOrinir, 618
Bonier, 6(36
J^ranw. tlie. 76, 131, 148,
170, 203. 2o6. 326-7, 8C0-
3. 4 to. 438. 520
Brftxicr-Maiirred, 616
Broil ke. 643
BroKte* H aUhof, An-
nette v.. .527
Bro.vMon. Johann, 660
Bruiiiaiin, Wilheini, 660
BulxH*. Ediinrd, 619
Buiicker. Max. 551
Bttn-r. All»rfcht. 118
BQriiiKbreld, Ida v., 627
Ebee. 120
EkHThanl, 186
Biwrlmrt von Snx, 63
Ebert..\ mold, 176
£lK>rt, Karl Egoii. 467
JiccleaiasHcal History
{Catholic), 663, 67»,
674
Eccleaiasfical History
{Prot€8tint),Sfa,Bm
Eckcrnmini, 444
F^khnrt, &3
Hducation, 655
Eu'eMlio]r,159
Ehr«*iil«»rK 578
EirhciidorfT, 412
Eifhoni, 553
Elizabeth (CliarTottc).
Biichesa of Orleans,
168
EnH. 186
Mugliah History, 663
EnuiinuM, 118
Erdmanii. 495
Eriach. 123
EsclH'nbach (Wolflram
v.), 31
E.s«-hpiiloer, 91
Ktterliii. 91. »29
EtttiiQiler. 619
EiilunvpioKel, 83
Ewald, HLMiirieli, 610
£^b(xyi)reciitv.),78
F^BLKS, 41, 71. 178
Pairt Taj^s {Mdhr*
chsn), 246» 669
VAL
TiUk,870
Fallnierayer, 647
* Faust. Dr./ the Legend,
132
Faust, by Gkwthe, 28S
Feuchteraieben, 616
Feuerbiich, Ludwig A^
405,498
Fichte, 305. 868. 421, 462
Flrhte (the Youager),
497
Filitz. 123
Finck. 526
FiMchnrt. 128
Pischel. 553
Fischer, J. G.. 621
Fischer (Kuiio). 495,663
Flagellants (the), 90
Fleniiiiir. 142, 145
Folz. Hans,77,82
Fontaite, 620
ForKter, Georg. 645
•Pouqu^, 403
Fratu'k. Sebastian, 110
Fmiioke, Uerisann, 161,
162
Frankl. 515
Frnuetiloh,' 65
J'r •etnastmrp. 226
Ir-tliirnith. .i^Od
J r nch JUvtiliition^ 223,
22H.2J7, .'^J. 481
FreyliiiKbnuaen, 146,
Freytaic. 532
Fricklmrd. 31
FriwJrich II. (of Prus-
sia). 1(», 181
Fricdrich HI. (Empe-
ror). 68
FriKirich Wilhelm L,
165, 168
Fritiius, 166
FritHch, 547
Gablbr. 405
G»Kerii, 552, 658
Gal), LiiiMe r., 538
G:uis. 4ii5
G&rtiier, 175
Garve, Christian, 186
Gnrve, Eur) B.. 626
(^aiidy, 618, 526
Geioel, 510
Goiler, 8(). 84
Geilert, 82
Oeftgraphy, S45
Gerhnrdt, Paul, 148
German Languages^thB,
1-3
Germany, History qf,
14, 68, 0>;, 156, 18i. 225,
370, 42 U 459, 642, 661,
652
Gerstftcker, 538
(iervinus, 561
Gessner. 179
Gfrdrar, 66S
HAL
Gichtel. 162
Gieaebrecfat, 652
Giseke. 5'<1
Glassbrpunor. 620
Glfim, Johann. W., 17«
Glichetare. Heinrich
der. 42
Gluck. Christoph ▼., 6
Giack. EiUribebh, 627
Goedeke. 561
Goethe, 221, 287-9. 252-
99, 440—6
Got is. 5S9
GHirres, Josepli, 423
G6sehel. 495
0<4hic Architecture, 562
Gitthic Langutige, 2
Gottfried von Niren. 64
(yottfried von Straas-
burg. 31
G<»ttheir,5:'>0
Gottschall, 620^661, 677
Gotteiched, Christoph,
170
Gottsched. Luiae v., 179
G6t£. 176
Grali)N>,438
Griff. 560
Grdl{Leffsndqf),97
Grftsse, 560
Grstnan History, 660
Gretli Hirer, 14ii
Gret'oroviuH, 620
GneppiikiTl, 621
(^riUparzer. 419. 614
Grim in, Jiicoh. 659
Griuim, Wilhelm. 669
(Triinnie'shauseii, ISi
GroH^ef 512
Gran. AnastasiUB, 511
Gruppe, 620
Gryphiuji. Audraw, 140,
148
Gryphins. (?hrutian, 140
Guerike. 64v)
Guhrauer, 5l8
Gaiieh. Guatav. 649
Gundling, Jakob Paul,
166
Gundling, Nik. H.. 169
GQiither. Anton, 491
G<lntlier,C..li6
Gulzko\f . Karl. 603. 686
G^tnnaUies, 424
HacKlXndkb, 533
Hndlaub. 64
Havi-doni, Fr. t., 174
Hagen. 552
Hjitfeii, F. H. Ton der,
47
HaKenhaoh. 6rt3
Hahn-Uahii, 640
Hainbund {the), 241
Hilb, Sut^-r. 74
Halier. Albrecht v^ 174
HaiiB, 614
INDEX.
585
Hamann, 283
Hainerlinir, 619
liHiiimer. Julius, 626
lianiiiier-Piir^tHll, 652
U&iidel. G. F.. 6
Happvl. £-^-.154
ilardeiiberK, 391
H&rinir. 6i7
Harsd6rffer, 146
Uartinaiin (v. Aue). 8S
Hartinann (Ed.), 497
Uartniann (Moritz),514
Hase, 563, 6i;6
Haiientichiid, 619
Uuufr, VVilhehn, 481
HaiiK, C. F.. 353
y\ &u.s8fr, 652
Haydn, Joseph, i
>lelibel»6l4
HelM-l, 86-2
Ueereii, 549
Heenuaini, 140
H»>irel. 460. 44:5-84, 403
HuKiiur, Ulrich, 356
Ufiiie, Ueiiihch, MB,
» 151-4. 503
em rich, Julius (Duke
or BruiiKwick),132
geiiise. Wiliiflm, 2;)9
elinaiid(theMouk),78
HeliuholtB, 6ti2
HeJwiK. Aiualie v^ 856
HeHKi»t«tib«rK, 660
Uerliart, Johaun 7r^
485
Herder. 229» 233-6
H'Tinaiin. Johann O^
558
Hermann, Niklas^ 121
Heriii(>a, Geonr, 491
Hermes, Johaun T., 178
Henneti. K. H., 649, 558
ilerts, 620
Herweicli, 609 •
Hetfekiel, M8
HcltinKt'r, 674
Hetiner, 661
Heun, 359
Heyso, Paul, 519.639
llillehrand, 561
Hippcl. 217
Hippotitus a Lapide,166
Hirzirl, 567
liUtory^ Ancient, 649
History of Art, ^\
History qf Culture, 549
History t JScelenasticalt
563
HUttory, English^ 063
Histoi-y, German, 651
History^ Grecian, 560
History qf Literature,
5o0
History, Mediaval, 661
History, Soman . 550
History, Phiiosophy of,
479
Hittory, Umvertal, 640
HOB
Hoefer, Ed^ 684
Hofftnann, Amadeiu,
401
Hofrmann, Frans, 491
Hoffoiann v. Fallerslo-
ben, 5U5
Hoffmann. WiUielm. 649
Huffman 8 waldau, 146
Hofstadt, 562
Hdlderiin. 353
HolU'i. Karl v., 620
. Houdt/Petrusde,108
HonefCfrer, 558
Horn, Moritz. 620
Horn. Von, 531
Hotho, 4»6, 5H2
Huber, Therese, 367
Hugel, Karl v., 6 47
HuKO V. Trimbeii;, 66
Haihnann. 551
Humboldt, Alex, v., 646
Humboldt, Wilb. v^ 366,
560
Hiirter, Fried, r., 652
Uuttun, Ulrioh v^ 99
Idkjiusm {Poetical), 818
Idealism {PhUowophi"
cat), 465-84
IfHartd, »60
Ihne, NV.. 650
JUuminati, 226
luimermaiin, 4'i9
Iselin, Isaac, 184
Jacobi, Fried. H., 238
Jacubi, J. O., 177
Jacobs, Pried.. 669
Jabn, ,*i69,424
Jenn PhuI, 33i>-61
Jena, 367-8
Jerusalem, 188
Jonas. 120
Jordan, W., 620
^JuuK (Stillinte), 248
'Justiuger, 91 •
KJlLLEITBAOH, 661
Kant, .50,365,464,476 *
Karl Aui^ust (Qroasher-
Bog von Sacnsen-Wei-
niar-Eisenach). 252
Karl der Orosse, 10
Karsch, Anna, 177
KAtttner, 176
Keim, 667
Keisewetter. 668
Keller, Gottfried, 631
Kepler, 6
Kerncr, Justinus, 434
Kero, 10
Kessler, 117
Kinkel. 517. 562
Kleist, Ewald, 176
Kleist, Heinrioh v., 41i
Kiemm, 640
Kli nicer. 240
KlOden. 545
Klopstock, 195-201
Klumpp. 557
Knapp. Albert, 438
Knaust, Heinrichf 12S
KniKRe,Adolfv.,22A
Kobbe. 550
Koberstein, 561
Kohlrauscb, 562
KOnig, 537
Konrad. 37
Kopisch, 518
Kdrner. 304
Kbnier ('I'heodor), 426
KortQm, 550, 551
Koseicarten,:Ul2
Kotzebue. 861-8
Krapr, 547
Krause,-562
Kretschmann, 199
Kramer, Barth., 131
Kruminacher, Fr. A*
856
Ku^ler, 662
Kuiilmann, 144
Kuhne, 604
Kulmann, ElizAbeth,6e7
Kurz, Heinrich, 561
LACHMAinr, Karl H.,560
Lalontaine, SA9
Lamprecht. 36
Lang. Ueiiirich, 567
Lange, Fried. A., 578
Lange, Johann Pm 526
Lange. 8amuel. 160
Ijapf>enberg. 553
LassJillr, 554
Lasaen, 5^7
Laube, 504
Laufenberg. Heinr.T.,7S
Laureniberg, 147
Lavater, 248
Layriz, 122
Lenmann. 117
Leibnitz. 162-6
Leisewitz, 246
Leitner, 624
Lenau, 518
Lenz,240
Leo, 551, 569
Leasing, 201-19
Lewald. Fanay. 640
Lewes, G. H., 581
Liberation, the War qf,
421
Lichtenbrrg, 249
Lichtensteiu. Heinrich,
647
Licbteustein, TJlrlch r.«
53
Liclitwer, 173
Liebig. 54 K 578
Liugg,519
IMtraiy SajHUm. iSt.
KOR
vam.sn
HoMbtroMh.Ul
MoKn, 4^*. BIT
hwiiiig (dcrProanie).
Lulber, »-lM
M tfiiavai RvmanoM, IE
HQMer, JuliuMW
Mall^r.KulUinied.US
""■kr (V, ESnigiwin-
Mifll«r, Hm, SSI
HQIIer, WllheJia.lU
«ailn«r, 418
MQiuh - BdtiaKhuuni,
UUiiohtuium (Baroa),
Muiidt,Cliiri.UO
" idt. ThfiKlur, 6M
iier, 8S-S»
BUI. IM
Nu. Johun, 108
NaUanat Avnomy, Ul^
UMI<ltlHuliuJIOM*,lU,
U-iihI. Wollgug, Ut,
UO
MO-*. 4I1-0. «6, 4*7
Ui>'h«lel.Kiiri.4«7.IIH
HiddU liigk Oerman,
Mill«r.J.«.:3>
Uolilur, i. A.. M>
MolaKhntb 4M
MolliT, WJ
UflllliiiuKn, SM
HuKko, Ualmuth T., B
NcMbecli^Ul
Neuber, Cixolfne, m
Noudtoku'. Ut
Neurter. in
Msiiklrch, I«
Neumann. fiU
NeiiDtirk. IM
Ww High Oerman, 8
NLooU, Chrluoph V^
NicolJli. FhlKpp, 121
Ntoolv, Lud»k >.. 3ffi)
Nirbuhr. Birlhnld. UO
Niabuhr.Cmtcn, Bit
Nivrlli, Ml
NimbM-h (v. Strehlcn-
au), BU
Ni Hurt, 54
Mitucfa, MI
Motker. 11
OehleawihlMD, 419
OertoTMl
OU #vA I7>piwi». t
Olwiui. Adam, US
Opiti. U8-W
OrllQh. Leopold Tt5#7
rA ,('■
PiALEOW. Augiuta T
PMoiotI, Ciatth Alt-
PMIaton, orimtti, sw,
ON
PMliMivhi, tOI-WI
PhtitaU vfeima*, IK
J>AviioI<i«, tut
PlMen, 44S-U
flonnla, LulMT.,UT
PfWdV. ICHB.llCHI, \»-
ai.iTs-B, iBB-aia.CT>-
w. sie-M, >to-(u,i»-
I>rwnd(i>>lBIMt.STO
Vnid, S «, Ml
PQltmann. SO
Pyn, Jakob, 11
Pjrrkar.WS
lUli«l '(V. VwuliM«>).
B»lllMBCh,
Ib-iiiick, SU
BflliiinurilBr Altc.47
Ai:iiiiuir Ton ZwoMr,
B-'llatnh, Bf^
Urvhiiiim, tlu frtnch
ivm. t^
Etevlaiian, Iht Frtiah,
wn-n). m
Mantard U« Fox, 11, Tl
Kttniadefos.li
Ri.'i.w, J. P,»39-«l
lliiiRviadt, 1£8
Ki>l, 146
UilMT, HelnHch, Bl
Rilter, Karl, GW
l(i>-eiil)liit. 77
KuiloJC of UdMburs. U.
Bdidolpht. Kiroltne, IH
Sailer (Bighop),«l
Hiiiiit-Mu-liii.jas
eiiberg, U8
T,«S8
er, 300-37, «M,
B<:hleiKl, Adoir, I7S
Bobmhlt.Pr. W.,1
Sohopsnhusr, Johuint,
«7
BcliDm, Wllhslm, tta
IJcholUI, 1GS
SuliulH, Emit. 430
" ■ ■ llrlLtiKb.fil
s. Heinrlch dn-, M
SueialUm. et. K.-m
Blnun, D. ?, 4n, MS.
588
IKBEX.
BUO
Bu('h«nwirt, 74
Sulser, 189
TakhIuses, 65
THuler, 9HJ
'IVller, IbS
Tpniiyran, 20, 484
Terettjefreii, 146
ToiiirtI, 668
Theobald, 118
Thenlogy, 664-76
TheoMphy, 112-16
Tliiele,66:5
'J hiervch, 661
Thirty Yeart' War, 166
Tlioluek.470,666
• Thouiuiu (V. Zircl&re),
60
Tlioiniisius, 160
Thaiuiutil 24tf
Thaiten, Johann H. v^
664
Tieck. 392-400
TiedKe, ^62
Tr-ii-KfT. AHicrt, 642
Travels, 646
TrautiiiHnii,6S8
Trcndelcnburfr, 486
TreviraiiU8, 645
Tristan (MediavcU Ro-
malice), 31
Tschudt ^KidiUfl, 117 •
Tscliudi, J. J.. 646
Tiibitiffen iichool, 606
O'uriimir, 117
Twiiiger, 91
Uhland. 431
TJkert, 640
uiniHM, 9
llllninnii, 663
Uilricli, Titus. 643
IJIrich V. Licbteiistein,
63
Uinci.487
Ultramontane Pirinei'
plea, 117. 602. 675
UniversUie8{6erman), 4
UKZ
Unser. 228
UHt<>ri, 362
Us. 176
YAir DES TBLDIS, 4S1
Vanihageii v. Eiiiie, 647
Vanibaffen. R&hel. 648
Vatican Council, the, 672
Vatke, 496
Vehse, 649
Yeldc. Van der, 481
Vel(i«Ke, 37
ViUage Storisg, 630
Vilniar, 661, 560
Virchow, 646, 678
YiHchcr, 310, 405. 662
Vofcelweide (WaJther t.
der),47
VofcJ, 616
VcMTt. Karl, 406, 646. 677
Volksbucher (Popular
Logende), 136, 618
Vusii, 246
Voyages and 7^avels,tM
Vulpma. C. A^ 868
Waagbit, 662
Wachler, 661
Wacbstuuth, WUhelm,
652^658
Wackeiiroder, 892
Waekeniaircl, 661
Warier, Morits. 647
Waldau, Max, 519
Waldis. l-'8
WaldiuCiller, 619
Wallace. 534
Wallensteiii, 826
Waitber (v. der Yogel-
wHde), 47
Waiz, 668
'Wur-suiiKfl (1813 and
1870), 425. 642
"Welier. Veil, 75!
Week herlin. 122
Weill, Ft'odor, 621
Weigel, 108
WeiF, G., 662
Weimar, 262
ZWI
Weiae^ Ghriatian, lOO
Weiae. C.F., 171
Weloker, t'r., 658
Welcker, T., 6.V*
Werner, Z.. 417
Wernher, Bruder, ill
Wemher der Ghurfeeii&rej
40
Wernicke, 148
WeKsenlierf?, Iguas ▼•
803. 4^0
Wette, De, 666
We«el, 247
Wickram. 134
Widitianii, 132
Wiedmann, 134
Wieland. 21.V9
Wien baric, 604
Wildenbaiin, 6S1
Wildernjutfa, 641
Wilhelm (ooinposer),
642
Wilheltni, 621
Wilken. 561
Witlirani, 12
Winckelmann, 190-4
Wirth. 653
Witteitweiler. 62
Woir, Christian, 166
Woir.Fried. A.,658
Woirrain (v. Eachen-
bMh), 26-<$l
Woltinaun, »68
WolKogcn, Karoline v^
367
Wordsworth, 477, 484^628
Wjle, Nikla8V.,73
ZachariX 176
Zoillitz. 467
Zeller, 6 '6
Zeacn. 146
ZiiiiQierDiann, J. Gm 188
Zi mmermaiin. Wilh^628»
- 65i
Zinxendorf, 178
Zirci&re , 60
Zollikorer, 186
Zschokke, 350, 581
Zwingli, 109
. ti
%
«J.
.'.
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